Showing papers on "Emancipation published in 1973"

The Economics of Emancipation

Abstract: This paper illuminates one particular aspect of the theme of this session, property rights in man. It will deal with various emancipation plans: those actually enacted in various slave societies; those discussed by legislators who debated slave and antislave proposals; and those which, being purely fictional, have become part of counterfactual history.

Russia: On the Eve of War and Revolution

Abstract: The result of six years of study and travel in pre-Soviet Russia, this work by a major British journalist provides a vivid description of daily life under the last three Tsars, in the turbulent age following the emancipation of the serfs in 1861Originally published in 1984.The Princeton Legacy Library uses the latest print-on-demand technology to again make available previously out-of-print books from the distinguished backlist of Princeton University Press. These paperback editions preserve the original texts of these important books while presenting them in durable paperback editions. The goal of the Princeton Legacy Library is to vastly increase access to the rich scholarly heritage found in the thousands of books published by Princeton University Press since its founding in 1905.

Beyond Kinder, Küche, Kirche: Weimar Women at Work

Abstract: It is a commonplace that the National Socialist assumption of power in Germany in 1933 was to a large extent made possible by a clever manipulation of irrational fears provoked by the economic, social, and political tensions of the time. More than once since the Frankfurt School's famous study on authority and the family it has been suggested that the authoritarianism of the German family contributed to the susceptibility of the population to the siren call of the leadership principle and that threats to the traditional structure of society, especially the family, made people fearful and desperate enough to see a savior in Hitler. Certainly his call for women to return to hearth and home found a responsive audience. The Kinder, Kuche, Kirche issue in Nazi propaganda implied that women were deserting their homes, their children, and their morality, challenging men's authority by asserting their independence and by flooding the labor market to such an extent that honest Familienvater found themselves without “work or bread,” to use the compassionate terms of the otherwise dispassionate 1933 census. Carl Gustav Jung, in his pamphlet Die Frau in Europa, was only one of the more distinguished spokesmen for the widely held view that women's emancipation was responsible for endangering not only the institution of marriage but also the whole spiritual balance between the masculine and feminine principles.

The Emancipation of Chinese Women

Abstract: Before Mao Tse-tung joined the Communist Party, he had committed himself to the cause of Chinese women. His belief that women constitute one of the most downtrodden social groups persisted throughout the revolutionary struggle for power. He has continued to believe that the emancipation of Chinese women is an important policy issue.

Vincent Alsop and the Emancipation of Restoration Dissent

Abstract: The Presbyterian congregation which used to meet in Tothill Street, Westminster, during the later Stuart period is now chiefly remembered for its succession of distinguished pastors. There were three of them, each a figure of importance in the dissenting community of London: first Thomas Cawton, a Bartholomean, under whose direction the congregation was formed and held together in the precarious years following the enactment of religious Uniformity; then Vincent Alsop, an accomplished controversialist who took issue with the doctors of the Church of England, and who, for a quarter of a century, faithfully tended his flock in good times and bad; finally there was Dr. Edmund Calamy, the learned historian of Caroline nonconformity, one of a new generation of Presbyterian divines, during whose early ministry the meeting removed from Tothill Street to other and more spacious premises in the nearby Princes Street. Our present purpose is to take a closer look at one of these ministers, the middle one—Vincent Alsop, ‘a man of great worth and piety’, who superintended his Westminster congregation from 1677 to 1703, the year of his death. His ministry, as we shall show, was to make an important contribution to the emancipation of Old Dissent, especially in the 1680s.

