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Showing papers on "Emancipation published in 2016"



Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: The Voting Rights Act of 1965 as discussed by the authors explicitly forbade voter disenfranchisement measures and opened the pathway for a generation of black people to vote for the first time in their lives, but even when a process of struggle seems to culminate in a series of transformative events, realities on the ground are often a reminder that significant social change is complicated and slow moving.
Abstract: We are at a critical moment in the history of race in the United States. The years 2013–15 mark the fiftieth anniversaries of some of the most important milestones in the civil rights movement. In 1963 Martin Luther King Jr. gave his stirring “I Have a Dream” speech at the March on Washington for Jobs and Freedom. President Lyndon B. Johnson signed the most sweeping piece of civil rights legislation into law in July 1964. And in 1965 Congress passed the Voting Rights Act, which explicitly forbade voter disenfranchisement measures and opened the pathway for a generation of black people to vote for the first time in their lives. These historic events were the culmination of decades of struggle by many women and men who often risked their lives for freedom and justice. But even when a process of struggle seems to culminate in a series of transformative events, realities on the ground are often a reminder that significant social change is complicated and slow moving. Indeed, during the one hundred years between the Emancipation Proclamation and the March on Washington, progress was made, but African Americans still faced a deeply divided America: one in which a war was being waged to preserve Jim Crow

72 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this article, a short overview of the historical development of the political idea of democratic autonomy applied in Rojava is given, a model that claims to be on the way to creating a stateless model of radical democracy whose realisation involves forms of emancipation of the citizen, from a subject of a state to an active participant.
Abstract: The article engages with the question of self-governance and its implications for the concept of citizenship in Rojava. A short overview of the historical development of the political idea of democratic autonomy applied in Rojava is given, a model that claims to be on the way to creating a stateless model of radical democracy whose realisation involves forms of emancipation of the citizen, from a subject of a state to an active participant. The social contract and the structure of self-governance in Rojava is examined from this perspective, and the conclusion drawn that citizenship, which has been seized by the statist model, is currently being reclaimed by the people in Rojava through democratic autonomy. The process of change of citizenship is being effected through participative action and self-education as acts of citizenship and aims to separate the idea of government from the idea of the state.

65 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
Linda Åhäll1
TL;DR: In this article, a poststructuralist feminist analytical focus on the political as bodies in the everyday is presented, with the idea of militarisation as a choreographed security practice in the mediatised every day.
Abstract: Intrigued about a political puzzle of militarisation, the argument presented here is built on three anchoring concepts that, combined, demonstrate what a feminist security studies take on ‘the political’ can offer: it involves a focus on the everyday as the site where the political puzzle is found; ‘dance’ is used as a methodological metaphor to explain what the political puzzle of militarisation is; and ‘family’ is the gendered analytical concept used to show how Remembrance events are normalising militarisation as the character of society. More specifically, the first section disentangles ‘the political’ theoretically by negotiating ontological tensions between ‘emancipation’ and poststructuralist epistemology. It ends with a poststructuralist feminist analytical focus on ‘the political’ as bodies in the everyday. The second section explores ‘the political’ methodologically through the idea of militarisation as a choreographed security practice in the mediatised every day. A nuanced way to explore the n...

60 citations


Book
01 Feb 2016
TL;DR: Yellin argues that the Wilson administration's successful 1913 drive to segregate the federal government was a pivotal episode in the age of progressive politics and investigates how the enactment of this policy, based on Progressives' demands for whiteness in government, imposed a color line on American opportunity and implicated Washington in the economic limitation of African Americans for decades as discussed by the authors.
Abstract: Between the 1880s and 1910s, thousands of African Americans passed civil service exams and became employed in the executive offices of the federal government. However, by 1920, promotions to well-paying federal jobs had nearly vanished for black workers. Eric S. Yellin argues that the Wilson administration's successful 1913 drive to segregate the federal government was a pivotal episode in the age of progressive politics. Yellin investigates how the enactment of this policy, based on Progressives' demands for whiteness in government, imposed a color line on American opportunity and implicated Washington in the economic limitation of African Americans for decades to come.Using vivid accounts of the struggles and protests of African American government employees, Yellin reveals the racism at the heart of the era's reform politics. He illuminates the nineteenth-century world of black professional labor and social mobility in Washington, D.C., and uncovers the Wilson administration's progressive justifications for unraveling that world. From the hopeful days following emancipation to the white-supremacist "normalcy" of the 1920s, Yellin traces the competing political ideas, politicians, and ordinary government workers who created "federal segregation."

