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Showing papers on "Emancipation published in 1988"


Book
01 Jan 1988
TL;DR: Anderson as discussed by the authors critically reinterprets the history of southern black education from Reconstruction to the Great Depression and offers fresh insights into black commitment to education, the peculiar significance of Tuskegee Institute, and the conflicting goals of various philanthropic groups, among other matters.
Abstract: James Anderson critically reinterprets the history of southern black education from Reconstruction to the Great Depression. By placing black schooling within a political, cultural, and economic context, he offers fresh insights into black commitment to education, the peculiar significance of Tuskegee Institute, and the conflicting goals of various philanthropic groups, among other matters. Initially, ex-slaves attempted to create an educational system that would support and extend their emancipation, but their children were pushed into a system of industrial education that presupposed black political and economic subordination. This conception of education and social order--supported by northern industrial philanthropists, some black educators, and most southern school officials--conflicted with the aspirations of ex-slaves and their descendants, resulting at the turn of the century in a bitter national debate over the purposes of black education. Because blacks lacked economic and political power, white elites were able to control the structure and content of black elementary, secondary, normal, and college education during the first third of the twentieth century. Nonetheless, blacks persisted in their struggle to develop an educational system in accordance with their own needs and desires. |James Anderson critically reinterprets the history of southern black education from Reconstruction to the Great Depression. By placing black schooling within a political, cultural, and economic context, he offers fresh insights into black commitment to education, the peculiar significance of Tuskegee Institute, and the conflicting goals of various philanthropic groups, among other matters.

1,605 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
Janet Thomas1
TL;DR: In the last few years, work in social history and the history of women has centred on the transition to capitalism and the great bourgeois political revolutions, also variously described as industrialization, urbanisation, and modernisation.
Abstract: In the last few years, work in social history and the history of women has centred on the transition to capitalism and the great bourgeois political revolutions—also variously described as industrialization, urbanisation, and modernisation. Throughout this work runs a steady debate about the improvement or deterioration brought about by these changes in the lives of women and working people. On the whole, sociologists of the 1960s and early 1970s and many recent historians have been optimistic about the changes in women's position, while feminist and Marxist scholars have taken a much more gloomy view.1 There has been little debate between the two sides, yet the same opposed arguments about the impact of capitalism on the status of women crop up not only in accounts of Britain from the seventeenth to the nineteenth century, but also in work on women in the Third World, and cry out for critical assessment.

49 citations


Book
15 Apr 1988
TL;DR: The Specter of Technological Unemployment in the Private Domain: The True Private Interest Behavior in the Public Domain: Controlling the Controllers Toward a Communal Ethics The Prospect of Freedom as mentioned in this paper.
Abstract: Preface An Era in Travail Emancipation in Historical Perspective The Present Stage of Emancipation Balancing Freedom and Order: Some Historical Models A Viable Tomorrow The Specter of Technological Unemployment Behavior in the Private Domain: The True Private Interest Behavior in the Public Domain: Controlling the Controllers Toward a Communal Ethics The Prospect of Freedom

46 citations



Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In 1895, a commission of Russia's most respected legal scholars and highest ranking statesmen produced the draft of a new criminal code' Since the existing statutes dated from 1845 (before the emancipation of the serfs in 1861 and the judicial reforms of 1864), the reformers thought of themselves as modernizers, whose task was to bring the law into conformity with the changed and changing social environment.
Abstract: In 1895 a commission of Russia's most respected legal scholars and highest ranking statesmen produced the draft of a new criminal code' Since the existing statutes dated from 1845 (before the emancipation of the serfs in 1861 and the judicial reforms of 1864), the reformers thought of themselves as modernizers, whose task was to bring the law into conformity with the changed and changing social environment "All the political and social turning points of national life are reflected clearly in the concepts of crime and punishment," wrote leading commission member Nikolai Stepanovich Tagantsev, "and the more rapidly this life evolves, the more quickly reforms occur"2 The draft was officially endorsed by the State Council, the justice ministry, and the tsar himself in 1903, yet few of the new statutes ever went into effect Instead, the version adopted in 1845 remained on the books, though

40 citations



Journal ArticleDOI
01 Oct 1988
TL;DR: In this article, the authors focus on various forms of protest, principally centred around the celebration of Carnival, which occurred during the earlier part of this neglected period, i.e., the 1840s to 1890s.
Abstract: Historians of Anglo-Caribbean labour have concentrated on the economic and social relations of slavery (often emphasizing slave resistance; frequently focusing on Jamaica), on the one hand,2 and the development and functioning of modern trade unionism, on the other.3 By comparison, little attention has been devoted to forms of protest typical of the period between Emancipation (1838) and the institutionalization of British-style trade unionism a century later.4 In the Trinidadian case, the latter can be said to have begun following the 'Butler Riots' of June 1937.5 This paper aims to look at various forms of protest, principally centred around the celebration of Carnival, which occurred during the earlier part of this neglected period, i.e., the 1840s to 1890s.

