Showing papers on "Empire published in 1968"
239 citations
Book•
01 Jan 1968
TL;DR: The first phase of the industrial revolution in the UK was described in this article, where the human results of the Industrial Revolution were compared to other countries in the world, such as the USA, Ireland, and the UK.
Abstract: Britain in 1750 origin of the industrial revolution 1780-1840 the human results of the industrial revolution 1750-1850 agriculture 1750-1850 industrialization - the second phase 1840-95 Britain in the world economy standards of living 1850-1914 the beginnings of decline the land 1850-1960 between the wars government and economy the long boom society since 1914 the other Britain a harsher economic climate.
175 citations
TL;DR: In the early thirteenth century, the power of the king over his vassal chiefs, his army, and his wealth tremendously increased as discussed by the authors, and this development manifested itself in various ways in the period with which the present study is concerned.
Abstract: The thirteenth century ushered in an active development in both Church and State in the Christian kingdom of Ethiopia, The process had already started in the Zagwe period, but it was considerably intensified with the rise of the new dynasty founded by Yikunno-'Amlak in 1270. This development manifested itself in various ways in the period with which the present study is concerned. Within the kingdom itself, the power of the king over his vassal chiefs, his army, and his wealth tremendously increased. The literary re-awakening of the Church led to the revival of monasticism and brought in a series of reform movements initiated by the new monastic leaders of the country. Of much greater importance to the history of the whole area of the Horn of Africa was the rapid expansion of the territorial limits of the Christian kingdom, and the evangelization of many of the conquered areas. These outward movements of expansion of both Church and State were most active in the reigns of 'Amde-Siyon (1314-44) and Yishaq (1413-30), who were the most outstanding military leaders of the kingdom in the whole of our period. Their campaigns pushed the Christian frontiers far into the heart of the Muslim dominated areas beyond the Awash in the east, the rich Sidama country between the left bank of the Abbay and the lake region of the rift valley in the south, and the Agew and Felasha country consisting of Goojam and what is today the Province of Begemdir in the west and in the north-west. The literary and religious activities of Zer'a-Ya'qob (1434-68) were essentially an attempt to etsabilize the manifold conquests of his predecessors, and to give sound institutional bases for both church and State in the whole of the Christian Empire. The relatively radical programmes which he rigorously put to effect during his reign were not continued by his successors, and with the reigns of a series of minor kings the diverse regional and religious interests fully reasserted themselves. The absence of a strong, xinited leadership for half a century (following Be'ide-Maryam's reign) sapped the Christian kingdom of much of its political and military strength, and led in the end to the brilliant successes of Ahmad ibn Ibrahim, otherwise known as Gragn.
127 citations
Book•
21 Jun 1968
TL;DR: The Princeton Legacy Library uses the latest print-on-demand technology to again make available previously out-of-print books from the distinguished backlist of Princeton University Press as discussed by the authors, which preserve the original texts of these important books while presenting them in durable paperback and hardcover editions.
Abstract: Professor Kaegi studies the response of the eastern half of the Roman Empire to the disintegration of western Rome, usually dated from the sack of the city of Rome in A.D. 410. Using sources from the fifth and sixth centuries, he shows that the eastern empire had a clear awareness of, interest in, and definite opinions on the disasters that befell Rome in the west. Religious arguments, both Pagan and Christian, tended to dominate the thinking of the intellectuals, but economic and diplomatic activity also contributed to the reaction. This reaction, the author finds, was in a distinctly eastern manner and reflected quite naturally the special conditions prevailing in the eastern provinces. Originally published in 1968. The Princeton Legacy Library uses the latest print-on-demand technology to again make available previously out-of-print books from the distinguished backlist of Princeton University Press. These editions preserve the original texts of these important books while presenting them in durable paperback and hardcover editions. The goal of the Princeton Legacy Library is to vastly increase access to the rich scholarly heritage found in the thousands of books published by Princeton University Press since its founding in 1905.
69 citations
Book•
01 Jan 1968
65 citations
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TL;DR: The Black Death epidemic of 542-742 as mentioned in this paper continued as a series of epidemics well into the seventh century and followed a pattern much like that of the fourteenth century Black Death, it reduced the population 40-50 percent by the end of the century.
Abstract: The plague, appearing about A.D. 542, continued as a series of epidemics well into the seventh century and followed a pattern much like that of the fourteenth century Black Death. Just previously, the Byzantine Emperor Justinian (527–565) had recaptured North Africa from the Vandals and much of Italy from the Ostrogoths. The prospect of reestablishing the whole Roman Empire seemed good since conditions in the east were excellent and much of the west might welcome his armies. The plague interrupted and probably made impossible the fulfillment of that program. About as destructive as the later plague, it reduced the population 40–50 percent by the end of the century. This simplified culture by cutting down the size of the cities. Heavier mortality of smaller households injured the clergy and the more literate groups. The lighter losses in the dry areas tended to upset the balance between semi-nomadic and settled lands, Society was changed radically and upset emotionally. Burdened by increasing depression and loss of population, the Byzantine Empire had to reduce the size of its field armies. Not only was the offensive in the West abandoned after 565, but the southern defenses were so weakened that Islam, in the next century, tore away Egypt and Syria. The simpler conditions induced by the plague offered an ideal opportunity for the development and spread of Islam, particularly in the nomadic and semi-nomadic areas. In the west the threat of Frankish expansion weakened and localism increased. The general pattern of Greek, Arab, and German dominance was to persist for centuries.