The Cost of Violence

Abstract: In over 100 years of white supremacy since the Civil War gave legal emancipation, towns of Southern and border states have experienced two major waves of violence. The first came in the decades of 1870 to 1900, when vigilantes, supported by powerful financial and political interests surviving from the slavery era, enforced racial segregation and stamped out the progress made by blacks during the Reconstruction. The second wave is now sweeping the region in the wake of desegregation laws enacted in response to the civil rights movement of the 1 960s. The history two violent outbreaks in Wilmington, North Carolina, is a case in point. Wilmington was one of the few pockets of Reconstruction where progress by blacks had raised some of their people to prominent positions in cultural and political life. On November 8, 1898, the community was

Technical Aid to Upper Peru: The Nordenflicht Expedition

Abstract: The official attitude of the Spanish Bourbons towards scientific improvements was not as obscurantist and immutable as was generally supposed in northern Europe. If the enlightened ideas infiltrating Spain and America were normally regarded with fear and suspicion, information concerning the latest discoveries in the field of the ‘useful sciences’ was eagerly received and pondered, and, where it did not lead to undesirable economic emancipation, it was sometimes even applied.

Flexible Exchange Rates, Northern Expansion, and the Market for Southern Cotton: 1866–1879

Abstract: Anumber of economic historians, including Charles Beard, C. Vann Woodward, and others have argued that southern economic development during the nineteenth century may have been significantly hindered by the South's political and economic relations with the North. Certainly the best known of such arguments is that of Charles Beard. Beard thought that the “normal” workings of the pre-Civil War political economy would have resulted in the relative eclipse of the southern economy even in the absence of the Civil War. Wartime devastation plus such northern policies as the tariff, the Homestead Law, the National Banking Act, and emancipation of the slaves, merely hastened and worsened the South's economic decline.

The Politicization of Wilhelm Reich: An Introduction to "The Sexual Misery of the Working Masses and the Difficulties of Sexual Reform"

Abstract: When Wilhelm Reich decided to leave Vienna for Berlin in 1930, he had completed a period of intense politicization and political activity culminating in his expulsion from the Austrian Social Democratic Party. The three years from 1927 to 1930 were formative for Reich, not only in his theoretical development and his break with Freud, but also in his political development, which coincided with his theoretical transformation, influenced it, and was also influenced by it. Actual information about Reich's activities in those years is, in contrast to information about other periods in his life, extremely sketchy. Reich's own biographical writings and published interviews dating from his later period in America yield little information and are profoundly colored by his alienation from political activity and his fears of repression-both real and imagined. 1 His biographers have also been unaware of the role Reich played in Austrian socialist politics, and no one has discussed his expulsion from the Social Democratic Party and the events that led to it.2 Reich's political thinking, however, was shaped largely through his experience in Austrian politics, and from his understanding of the practical sexual and political problems he observed and encountered in the Austrian labor movement, he was able to develop the critique of the relationship between sexual and political emancipation that has become his lasting contribution to Marxism. Reich's politicization centered around the Austrian Social Democratic Party, which Emil Vandervelde, Secretary of the Second International, called the "Iron Division of the International" because unlike all other continental Social Democratic Parties, Austrian Social Democracy had avoided the split which in other countries resulted in strong communist parties with roots in the more militant sectors of the proletariat. Austrian Social Democracy was able to survive the political upheavals of 1918/19 undivided, and by doing little to recognize the importance of the spontaneous workers' councils movement which appeared in the summer of 1919, the party contributed to their degeneration and to the consequent

Emancipation Through Communism: The Ideology of A. M. Kollontai

Abstract: Traditionally in surveys of Soviet history, if Alexandra Kollontai is mentioned she is presented briefly as the advocate of the “glass of water theory of sex,” a woman who practiced free love as freely as she preached it. The lecturer then moves on to more serious concerns, having ignored the history of a tormented, perceptive woman intimately involved in the early Soviet experiment in female emancipation. Kollontai advocated far more than free love, and the role she played was far greater than that of mistress to Alexander Shliapnikov. From 1917 until her departure from the Soviet Union in 1923 she held positions of major importance in the young government and in the Bolshevik party. Kollontai worked first as an agitator in 1917, then took the post of commissar of state welfare from November 1917 to March 1918, when she resigned in protest against the Brest-Litovsk Treaty. In 1921 she joined the Workers' Opposition, adding to Shliapnikov's proposals for trade-union reform her own call for party and government democratization and giving articulate voice to those demands in an often-cited pamphlet, The Workers' Opposition. Throughout the revolutionary years she was recognized as a major authority on the problems of women and child care. Since Kollontai did play an important role in the early period of Soviet history, her personality and ideology warrant study. That study in turn reveals a woman who perceived the problems of womanhood with clarity and who wrote about and sought a liberation beyond the comprehension of many of her contemporaries.