32 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: The most basic and difficult task in seeking to provide a historical perspective on the upheavals that Russian society experienced during the period of the civil war is to explore the relationships that the images of self, of other actors, and of the body politic as a whole that the members of various social groups articulated or acted out during these years actually bore to the patterns of their individual or collective existence as mentioned in this paper.
Abstract: The most basic and difficult task in seeking to provide a historical perspective on the upheavals that Russian society experienced during the period of the civil war is to explore the relationships that the images of self, of other actors, and of the body politic as a whole that the members of various social groups articulated or acted out during these years actually bore to the patterns of their individual or collective existence. The analytic problems that this task poses lie partly in the dramatic changes in political and social attitudes displayed during this period by various groups in national life-changes that were so strikingly reflected in the vertiginous upturns and downturns in the fortunes of the major political protagonists of the civil war. But they also stem from the fact that this period-from the inception of the civil war in the summer of 1918 up to the decision of the Bolshevik party to embark on the experiment of NEP-encompassed, to a degree unprecedented since the Time of Troubles, processes of disintegration and reintegration of the very fabric of Russian society. These processes involved the periodic loosening and retightening of social bonds but also repeated redefinitionboth willed and unwilled, from above, but also from below-of the identities of various groups in national life, as well as of their relationships to one another and to the body politic as a whole. To trace adequately the sources of these processes in Russia's earlier historical experience appears all the more daunting, given the fact that, especially from the Emancipation onward, the country's development had already been marked by profound and steadily growing contradictions not only in the relationships that its various constituent groups bore to each other and to the state, but also in the evolution of their respective social, psychological, and political identities. The Russia that underwent the Revolution of 1917 was a society out of joint, and the severe convulsions that beset it under the stresses of the civil war were, at least in part, but a demonstration of this fact. The most glaring of these contradictions after reform, and one that became especially evident among the growing number of the individuals and groups not in state service who experienced most deeply the effects of various processes of "modernization," was that between the sosloviia and sostoianiia-the legal statuses assigned to them by the -state-and the nature of the occupations in which they actually engaged. These discrepancies came to reflect not merely the degree of geographical, occupational, and social mobility that members of various social groups managed to achieve in the course of their lifetimes. Increasingly, these

30 citations



Book ChapterDOI
01 Aug 1988-Americas
TL;DR: On the eve of the age of abolition, even intellectuals who were morally opposed to slavery were far more impressed by its power and durability than by its weaknesses as mentioned in this paper, and no historical trend toward general emancipation could be assumed.
Abstract: On the eve of the age of abolition, even intellectuals who were morally opposed to slavery were far more impressed by its power and durability than by its weaknesses. Adam Smith reminded his students that only a small portion of the earth was being worked by free labor, and that it was unlikely that slavery would ever be totally abandoned. Across the channel, the Abbe Raynal could envision the end of New World slavery only through a fortuitous conjuncture of philosopher-kings in Europe or the appearance of a heroic Spartacus in the Americas. No historical trend toward general emancipation could be assumed.1

26 citations


Book
08 Nov 1988
TL;DR: In May 1888 the Brazilian parliament passed, and Princess Isabel (acting for her father, Emperor Pedro II) signed, the lei aurea, or Golden Law, providing for the total abolition of slavery as discussed by the authors.
Abstract: In May 1888 the Brazilian parliament passed, and Princess Isabel (acting for her father, Emperor Pedro II) signed, the lei aurea, or Golden Law, providing for the total abolition of slavery. Brazil thereby became the last civilized nation to part with slavery as a legal institution. The freeing of slaves in Brazil, as in other countries, may not have fulfilled all the hopes for improvement it engendered, but the final act of abolition is certainly one of the defining landmarks of Brazilian history.The articles presented here represent a broad scope of scholarly inquiry that covers developments across a wide canvas of Brazilian history and accentuates the importance of formal abolition as a watershed in that nation's development.

