Showing papers on "Emancipation published in 1971"

The Principle of Self-Emancipation in Marx and Engels

Abstract: There can be little doubt that Marx and Engels would have agreed with Lenin's nutshell definition of Marxism as "the theory and practice of the proletarian revolution." In this violently compressed formula, the key component is not the unity of theory and practice; unfortunately that has become a platitude. Nor is it "revolution"; unfortunately that has become an ambiguity. The key is the word "proletarian"-the class-character component.

A Pre-emancipation History of the West Indies

Abstract: This study has been divided into seven parts, each one treating a particular aspect of West Indian history. They are: * The Economic Background * Immigration and Emigration * The Public Welfare * Oraganization for Development * Constitutional Changes * Closer Association * The United States and the Caribbean The chapters as well as their sub-divisions have been developed from examination syllabuses.

The Aborigines’ Protection Society, 1889–1909: A Pressure-group in Colonial Policy

Abstract: The Aborigines' Protection Society was one of the most significant checks on the sagging moral conscience in Britain during the later years of the nineteenth century. As a humanitarian movement, its organization and operational tactics remained as old-fashioned as its compeers; but it came to proclaim its own idealism, to develop its own character, its own identity, and to create its own myths. If the last dozen years of the nineteenth and the first decade of the twentieth century were difficult years for humanitarian crusades, the Aborigines' Protection Society nevertheless managed to make an impression as an important pressure-group. After the Emancipation Act of 1833, more imaginative philanthropists and Quakers had come to believe that it was equally important to be friend and watch over the interests of other aboriginal peoples than those really enslaved. Among these humanitarians, Dr. Thomas Hodgkin was one of the most zealous. He had nourished a deep veneration for William Penn, the Quaker, and this inspired him to devote his life to continuing Penn's humane policy towards aboriginal races. Indeed, it was mainly at Hodgkin's instigation, and as a result of deliberations at informal gatherings of Friends, that Thomas Fowell Buxton, the reformer, in 1835 obtained the appointment of a Select Committee of the House of Commons "to consider what measures ought to be adopted with regard to the native inhabitants of countries where British settlements are made, and to the neighbouring tribes, in order to secure to them the due observance of justice and the protection of their rights, to promote the spread of civilization among them, and to lead them to the peaceful and voluntary reception of the Christian religion."'2 This Select Committee, with which Dr.

History of Trinidad

Abstract: This work covers the period of rapid expansion after the British conquest in 1797 until the colony was faced with dislocations coinciding with the emancipation of the slaves.

IV. The Colonial Office and the Abolition of Slavery

Abstract: Under pressure from the anti-slavery interest in the House of Commons, the British Government undertook, in 1823, to reform West Indian slavery and prepare the slaves for eventual freedom. This policy of amelioration was based on the assumption that the West Indian planters would co-operate with the British Government to improve slave conditions. As George Canning explained to the House of Commons, ‘The masters are the instruments through whom, and by whom, you must act upon the slave population.’ Ten years later the reform programme was abandoned in favour of abolition. This change of policy reflected, in part, the conversion of officials at the Colonial Office who began to urge the need for emancipation in 1831. For eight years the Colonial Office made persistent efforts to induce the co-operation of the West Indian planters; these attempts failed and a mass of evidence accumulated which suggested that the slave system could not be improved, it could only be abolished. This article demonstrates the efforts made by the Colonial Office to effect amelioration in the legislative colonies with particular reference to Jamaica and the nature of the evidence which demonstrated that emancipation was the only viable solution to the problem of West Indian slavery.

History, Character and Conscience in Richard III

Abstract: Criticism of Shakespeare's second tetralogy of English history plays has moved away from the attempt to correlate precisely the history dramatized in these plays with that presented by official Tudor apologists. C. L. Barber's essay on the Henry IV plays, 1 for instance, finds in them a much more profound understanding of historical rhythms and of human involvement in the dynamics of power than E. M. W. Tillyard could establish by interpreting Shakespeare through concepts expressed in the chronicles and other sixteenth century poetry.2 Alvin B. Kernan, in his recent essay on the Henriad, demonstrates the sophisticated artistry through which Shakespeare comprehends the essential conflict of power and self as it is presented to modern western civilization.3 The first tetralogy and King John perhaps fail to achieve this sophistication, but in these plays Shakespeare begins to win for himself a difficult and sobering emancipation from official historical attitudes. I will examine this struggle as it shapes the drama of Richard III. A wide range of historical attitudes have been assigned to Richard III. The extremes are represented by Jan Kott's stunning, free-wheeling essay on "The Kings" and Tillyard's scholarly, background-oriented study of Shakespeare's History Plays. From Shakespeare's histories, writes Kott, "there gradually emerges the image of history itself. The image of the Grand Mechanism."4 Shakespeare presents a history stripped of all illusion and mythology, indeed, of all meaning, a cruel, amoral, impersonal history of manipulators and victims. Inevitably the manipulators, the kings and the king-makers, become the victims of history's "recurring and unchanging circles" (p. 8). Gloucester under-

The Marxism of the Social Democratic Federation

Abstract: Though Karl Marx lived more than half his life in England he made no attempt to found a Marxist party here. To have done so would have been incompatible with his outlook, according to which ‘the emancipation of the working classes must be conquered by the working classes themselves’.1 While Marx was never what the French called ‘ouvrieriste’, since he believed that conscious socialists equipped with scientific theory had an indispensable contribution to make, he always saw this function as the injection of socialist ideas into working-class organisations which had formed more or less spontaneously. When ‘the working classes themselves’ were ready to move and had, in fact, begun to do so, then socialist organisations which would include intellectuals as well as workers could help show them the way. Until this had happened attempts to initiate working-class organisations from outside would be futile and harmful.