48 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: The authors studied the impact of Jewish emancipation and economic development on Jewish religious culture in 19th century Europe and developed a historical narrative and model of religious organization that accounts for the polarized responses by Jewish communities.

47 citations




Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: The authors examined connections between news and slave prices for the period 1856-1861 and found that the decision to secede reflected beliefs that the North would not invade and that emancipation without compensation was unlikely.
Abstract: Lincoln’s election produced Southern secession, war, and abolition. Using a new dataset on slave sales, we examine connections between news and slave prices for the period 1856–1861. By August 1861, slave prices had declined by roughly one-third from their 1860 peak. That decline was similar for all age and sex cohorts and thus did not reflect expected emancipation without compensation. The decision to secede reflected beliefs that the North would not invade and that emancipation without compensation was unlikely. Both were encouraged by Lincoln’s conciliatory tone before the attack on Fort Sumter, and subsequently dashed by Lincoln’s willingness to wage all-out war. (JEL D72, D74, D83, G14, H77, N31, N41)

40 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: The BlackLivesMatter movement has rightly pointed to the dehumanization of people of African ancestry as the driving force behind the wanton killing of Black people by the police and vigilantes.
Abstract: The BlackLivesMatter movement has rightly pointed to the dehumanization of people of African ancestry as the driving force behind the wanton killing of Black people by the police and vigilantes. Th...

37 citations


Book
01 Aug 2016
TL;DR: The Anarchist Roots of Geogrithms as discussed by the authors is a seminal work on the history of the modern left and its relation to the current political movement.Simon Springer Minneapolis, MN: University of Minnesota Press, 2016 240 pp, photo, table $2700 paper (ISBN 978-0-8166-9773-1); $9450 cloth ( ISBN 978- 0-8 166-9772-4)
Abstract: Simon Springer Minneapolis, MN: University of Minnesota Press, 2016 240 pp, photo, table $2700 paper (ISBN 978-0-8166-9773-1); $9450 cloth (ISBN 978-0-8166-9772-4)The Anarchist Roots of Geog

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: This article argued that the Underground Railroad was a "media environment" that assisted slave emancipation, which celebrated oral forms of mediation and the bodies of certain black runaway slaves to mediate the lines between freedom and bondage.
Abstract: Studies of race in communication studies often critique and/or celebrate representations of people of color, but recently scholars have called for studies to “go beyond” representation. Building off the work of Sarah Sharma, Harold Innis, Marshall McLuhan, and Walter Ong, this article considers how forms of media, rather than solely content, have racial implications that exceed their representational capabilities. Through an analysis of slave narratives, this article argues that the Underground Railroad was a “media environment” that assisted slave emancipation. This environment celebrated oral forms of mediation and the bodies of certain black runaway slaves to mediate the lines between freedom and bondage.


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this paper, the authors explored the factors involved in young people's housing transitions in Spain which are typically characterised by late emancipation and found that the main drivers of change highlighted in the literature are economic factors (education, employment status, housing, public policy and resources) and cultural factors such as attitudes towards home ownership and forming new households.
Abstract: This article explores the factors involved in young people's housing transitions in Spain which are typically characterised by late emancipation. The paper incorporates a comparative analysis of the housing transitions of young people in Spain with those of young people in other European countries and using longitudinal data it considers the particular impacts of the recent economic crisis. Most studies have linked late emancipation of Spanish youths to factors such as their employment status, difficulties accessing housing, the economic situation, social welfare policy, youth policy and a protective family culture. In particular, the main drivers of change highlighted in the literature are economic factors (education, employment status, housing, public policy and resources) and on the other hand, cultural factors such as attitudes towards home ownership and forming new households. However, there is very little research analysing the effects that the economic crisis has had on youth housing transitions in...

