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Showing papers on "Emancipation published in 1974"


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: From both Jewish and non-Jewish viewpoints, the authors presents the developing interrelationship between Jews and their Gentile environment from 1770 to 1870, covering the upheaval of the French Revolution, the loosening of bonds between church and state, and the ideas of the Enlightenment.
Abstract: From both Jewish and non-Jewish viewpoints, this study presents the developing interrelationship between Jews and their Gentile environment from 1770 to 1870 It covers the upheaval of the French Revolution, the loosening of bonds between church and state, and the ideas of the Enlightenment

142 citations


Book
01 Jan 1974
TL;DR: For example, this paper argued that the status of minority is the last legal relic of feudalism and the arguments for and against perpetuation of that status have a familiar ring. In good measure they are the same arguments that were advanced over the issues of slavery and the emancipation of married women.
Abstract: Children are persons and the law should recognize that fact, although it will take some doing. The status of minority is the last legal relic of feudalism and the arguments for and against perpetuation of that status have a familiar ring. In good measure they are the same arguments that were advanced over the issues of slavery and the emancipation of married women. The liberation movements of the past hundred or more years have succeeded in establishing the principle, earlier proclaimed in our Declaration of Independence, that there is a moral right to be regarded as a human being and not to be treated as a thing. Gradually this moral principle is being implemented into law. The opposing argument for retention of the status quo, or gradualism in emancipation, may be summed up in the word "paternalism." Today paternalism is out. It has been thoroughly discredited. It no longer is true that "children are to be seen but not heard," even though sometimes it also is true that "no one will lissen."1 It is curious that parents, judges, police, and teachers, in their

58 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: For example, during the slave era, the central economic issue of emancipation was not whether owners of slaves should be compensated, but rather who should bear the costs of such compensation as mentioned in this paper.
Abstract: 1. In recent years there has been much discussion of the "reparations bill" to be paid to American blacks as compensation for their exploitation under slavery.' "Reparations" was also a subject of debate during the slave era. During slavery times, however, the point at issue was the amount of the compensation that should be paid to slaveholders. For even those legislators who were most passionate in their attack on the institution of slavery generally respected the legal and moral rights of owners of property, including property rights in human beings. The central economic issue of emancipation, then, was not whether owners of slaves should be compensated, but rather who should bear the costs of such compensation. There were three groups who could have been forced to finance the direct cost of emancipation.2 Slaveowners constituted one of these groups; nonslave-

43 citations



Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In a speech on "The emancipation of tenants from the bondage of the soil," with the proclamation: "Now, therefore, I, Ferdinand E. Marcos, President of the Philippines, by virtue of the powers vested in me... do hereby decree and order the emancipation of all tenant farmers as of this day, October 2I, I972." The date was one month after the President had proclaimed martial law in the country.
Abstract: S TANDING IN THE CROWDED and richly decorated Maharlika Hall in the Presidential Palace, President Marcos, climaxed a speech on "The emancipation of tenants from the bondage of the soil," with the proclamation: "Now, therefore, I, Ferdinand E. Marcos, President of the Philippines, by virtue of the powers vested in me ... do hereby decree and order the emancipation of all tenant farmers as of this day, October 2I, I972." The date was one month after the President had proclaimed martial law in the country. Television cameras whirred, and the entourage of cabinet officers and other dignitaries applauded vigorously. So did the young men and women who sat on the floor in front of the President, looking more like students than farmers, but older men, peasants, standing at the back of the room, appeared bewildered. As they returned in military trucks to their small homes in the countryside, they must have wondered: What does this decree really mean? The present article attempts a partial answer to that question. The investigation on which it is based is necessarily incomplete because, although nearly twenty months have passed since the "emancipation," martial law is not over, and because it was not possible to talk with those who are the intended beneficiaries of the agrarian reform. Nevertheless, one can form some judgment of the program thus far, based on available information and on what is known of previous efforts at agrarian reform in the Philippines. Presidential Decree 27, issued on 2I October I972, and several other decrees and official documents outline the entire program,' which promises land

40 citations


Book
18 Nov 1974
TL;DR: Although Angelina and Sarah Grimke have been regarded as equally gifted and involved abolitionists and nineteenth-century women's rights advocates, this first biography of Angelina clearly shows that she, indeed, was the outstanding leader, as her contemporaries recognized.
Abstract: Although Angelina and Sarah Grimke have been regarded as equally gifted and involved abolitionists and nineteenth-century women's rights advocates, this first biography of Angelina clearly shows that she, indeed, was the outstanding leader, as her contemporaries recognized. Through the use of unpublished documentary sources and impressive psychological insights, Lumpkin provides new perspectives on Angelina, her husband Theodore Weld, and her sister Sarah.Originally published 1974.A UNC Press Enduring Edition -- UNC Press Enduring Editions use the latest in digital technology to make available again books from our distinguished backlist that were previously out of print. These editions are published unaltered from the original, and are presented in affordable paperback formats, bringing readers both historical and cultural value.