The West Indies Before and Since Slave Emancipation: Comprising the Windward and Leeward Islands' Military Command.....

Abstract: John Davy (1790-1868) was an English doctor and brother of the chemist Sir Humphrey Davy. After graduating from Edinburgh University, in 1814 Davy became Inspector General of Army Hospitals, and he was elected a Fellow of the Royal Society in 1834. In his capacity as Inspector General, he spent 1845-1848 living in Barbados and visiting other Caribbean Islands. This volume, first published in 1854, describes the society and culture of Barbados and other islands, including Trinidad, Tobago and St Lucia. Based on Davy's notes and observations made while stationed on the island, the book describes in vivid detail the disparities in education, quality of life and behaviour between the freed slaves, indentured servants and plantation owners of Barbados and other islands. Davy's sympathetic account provides valuable first-hand descriptions of the social conditions and tensions which existed after the Emancipation Act of 1834.

"When They Marry, They Get Wenches"

Abstract: HE question of legitimate male issue has dominated the political thinking of Europe up to modern times. Empires and kingdoms have trembled at the slightest suggestion that a ruler might remain without sons, thus creating a situation rife with the potential of civil war over a disputed heritage. Even in those countries not bound by Salic Law to an exclusively male succession princes were given preference over princesses: Mary and Elizabeth followed their father but not before the younger Edward had reigned and died. The immediate advantages of a male succession were numerous. One of the most important, quite apart from continuing the name of an illustrious family, was the possibility for increasing political power using the bride's dowry as a lever. Negotiating advantageous matches was a widely used instrument in European politics, and it was to this that the Hapsburgs, for example, owed their rise at the close of the Middle Ages: Alii bella gerant, tu felix Austria nube. In contrast to a present in which the evolution of democracy and the emancipation of women have caused the question "Will it be a boy or a girl?" to lose practically all its political and legal significance-except perhaps in certain colorful Oriental countries-a lack of male issue was necessarily regarded as a severe curse by any medieval or Renaissance noble family. Under these circumstances it is not surprising that speculations about sex determination received considerable attention for centuries and assumed more definite proportions during the Renaissance through the influence of the rediscovered doctrines of classical natural philosophy. The importance of male issue is a recurrent theme in Shakespeare's Histories. Dowries of political consequence are a favorite subject, notably in Henry V, and the "lawe Salique", though not applicable to English territory, receives its most extensive treatment in this play. The keen desire of English rulers for sons is vividly depicted in the person of Henry VIII, who regards it as divine judgment that his marriage with Katherine of Aragon has been denied male offspring and alarmedly anticipates the political consequences :1

Antwoord aan De Jong

Abstract: In Antwoord aan De Jong (Reply to De Jong), M. H. Marien replies that while the logical implication of the article title implies that nationalism and emancipation movements are mutually exclusive, this was not the thrust of the work itself. The intent was to investigate the causes of nationalism among the South Moluccan youth. Nationalism was thus accepted as a given, and the concept of emancipation was not intended to replace that of nationalism, but rather to give additional meaning and sense to the term. It is difficult to speak of nationalism or emancipation movements among the youth; if anything, their feelings might best be summed up as general discontent. P. Tiersma.

The Spanish Colonial Question1

Abstract: The Napoleonic Wars had virtually assured the emancipation of Spanish America, but European recognition of this newly won independence remained as important diplomatic question for a decade thereafter (1815–1825). By the fall of 1822, this question, like the slave trade, had become an issue to be decided primarily between Britain and France, since the interests of the other continental powers were only remotely involved. The role of the Congress of Verona, appears to have been that of a watershed in the colonial quest for European recognition.

The Economic and Social Changes after Emancipation

Abstract: Both the changed position of Surinam in the world economy and Emancipation had important repercussions for the country’s economic and social life, as we saw in the preceding chapter. Surinam gradually lost the character of a plantation colony in which large-scale farming constituted the chief industry, and developed into an area with a wider differentiation in economic resources. The country retained its agrarian character, however, notwithstanding the fact that since 1935 it has derived the greater part of its foreign exchange from mining. Nonetheless the country’s development has forced large-scale farming to cede the first place to small-scale agriculture.

Government Policy and the Character of the Period after 1863

Abstract: If we were to view the history of Surinam from the time of Emancipation in 1867 up to the present day as the development of the Society of Surinam towards independence, we would have to arrive at the conclusion that this was most irregular and its course far from straight. We should also have to conclude that although the population of Surinam has passed some important milestones on the road towards greater independence, it had already lost a considerable portion of this, namely its economic independence, long before Emancipation.