Book
17 Nov 2016
TL;DR: In We Dream Together Anne Eller breaks with dominant narratives of conflict between the Dominican Republic and Haiti by tracing the complicated history of Dominican emancipation and independence between 1822 and 1865 as discussed by the authors.
Abstract: In We Dream Together Anne Eller breaks with dominant narratives of conflict between the Dominican Republic and Haiti by tracing the complicated history of Dominican emancipation and independence between 1822 and 1865. Eller moves beyond the small body of writing by Dominican elites that often narrates Dominican nationhood to craft inclusive, popular histories of identity, community, and freedom, summoning sources that range from trial records and consul reports to poetry and song. Rethinking Dominican relationships with their communities, the national project, and the greater Caribbean, Eller shows how popular anticolonial resistance was anchored in a rich and complex political culture. Haitians and Dominicans fostered a common commitment to Caribbean freedom, the abolition of slavery, and popular democracy, often well beyond the reach of the state. By showing how the island's political roots are deeply entwined, and by contextualizing this history within the wider Atlantic world, Eller demonstrates the centrality of Dominican anticolonial struggles for understanding independence and emancipation throughout the Caribbean and the Americas.

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this paper, a critical analysis of transformations of the idea and practice of women's emancipation in late-modern western society under the influence of globalizing advanced capitalism is presented, based on analyses of feminist critical theory and critical globalization studies and argues that global capitalism initiates processes in which the practice of emancipation is distorted.
Abstract: This article develops a critical analysis of transformations of the idea and practice of women's emancipation in late-modern western society under the influence of globalizing advanced capitalism. It builds on analyses of feminist critical theory and critical globalization studies and argues that global capitalism initiates processes in which the practice of emancipation is distorted. Distorted emancipation refers to the social consequences of the marketization and commodification of areas of social life that were previously excluded from market relationships. Care practices, which have been a fundamental issue in women's emancipatory struggles, are used as a reference point. The article argues that even if commodification creates certain possibilities for financial rewards of care, it institutionalizes a double misrecognition of care as both nonproductive work and paid work that cannot be a source of social recognition. Furthermore, distorted emancipation makes positive moments of changing gender...

Posted Content
TL;DR: This paper found that slaveowners were more likely to start businesses prior to the uncompensated 1864 emancipation, even conditional on total wealth and human capital, and this advantage disappears after emancipation.
Abstract: Slave property rights yielded a source of collateral as well as a coerced labor force Using data from Dun and Bradstreet linked to the 1860 census and slave schedules in Maryland, we find that slaveowners were more likely to start businesses prior to the uncompensated 1864 emancipation, even conditional on total wealth and human capital, and this advantage disappears after emancipation We assess a number of potential explanations, and find suggestive evidence that this is due to the superiority of slave wealth as a source of collateral for credit rather than any advantage in production The collateral dimension of slave property magnifies its importance to historical American economic development

01 Jan 2016
TL;DR: In this article, a book from bondage to contract wage labor marriage and the market in the age of slave emancipation was downloaded from Amazon.com, and the book contained a bug inside the book.
Abstract: Thank you for downloading from bondage to contract wage labor marriage and the market in the age of slave emancipation. As you may know, people have search numerous times for their favorite readings like this from bondage to contract wage labor marriage and the market in the age of slave emancipation, but end up in harmful downloads. Rather than enjoying a good book with a cup of tea in the afternoon, instead they are facing with some infectious bugs inside their computer.


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this paper, the authors introduce the definition and provenance of LCE and analyze its application and implementation in global, national and local contexts with Bronfenbrenner's eco-systemic theory and three narratives: cognition, emancipation and preparation with developing countries: Russia, Gambia, China and South Africa as its research cases.
Abstract: This book introduces the definition and provenance of LCE and analyses its application and implementation in global, national and local contexts with Bronfenbrenner’s eco-systemic theory and three narratives: cognition, emancipation and preparation with developing countries: Russia, Gambia, China and South Africa as its research cases. It finds out that inconsistency exists between policy and practice in process of implementation. Then, it comes to ten lessons concluded from the research and resolutions for the problems which exist in those research countries.