Salmon P. Chase, Radicalism, and the Politics of Emancipation, 1861–1864

Abstract: THE rapid and favorable reevaluation of Radical Republicanism that has occurred in the last decade has perpetuated and somewhat strengthened the misleading impression that Radicals during the Civil War enjoyed an increasing influence and effectiveness in matters relating to southern blacks., The sincerity of the Radical position, and the nobility of their cause is not at issue here; the significance of Radical principles in the development of northern emancipation policies is. Stressing the harsh realities of war, Radical Republicans urged their party and their President toward emancipation and advocated a paternalistic program of governmental care for blacks. From the Radical point of view, moreover, successful emancipation and postwar reconstruction required land reforms, insuring for southern blacks a measure of economic independence while sealing the doom of the despised slave power.2 But while the Civil War and final Union victory altered the conditions of national politics sufficiently to make emancipation seem practical and even necessary, it did not follow that the development of northern emancipation policies reflected the rising influence of Radical principles.

On ‘The Economics of Lincoln's Proposal for Compensated Emancipation'

Abstract: IN THE APRIL, 1973, issue of The American Jotrnal of Economics and Sociology, Andrew Weintraub argues that the cost to the North of compensating the Southern slave owner for freeing his laborers would have been greater than the costs of the Civil War to the North. His argument is based on the fact that the value of the marginal product of free labor in the South is lower than the value of the marginal product of the slaves, and that emancipation would reduce land values. It is on the issue of these two facts that I wish to raise my points.

Racism and the Early American Legal Process, 1619-1896

Abstract: An understanding of the early American legal process is central to dealing with the racial disparities of today. From 1619 to 1860 the American legal process was one which expanded and protected the liberties of white Americans—while at the same time the legal process became increasingly more harsh as to the masses of blacks, with a steady contraction of their liberties. The United States Constitution sanctioned slavery, so that under federal law the slave "had no rights which the white man was bound to respect." Though the Emancipation Proclamation and the Thirteenth, Fourteenth, and Fifteenth Amendments significantly expanded the actual rights and options of blacks, nevertheless from 1865 to 1896 the legal process failed to effectuate the full potential of the rights intended and assured under the constitutional amendments.

Discovering Women's History Through Art in the Classroom.

Abstract: ALTHOUGH the history of man has been a respectable subject for discussion since the days of Thucydides, the history of woman has generally been consigned to oblivion, whence it has reappeared only occasionally during the past two thousand years. Interest in women's history has generally arisen as a corollary to interest in women's education, and at times of renewed interest in feminism, in women's emancipation or in women's rights. Thus we find a wave of historical writing on women during the late middle ages and the early renaissance, a time when humanists began to be concerned with higher education for women. With the great movement of nineteenth century feminism, a parallel interest in women's