17 citations


Book
01 Mar 1974
TL;DR: The Bison Book as mentioned in this paper examines the seven turning points of the Civil War: the course of the slaveholding borderland in 1861, First Bull Run, the Trent affair, Antietam, the Emancipation Proclamation, Gettysburg and Vicksburg, and the presidential election of 1864.
Abstract: What the critics said about the first edition published in 1966: "[Rawley's] notion that other things than battles may constitute turning points is eminently sensible. So also is his contention that the outcome of a war is not ordained or determined by impersonal forces." - "Journal of Southern History". "An excellent discussion piece." - "American Historical Review". "Should find an audience in both undergraduate and graduate coursese dealing with the 'middle period.' It is carefully organized and...characterized by clear, straightforward writing." - Richard O. Curry, "Journal of American History".James A. Rawley examines the seven turning points of the Civil War: the course of the slaveholding borderland in 1861, First Bull Run, the Trent affair, Antietam, the Emancipation Proclamation, Gettysburg and Vicksburg, and the presidential election of 1864. Among the topic unifying his book are slavery, democracy, British policy, military organization and progress, and the roles of Lincoln, McClellan, Davis, and Lee. The afterword looks at the Civil War itself as a turning point in American history. In a preface to this Bison Book edition, James A.Rawley, a professor emeritus of history at the University of Nebraska-Lincoln, considers recent books that sustain the idea of turning points during the Civil War.

15 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: This article argued that the failure of African historians to appreciate fully the importance of the West Indies in generating British imperial policy in the Atlantic tropics has led to serious distortions and errors of interpretation.
Abstract: Using some examples from recent writing on West Africa, this article suggests that the failure of African historians to appreciate fully the importance of the West Indies in generating British imperial policy in the Atlantic tropics has led to serious distortions and errors of interpretation. For economic, ideological, and historical reasons, Britain's interest in the West Indies greatly exceeded her interest in West Africa during the first half of the nineteenth century. Her extensive Caribbean involvement and her ideological commitment to the successful outcome of slave emancipation powerfully influenced her policy in West Africa. In assessing the motives which generated imperial actions in the tropical Atlantic and in evaluating the impact of those actions upon Africa, it behooves historians to develop a broader, trans-Atlantic comprehension of the roots of British imperial policy.

8 citations



Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: The change in the life and status of women in China that has come about in the last twenty five years can only be understood and appreciated in comparison with their life and social status in the past as discussed by the authors.
Abstract: THE CHANGE IN the life and status of women in China that has come about in the last twenty five years can only be understood and appreciated in comparison with their life and status in the past. Ever since Chinese society turned patriarchal, women in China had been subjugated by a trinity of authorities: (1) the ruler, (2) the father and (3) the husband. Discrimination against women can be traced to the time of the Western Chou in the beginning of the first millennium B.C. The Book of Odes tells us that a new-born female baby

4 citations






Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In the early nineteenth century, historical events led to a situation in which first religion and then ethnicity was elevated to a position of sovereignty both in the writings of Jewish thinkers and in the minds of the people as mentioned in this paper.
Abstract: been engaged in a continuous debate concerning the nature of Judaism and Jewish identity. Prior to that time, a combination of factors created consensus among the Jews whereby the term "Jew" functioned simultaneously as both an ethnic and a religious category. Jews, in addition to sharing a basic body of sacred tradition, viewed themselves as members of a distinct people sharing common origins and common historical lot. In addition they, at least in theory, considered their existence outside of the land of Israel to be unnatural and anomalous, and looked to the messiah to restore them to their homeland and reconstitute their political autonomy under a revived Davidic monarchy. During the nineteenth century, however, historical events led to a situation in which first religion, and then ethnicity was elevated to a position of sovereignty both in the writings of Jewish thinkers and in the minds of the people. At the beginning of that century, Jewish thinkers in Western Europe, impelled by their yearning for social acceptance and civic emancipation, characterized Judaism in solely religious terms, and the Jews as a religious community. In their writings, ethnic factors, which might serve to hinder them in fulfilling these yearnings, were discarded or neutralized. Thus, such elements as the conception of the Jews as a distinct ethnic group, Jewish communal autonomy, Hebrew language, and the concepts of exile and


Journal ArticleDOI
01 Jan 1974
TL;DR: In studying African development and the problems facing independent Africa, we are constantly reminded by Western scholars, particularly political scientists, that Africa has dissipated its political capital and has turned away from the democratic institutions inherited from the West towards dictatorship as mentioned in this paper.
Abstract: In studying African development and the problems facing independent Africa, we are constantly reminded by Western scholars, particularly political scientists, that Africa has dissipated its political capital and has turned away from the democratic institutions it inherited from the West towards dictatorship. Such reminders are often made without reference to the history of Western democracy, the implication being that European states behaved better, and that following the French Revolution complete emancipation of the Europeans was achieved. Indeed, the French Revolution was fought under the triple banner of liberty, equality, and fraternity; and it was believed that to achieve these imposing goals, all one need do was