01 Jan 2016
TL;DR: In this paper, a communication history of the early communist anti-colonization movement in the Dutch East Indies (now Indonesia) in 1920-1926 is presented, which reveals the centrality of communicative sociotechnical systems in the emergence, development, success, and demise of a social movement.
Abstract: This dissertation is a communication history of the early communist anti-colonial movement in the Dutch East Indies (now Indonesia) in 1920-1926. While for three centuries struggles against Dutch imperialism had been sporadic, local, and traditional in character, in this period people organized themselves for the first time in a radical, national, and global revolutionary movement. Rather than resort to weapons and warfare, the resistance movement developed collective actions around new emerging communicative technologies and practices—“media of resistance”—that included schools, public debates, popular journalism, arts, and literature. The dissertation examines the processes by which ordinary people produced these media of resistance as a new way of organizing and mobilizing. The aim is twofold: first, to reveal the centrality of communicative sociotechnical systems (practices, processes, and technologies) in the emergence, development, success, and demise of a social movement; and, second, to highlight the roles of ordinary people in that process, a focus hidden in the previous historiography due to leader-, party-, and formal event-centered narratives. I utilize underexplored concepts of mobility and sociability to analyze shipping and railway lines, openbare vergaderingen (public meetings), People’s Schools, the revolutionary newspaper Sinar Hindia , as well as government legal interventions into these communicative practices. This research suggests two main findings. First, while the aforementioned media of communication were intended to expand colonial power, the ordinary people in the movement creatively repurposed and brought them together to become the “media of resistance,” revealing the centrality of media of communication in the making of a social movement. These creative repurposing practices point to the nature of communicative sociotechnical systems as projects and sites of struggle. Second, through historical GIS method, I also find that the movement was mobilized for the first time across widespread geographical areas, as well as across different cultural borders and identity markers. This widespread solidarity gave voice to anti-colonial sentiments, Islamic modernism, national liberation, women’s emancipation, and human rights, appealing to universal concerns. The dissertation concludes by arguing for the broader significance of this research for global media studies, its treatment of non-western experiences, and studies of enlightenment and social movements.

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: This article argued that academic research ought to be "policy relevant" and that academic researchers have a duty to make themselves available as "expert" advisers to policymakers and to be available to the public.
Abstract: Today, it is nothing more than common sense that academic research ought to be “policy relevant”, and academics have a duty to make themselves available as “expert” advisers to policymakers and pra...


Book
01 Dec 2016
TL;DR: In this paper, the authors analyse how Africans themselves, with agency of their own, have thought emancipation during various historical political sequences and to show how emancipation may be thought today in a manner appropriate to twenty-first century conditions and concerns.
Abstract: Previous ways of conceiving the universal emancipation of humanity have in practice ended in failure. Marxism, anti-colonial nationalism and neo-liberalism all understand the achievement of universal emancipation through a form of state politics. Marxism, which had encapsulated the idea of freedom for most of the twentieth century, was found wanting when it came to thinking emancipation because social interests and identities were understood as simply reflected in political subjectivity which could only lead to statist authoritarianism. Neo-liberalism and anti-colonial nationalism have also both assumed that freedom is realisable through the state, and have been equally authoritarian in their relations to those they have excluded on the African continent and elsewhere. Thinking Freedom in Africa then conceives emancipatory politics beginning from the axiom that people think’. In other words, the idea that anyone is capable of engaging in a collective thought-practice which exceeds social place, interests and identities and which thus begins to think a politics of universal humanity. Using the work of thinkers such as Alain Badiou, Jacques Ranciere, Sylvain Lazarus, Frantz Fanon and many others, along with the inventive thought of people themselves in their experiences of struggle, the author proceeds to analyse how Africans themselves – with agency of their own – have thought emancipation during various historical political sequences and to show how emancipation may be thought today in a manner appropriate to twenty-first century conditions and concerns.