10. Les relations internationales au 18e siècle. Réflexions critiques et esquisse d'une méthodologie

Abstract: 10. Georges Livet : International relations in the 1 8th century. Critical reflections and outline of a methodology. ; Seen from the 20th Century, the study of international relations in the Century of the Enlightenment seems essential. It is the point in time when two key-powers in the modern world appeared on the scene : Russia and the United States. The emancipation of Latin America is equally being prepared. Yet it is in its specific importance that we must consider this Century, when maritim problems become extremely important and the outlines of future colonial empires are drawn. The notion of " foreign lands " becomes more precise and varied : Asia is everywhere present, if Africa remains absent. What did the Enlightenment bring with it in the domain of international relations ? Essentially a certain conception of man. " Men of all times " said Volney " are united by the same interests and the same pleasures Interests and pleasures including the spiritual kind, the common lot of a humanity whose natural state, for Kant as for Hobbes, was war since the state of peace could only be ushered in by a deliberate course of action. The real ordering of international relations remains to be undertaken. The contrast is striking between the cynical realism of certain and the declarations of intent or the a posteriori justifications which also constitute part of the arsenal of combat. In spite of the progress of knowledge, diplomatic organisation remains classic in style. However, a revision of values is outlined at the same time as new ideas come into being which will contribute, on account of their explosive dynamism, to giving a new face to international relations.

Emancipation through morality: New paths of ethical thought in the Soviet Union

Abstract: The growing sophistication in the Soviet discussion about man and morality carries with it the threat that human autonomy may recover some of its Marxian originality in contrast with the Leninist-Stalinist insistence on a mechanist determinism.

Lincoln, the Republican Party, and the Emancipation Proclamation.

Abstract: IT is interesting to contemplate the different ways in which history and historians have dealt with the Gettysburg Address and with the Emancipation Proclamation. The Address received a little more than polite applause from those who heard it, and a few favorable but mostly critical or contemptuous newspaper notices, yet was later hailed and still continues to be hailed by historians as one of the greatest speeches in the history of man, as a most elequent expression of moral and ethical fervor, and as a clear and resounding call for self-government by a free people. How different was the fate of the Emancipation Proclamation. When issued, it was hailed as an epoch-making, revolutionary document, as a clarion call for human freedom; yet as the years went by, historians became, in an increasing measure, disenchanted with it. It is now the accepted thing for historians to treat the Proclamation as one of Lincoln's war measures which was dictated by military necessity. A distinguished historian, in a book published a few years ago, did not hesitate to state: "The Emancipation Proclamation of January 1, 1863, had all the moral grandeur of a bill of lading."' There is something mystifying and perturbing in this strange fate of the Proclamation. Was it possible for millions of Americans in the North and yes, in the South, for shrewd and knowledgeable newspaper editors, Republicans and Democrats alike, to be so blind and so naive in their evaluation of the motives of Lincoln and of the importance of the

The Stande and the Origins of Conservatism in Prussia

Abstract: DURING THE PERIOD after 1760, aristocratic forces in Europe began to gather new momentum. This "aristocratic resurgence," as R. R. Palmer has shown, was not limited to France, where aristocratic opposition to royal authority initiated the chain of events that culminated in the Revolution of 1789. Aristocratic diets wrestled with monarchs for political power elsewhere in Europe too, from the Habsburg lands in the East to Sweden in the north. The Prussian nobility also gained additional strength, not primarily from opposition to the monarchy, but from its cooperation with Frederick the Great and from the support it drew from an increasingly independent bureaucracy. This aristocratic revival, with its struggle against superior authorities on the one hand and popular pressures on the other, spawned political theories that clashed during the tumultuous closing decade of the century. Palmer has concluded, "Nor did political thought arise merely from the emancipation of the mind, as a process of intellectual enlightenment, from the books of thinkers who defied the authorities of their time. It developed also in close connection with actual politics, and in disputes between organized powers already well established." I This essay, written from that premise, will examine the "aristocratic resurgence" in Prussia and the conservative political theory that emerged from it. It is not offered as the sole, or even the primary, explanation for the development of German conservatism; indeed, no political ideology as powerful and pervasive as German conservatism could have grown from a single root. As the late Klaus Epstein

Comunicação interna nas organizações: instrumento prático de auxilio à passagem de turno

Abstract: The African revolution is an important element of the national liberation movement, part of the world revolutionary process. It is unfolding throughout the vast continent, during hundreds of millions of people into the struggle against colonialism and neo-colonialism, for national and social emancipation. The old colonial empires are crashing under its blows and new independent, sovreign states are rising from their ruins.