Book
01 Sep 1988
TL;DR: In this article, the authors refutes the historical slander that blacks did not fight for their emancipation from slavery, and present a remarkable achievement whose full story is here told for the first time.
Abstract: This book refutes the historical slander that blacks did not fight for their emancipation from slavery. At first harshly rejected in their attempts to enlist in the Union army, blacks were eventually accepted into the service--often through the efforts of individual generals who, frustrated with bureaucratic inaction in the face of dwindling forces, overrode orders from the secretary of war and the president himself. By the end of the war, black soldiers had numbered over 187,000 and served in 167 regiments. Seventeen were awarded the Congressional Medal of Honor, the nations highest award for valor. Theirs was a remarkable achievement whose full story is here told for the first time.

Book
01 Jan 1988
TL;DR: In this paper, the authors describe social and economic change from the beginning ancestral memories to the present day: before 1950 "A Clean Snow Sweeps the Land" - land reform in 1951 taking the co-operative road - 1953-7 how high the cost of fighting "Paper Tigers": - 1958 great leap forward - triumph and tragedy - 1958-61 the people's commune - 1962-72 walking on two legs - 1972-82.
Abstract: Part 1 Social and economic change: back to the beginning ancestral memories - before 1950 "A Clean Snow Sweeps the Land" - land reform in 1951 taking the co-operative road - 1953-7 how high the cost of fighting "Paper Tigers": - 1958 great leap forward - triumph and tragedy - 1958-61 the people's commune - 1962-72 walking on two legs - 1972-82. Part 2 Ideological and political change: passing the gate - 1966 the cultural revolution - 1966-76 family farming once again - after 1982. Part 3 Cultural change: barefoot doctors - the village clinic part-work, part-study - the school the politics of women's emancipation festivals and life-cycle celebrations. Epilogue.


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: The women's emancipation of Chinese women began in the late 19th century, as female resources were first tapped to increase productivity and strengthen national defense in the face of Western invasion as mentioned in this paper.
Abstract: The emancipation of Chinese women began in the late 19th century, as female resources were first tapped to increase productivity and strengthen national defense in the face of Western invasion. In the past century, women's movements in China and Taiwan usually took place in the context of drastic social changes and were interwined with other social movements. The contemporary Women's Movement in Taiwan started in the 1970s, earlier than other social movement but correlated with the Democratic Movement in time. The two stages of the Women's Movement marked its growth and the changing social environment. Although women's status in Taiwan has improved over the decades, equal partnership for women and men in all aspects of social life remains a goal to work for. Having cleared some old obstacles, the recent political liberalization on the island signifies a new chance for success for the Women's Movement.

Book
20 Dec 1988
TL;DR: Part 1: How Britain Became "Great Britain" Britain & its Empire The Triangular Trade India The Caribbean from 1834 Africa Territories of White Settlement Profits of Empire How Black People were Ruled The Empire & the British Working Class Part 2: Racism The Concept of Race Racism and Slavery Racism as discussed by the authors
Abstract: Part 1: How Britain Became "Great Britain" Britain & Its Empire The Triangular Trade India The Caribbean from 1834 Africa Territories of White Settlement Profits of Empire How Black People were Ruled The Empire & the British Working Class Part 2: Racism The Concept of Race Racism and Slavery Racism and Empire The Reproduction of Racism The Struggle Against Slavery The Caribbean after Emancipation India

Journal ArticleDOI
01 Aug 1988-Americas
TL;DR: The notion of slave emancipation as a purifying, redemptive triumph of moral rightness over self-interest has receded, sometimes to be replaced by a more jaundiced view of emancipation as the trading of one master for another, or the relinquishing of explicit coercion and explicit protection for implicit coercion and no protection at all.
Abstract: HE centennial of the final abolition of slavery in Cuba and Brazil has occasioned an exceptional burst of scholarly interest, perhaps in part owinig to the moral weight that the questions of slavery and freedom continue to carry.' Integrating a moral vision into scholarship on this subject, however, has remained problematic. The old notion of slave emancipation as a purifying, redemptive triumph of moral rightness over self-interest has receded, sometimes to be replaced by a more jaundiced view of emancipation as the trading of one master for another, or the relinquishing of explicit coercion and explicit protection for implicit coercion and no protection at all. The best recent work on emancipation has challenged these polarities, emphasizing the complexity of former slaves' initiatives in the context of the constraints placed on them.2



Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: The authors argue that the developments of the last two decades in educational research and teacher education, which have yielded a wealth of new ideas and procedures, have also yielded a confusing proliferation of educational ideologies, suggesting that the ascendancy of a diffuse, unselfcritical, and often combative discourse within educational studies has effectively eclipsed the more important question which must first be tackled if educational studies are to have a coherent, robust focus.
Abstract: The numerous changes and improvements which have been wrought in teacher education courses in the last two decades have not, apparently, satisfied the critics. Ironically, the reverse seems to have occurred, as recent events on both sides of the Atlantic testify. This essay argues that the developments of the last two decades in educational research and teacher education, which have yielded a wealth of new ideas and procedures, have also yielded a confusing proliferation of educational ideologies. In short, it suggests that the ascendancy of a diffuse, unselfcritical, and often combative discourse within educational studies has effectively eclipsed the more important question which must first be tackled if educational studies are to have a coherent, robust focus. This question, which is pursued in the second section of the paper, asks: is the educational enterprise, properly conceived, a distinctive, autonomous or sui generis enterprise with purposes of its own which are universal, or is it essen...


Book
01 Jan 1988
TL;DR: The long-run costs of the Civil War for the South were studied in this article, where the authors investigated the economic causes of the civil war and the economic consequences of the war on the South.
Abstract: Acknowledgements - Notes on References - Editors Preface - Counterfactual Speculations - Direct Costs and Economic Causes of the Civil War - Long-Run Costs of War - The Long-Run costs of Civil War for the South - Civil War, Emancipation, and the Southern Economy: Some Conclusions - The Northern Economy - Civil War and the American Economy: Conclusions - Bibliography - Index

01 Oct 1988
TL;DR: The Burden of the Liberation as mentioned in this paper surveys sociological and feminist literature on the social emancipation of women, and statistical data from various sources are analyzed to determine the relationship between the significant changes in the position of women in society and family and their psychological consequences as reflected in insecurity, poor self-evaluation, lower self-image, anxiety, and other conflicts.
Abstract: The Burden of the Liberation. Sociological and feminist literature on the social emancipation of women is surveyed, and statistical data from various sources are analyzed to determine the relationship between the significant changes in the position of women in society and family and their psychological consequences as reflected in insecurity, poor self-evaluation, lower self-image, anxiety, and other conflicts. Special attention is devoted to women aged 35-45, who are viewed as a "strategic" generation -- familiar (in their childhood) with the model of full-time mother prevalent in the 1950s, and the first to taste the new freedom afforded to women by the liberation movement that began in the 1960s. The relationships between the surge of women's outside professional occupation, drastic decrease in the number of children, higher education, and lower marriage stability are illustrated with statistical data, and the loss of identity and sense of guilt resulting from role conflict for this cohort of women are discussed. Z. Dubiel

01 Jan 1988
TL;DR: In the latter nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, mortality rates for blacks in Louisiana, as elsewhere in the United States, were extremely high as discussed by the authors, and death appeared to be so common among AfroAmericans following Emancipation that their very ability to survive as free men and women was seriously debated.
Abstract: During the latter nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, mortality rates for blacks in Louisiana, as elsewhere in the United States, were extremely high.1 To some observers, death appeared to be so common among AfroAmericans following Emancipation that their very ability to survive as free men and women was seriously debated.2 However, toward the end of the nineteenth century, attempts were being made in New Orleans to organize institutions to provide health-care services and train health-care professionals among blacks. By the turn of the century there had been established not only a black hospital but a black school of nursing and a medical school in the city.3 The greatest providers of health care, however, were not the black hospital and centers for educating health professionals, but local benevolent societies.

Book
01 Jan 1988
TL;DR: The conduct of the central government was often reactive rather than deliberate as mentioned in this paper, and its lack of a coherent policy was not remarkable, given the period under consideration, the government's failure to develop such a policy was disastrous in dealing with the fundamental issue of Catholic emancipation.
Abstract: The conduct of the central government was often reactive rather than deliberate. While its lack of a coherent policy was not remarkable, given the period under consideration, the government's failure to develop such a policy was disastrous in dealing with the fundamental issue of Catholic emancipation. The final surrender of Peel and Wellington was bitter and the 1829 Catholic relief act contained insults to Irish Catholics. The nature of the act, coupled with continued Protestant ascendancy and landlordism, and Catholic mass poverty and insecurity, meant that Catholic emancipation was not a prelude to Ireland's assimilation into the United Kingdom but instead, the beginning of the process of modern Irish nationalism.