Journal ArticleDOI
31 Mar 2016
TL;DR: In this paper, the authors analyzed women's motivation to join ISIS as a form of emancipation with very recent accounts from women in Syria over social media as well as experts' evaluations, and revealed that from a Western point of view the women participating in the ISIS often seem to be instrumentalized in order to enforce misogynistic ideologies, and thus, are still acting within a strongly patriarchal system.
Abstract: The Islamic State of Iraq and Syria (ISIS) has recently been able to recruit hundreds of women from around the world. This development may pose a severe threat to international security. This paper addresses the question: Why should Western women want to join a political struggle like the ISIS that so blatantly oppresses them? Based on the concept of female Jihad women do not seek the male’s honor (sharaf) through martyrdom but take up mainly non-combatant roles. Following this notion, it can be hypothesized that through female Jihad these women aim for a form of emancipation in the new Caliphate. Along the Merriam Webster’s definition of emancipation, the women’s motivation to join ISIS as a form of emancipation is analyzed with very recent accounts from women in Syria over social media as well as experts’ evaluations. The findings reveal that from a Western point of view the women participating in the ISIS often seem to be instrumentalized in order to enforce misogynistic ideologies, and thus, are still acting within a strongly patriarchal system. Yet, the emancipation is very real for many women that do take the journey (hijra) and perceive the confinements of such a system not as restricting. The paper underlines the importance of understanding the mechanisms within female Jihad and the security threat it poses. Female jihadist propaganda may be especially dangerous because we do not take these motivations as valid nor female Jihad as serious as the (predominantly) male suicide bombings.

01 Jan 2016
TL;DR: In this article, the authors discuss the limits of tolerance as they have been enacted and reenacted in the United States, especially after the mass migration of Eastern European Jews to this country at the turn of the last century.
Abstract: remain marked as other even in the process of becoming citizens, of becoming incorporated into the nation, still haunts contemporary Jewish experience as well as efforts to explain Jewish difference. Although it may be said that the French and American revolutions brought Jews into the dominant cultures of the West, they also set limits on this very promise of inclusion.1 In this essay I am interested in these limits as they have been enacted and reenacted in the United States, especially after the mass migration of Eastern European Jews to this country at the turn of the last century.2 1 am concerned about the ways tolerance works to both regulate and maintain a deep ambivalence around Jews, Jewishness, and Judaism in U.S. society, even in the present. Writing about Jewish difference and the legacy of Jewish emancipation in Western Europe, political theorist Wendy Brown explains that to be brought into the nation, Jews had to be made to fit, and for that they needed to be transformed, cleaned-up, and normalized, even as they were still marked as Jews. These triple forces of recognition, remaking and marking - of emancipation, assimilation, and subjection; of decorporatization as Jews, incorporation as nation-state citizens, and identification as different - are what characterize the relation of the state to Jews in nineteenth-century Europe and constitute the tacit regime of tolerance governing Jewish emancipation.3 The regime of tolerance Brown describes, with its contradictory appeals and desires, aptly captures the ambivalent position of Jews in the United States. Working against this use of tolerance, I want to think about the ways Jews do not fit into the now long accepted litany of differences - race, class, gender, sexuality - as well as how the presumed "whiteness" of some Jews has served to make invisible the ways Jewish difference continues to make a difference in how Jews figure in U.S. culture. And, coupled with this, I want to call attention to what has been the most acceptable form of Jewish difference,

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this article, Ireland was an important location for several black activists who helped shape the transatlantic abolitionist movement, including Daniel O'Connell and Frederick Douglass, and they also operated and were respected as committed internationalists.
Abstract: Much of the scholarly attention toward black abolitionists in the British Isles has focused on celebrity lecturers in Britain. Yet Ireland was an important location for several black activists who helped shape the transatlantic abolitionist movement. The crowds at antislavery events are usually depicted as a faceless mass. Why they were drawn to these speakers as well as how they differed according to region, religion, and class is examined in detail below. Moreover, Daniel O’Connell and Frederick Douglass are traditionally viewed as nationalist heroes (Irish, Catholic, American, African-American, etc.) but this article illustrates the extent to which they also operated and were respected as committed internationalists. Douglass supported Irish independence. O'Connell advocated slave emancipation in the United States. In contrast to prevailing views of inevitable racial tensions between the Irish and Blacks, it traces a more internationalist consciousness through lectures, speeches, writings, publ...