Book ChapterDOI
01 Mar 1988
TL;DR: The relationship between industrial capitalism and antislavery sentiment in Great Britain has attracted considerable debate since the publication of Williams's Capitalism and Slavery more than a generation ago as mentioned in this paper, and it has been difficult to find a middle ground that rejects Williams's cynical reductionism but that takes account of the realities of class power.
Abstract: Attention is turning once again to the almost simultaneous appearance of industrial capitalism and antislavery sentiment in Great Britain. Since the publication of Eric Williams's Capitalism and Slavery , more than a generation ago, the relation between these two broad forces has provoked considerable debate. As Howard Temperley demonstrates in his essay in this volume, the issues have acquired high ideological voltage in the Third World as well as in Britain and the United States. Williams and his many followers have sought to portray Britain's antislavery measures as economically-determined acts of national self-interest, cynically disguised as humanitarian triumphs. Roger Anstey, who led the way in undermining Williams's case for economic motivation, viewed Christianity's role in abolitionism as nothing less than “a saving event within the context of Salvation History.” While few of Williams's opponents have shared this explicit faith in slave emancipation as a step toward historical redemption, it has been difficult to find a middle ground that rejects Williams's cynical reductionism but that takes account of the realities of class power. A historian who scrutinizes the moral pretensions of the abolitionists or who observes, to borrow a phrase C. Vann Woodward has applied to the American Civil War, that West Indian emancipation enabled Britain to add an immense sum to the national “treasury of virtue” and to bank on it for “futures in moral credit,” runs the risk of being classified as a follower of Eric Williams. Yet national pride is especially dangerous and deceptive, as Reinhold Niebuhr reminded us, when it is based on the highest achievements of human history.

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: The authors presented a model for assessing the effects of participation in community education courses at the Open University in Scotland. But this model was not suitable for the Strathclyde Region of Scotland.
Abstract: This is a revised version of a paper presented at the conference on Education as Challenge and Emancipation, June 1987, at the Open University. In it, Nick Fames, until recently the Director of the Community Education Programme at the OU, develops a model for assessing the effects of participation in OU Community Education courses; and he presents some interim findings from a study being carried out in the Strathclyde Region of Scotland. Further information about the Strathclyde project is provided in a paper in Section 2 by Marion Jack, Deputy Director of the Open University in Scotland.

Book ChapterDOI
01 Mar 1988
TL;DR: For example, this paper argued that modern slavery in the Americas was not racial in origin, nor the result of color, inherent inferiority, or climate, but rather a matter of economic profitability: a specific question of time, place, labor and soil.
Abstract: Eric Williams, in Capitalism and Slavery, presented four important themes: (1) slavery was an economic phenomenon; and thus racism was a consequence, not the cause, of slavery; (2) the slave economies of the British West Indies caused (the strong version) or contributed greatly (the weaker version) to the British Industrial Revolution; (3) after the American Revolutionary War the slave economies declined in profitability and/or importance to England; and (4) abolition of the slave trade and emancipation of the slaves in the British West Indies were driven not by philanthropy or humanitarianism but by economic motives within England. While all of these themes have been debated, it is the second and fourth that have had the most impact upon subsequent scholarship, and each has become a “Williams thesis.” slavery as an economic phenomenon To Eric Williams, modern slavery in the Americas was not racial in origin, nor the result of color, inherent inferiority, or climate. Rather, it was a matter of economic profitability: “a specific question of time, place, labor and soil.” Williams's explanation derives from the economic arguments presented in the nineteenth century by Wakefield, Merivale, and Cairnes. In a new colony, with simple agricultural technology and where land is abundant and therefore cheap, there will be no voluntary supply of labor, because “the laborer [will] exercise his natural inclination to work his own land and toil on his own account” (p. 5). In these circumstances, if there is to be a labor supply, it must be coerced.

Book
01 Dec 1988
TL;DR: In this article, a critical study of Western missions and African culture traces seeds of authentic African theology in the challenge of refugees, and provides a comprehensive inquiry on authentic African liberation theology, and rare critical insight on Western Missions and Latin American Theology.
Abstract: Contents: If Christianity arrived in Africa as a substitute for slavery and slave trade, its validity and meaning must be measured in terms of total emancipation. A critical study of Western missions and African culture traces seeds of authentic African theology in the challenge of refugees. The book provides a comprehensive inquiry on authentic African liberation theology, and rare critical insight on Western Missions and Latin American Theology.