Journal ArticleDOI
03 Mar 2016
TL;DR: In this article, the authors argue that it is high time scholars and advocates broaden their scope to more clearly focus on perpetrators and on the emancipation process, and argue that a human rights...
Abstract: A large and growing wave of scholarship has focused attention on a variety of contemporary forms of slavery. Early attention went to victims of sexual exploitation, though this is starting to slowly change with a growing body of work on labor exploitation. Previous studies focused exclusively on international trafficking and on the Global South whereas newer studies emphasize domestic trafficking and exploitation in the Global North. This article, and the special issue it introduces, suggests that it is high time scholars and advocates broaden their scope to more clearly focus on perpetrators and on the emancipation process. Perpetrators are too often thought of as “criminals of the worst sort,” a cultural shorthand that reduces understanding and thereby hampers both theory and practice of emancipation. For its part, emancipation is too often thought of as either “freedom” or the binary opposite of slavery. Here too, reality is more complex and fraught. In this article, I argue that a human rights...

01 Jan 2016
TL;DR: Ramstad et al. as mentioned in this paper found that LIHTC project placement most often maintains external socioeconomic oppressors in the lives of government social interventions and that interventions are not an accessory to the subjugation of service users to oppressive circumstances.
Abstract: Oppression, Manifesting from a Government Mission of Positive Social Change by David P. Ramstad Master of Public Administration, National University, 2011 Bachelor of Architecture, North Dakota State University, 1988 BS in Environmental Design, North Dakota State University, 1987 Dissertation Submitted in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy Public Policy and Administration Walden University January, 2016 Abstract Government social interventions hold considerable power over what choices and opportunities impoverished households have available to escape the oppressive socioeconomic trappings of poverty. The U.S. Internal Revenue Service’s Low Income Housing Tax Credit (LIHTC) is one such program. While there are many positive mission statements of social governance, this study focused on the regressive potential for oppressive institutional policies and practices. Theoretical frameworks guiding the study were Pierce’s 1979 model of oppression and Crenshaw’s 1989 intersectionality theory. The quantitative design’s hypothesis and research question focused on whether significant relationships exist between LIHTC project placement and highest concentrations of six commonly recognized socioeconomically oppressive conditions, each separately defined by U.S. Census demographics and American Housing Survey (AHS) structured-interview data. Mann-Whitney U tests showed non-significant differences between the two source dataset’s separate identification of socioeconomically oppressive conditions across Minnesota’s Twin City metropolitan area. Spearman’s rho and Cohen’s standard show similarly significant results from both pairings of AHS and Census data with the LIHTC project database. Results support conclusions that LIHTC project placement most often maintains external socioeconomic oppressors in the lives ofGovernment social interventions hold considerable power over what choices and opportunities impoverished households have available to escape the oppressive socioeconomic trappings of poverty. The U.S. Internal Revenue Service’s Low Income Housing Tax Credit (LIHTC) is one such program. While there are many positive mission statements of social governance, this study focused on the regressive potential for oppressive institutional policies and practices. Theoretical frameworks guiding the study were Pierce’s 1979 model of oppression and Crenshaw’s 1989 intersectionality theory. The quantitative design’s hypothesis and research question focused on whether significant relationships exist between LIHTC project placement and highest concentrations of six commonly recognized socioeconomically oppressive conditions, each separately defined by U.S. Census demographics and American Housing Survey (AHS) structured-interview data. Mann-Whitney U tests showed non-significant differences between the two source dataset’s separate identification of socioeconomically oppressive conditions across Minnesota’s Twin City metropolitan area. Spearman’s rho and Cohen’s standard show similarly significant results from both pairings of AHS and Census data with the LIHTC project database. Results support conclusions that LIHTC project placement most often maintains external socioeconomic oppressors in the lives of program residents. Implications for positive social change hinge on the realization that social interventions may not be entirely anti-oppressive. In such cases, these conclusions should lead policymakers to change or replace programs so that interventions are not an accessory to the subjugation of service users to oppressive circumstances. Dedication To my African-American son and daughter, and my lovely Jamaican wife. Acknowledgments My sincere thanks to faculty, colleagues, consultants, family, and friends whom helped me complete this dissertation and acquire my Doctor of Philosophy in Public Policy and Administration. This study used federal public-use datasets and other sources of information that are readily available to the general public. The findings and conclusions in this study do not reflect the position of any local, state, or federal government entity.