63 citations
Book•
01 Jan 1968
TL;DR: The second volume in the triptych by the same author as discussed by the authors depicts the rise and decline of the British Empire and it centres on the Diamond Jubilee of 1897, which was the first volume of the Triptych.
Abstract: A second edition of the text originally published in 1978 This title is the second volume in the triptych by the same author, depicting the rise and decline of the British Empire and it centres on the Diamond Jubilee of 1897
62 citations
61 citations
Book•
01 Jan 1968
TL;DR: In a recent article as discussed by the authors, R. B. Sheridan argued that the British West Indies made a substantial contribution to the economic development of Great Britain before the end of the eighteenth century and that the income of Englishmen would have been at least J500,ooo higher in the absence of the West Indies from the empire.
Abstract: N a recent article in this Journal, R. B. Sheridan maintains that the British West Indies made a substantial contribution to the economic development of Great Britain before the end of the eighteenth century.2A careful examination of the evidence presented by Sheridan does not support his contention. The object of this essay is to demonstrate that economic analysis used in conjunction with the data employed by Sheridan yields the conclusion that the possession of the British West Indies actually had the effect of retarding the growth of Great Britain.3 In fact, the conclusion reached in this essay is that the income of Englishmen would have been at least J500,ooo higher in the absence of the West Indies from the empire. Sheridan contends that the West Indies in general, andJamaica in particular, "yielded an economic surplus which contributed in no small way to the growth of the metropolitan economy".4 This conclusion is based upon evidence showing the rapid extensive economic growth of the island ofJamaica between I 740 and 1 775, and upon an implicit "balance sheet of empire" based also upon data from Jamaica. In the course of his argument, Sheridan constructs an estimate of the wealth ofJamaica during the I 770's and expands it to include all the British West India sugar colonies. This wealth estimate was found by Sheridan to be consistent with a measurement of the annual income generated in the British West Indies. The sheer size of these findings seems to have led Sheridan to conclude that the British West Indies must have made a significant positive contribution to the economic growth of the metropolitan region.
TL;DR: At the Armistice of Mudros, signed on 30 October I918, the Sick Man of Europe as the Ottoman Empire had for so long been derisively known finally died.
Abstract: At the Armistice of Mudros, signed on 30 October I918, the Sick Man of Europe as the Ottoman Empire had for so long been derisively known finally died. For all his alleged sickness, however, the Sick Man did not die of disease, but was violently destroyed in a long and bitter war in which he proved a formidable opponent and gave quite a good account of himself. But now, at the end of 1918, the Empire was lying prostrate, its central government quite powerless, its armies in dissolution, and its territories in Arabia, the Levant, and Mesopotamia under Allied mostly British occupation. Its enemies for half a century and more had desired and prophesied the destruction of the Ottoman Empire, had denounced it as a corrupt, oppressive despotism. It now looked as though the Turk would at last be expelled, bag and baggage, not only from Europe, but from Asia as well; that his possessions would be dismembered and divided and the nationalities whom he was said to have oppressed for so long at last set free. In fact the Allies, that is Great Britain, France, Russia, and Italy, had by various treaties concluded in I9I5, 1916, and 1917 in anticipation divided Ottoman territories among themselves, and at the end of the war it seemed that nothing could prevent such schemes being implemented. Russia, of course, had by then dropped out, and the Soviets had abandoned all claim to Ottoman territory; but another claimant had appeared in their stead, whose ambitions evoked the Turks' determined and desperate resistance and forced the Allies to reckon with them. Ever since the Greek Revolution, Greek nationalists had aspired to extend the boundaries of Greece so as to take in the Greek population of Asia Minor, and resuscitate the glories of Byzantium. At the war's end, Venizelos was Prime Minister in Greece. During the war he had been pro-Entente, and he now persuaded the Allies to award Smyrna
Book•
01 Jan 1968
TL;DR: The history of the Holy Roman Empire was always intertwined with that of Europe as a whole, and many of the divisions and struggles in modern Europe, as well as the political ideals, have their roots in the Holy Rose Empire as mentioned in this paper.
Abstract: The history of the Holy Roman Empire was always intertwined with that of Europe as a whole. The stamp of the institutions and politics of the old Empire is still evident in 20th-century Europe, and many of the divisions and struggles in modern Europe, as well as the political ideals, have their roots in the Holy Roman Empire. With this in mind, the book aims to demonstrate the basic unity of European history. The book shows this unity of history as an essentially European institution, starting with the coronation of Charlemagne in Rome on Christmas Day AD 800, and ending with the illegal suspension of the Empire by Francis II in 1806 under pressure from Napoleon. Within the book's chronological framework, the author follows up certain themes: the status of the Emperor and meaning of kingship and leadership; the structure of the Empire, which was a federation, never an absolutist state; the internal struggles within the imperial system, and the constant struggle with rival empires in the west and east; the ever-shifting centres of gravity of the Empire, Aachen and the Rhineland, Rome, Nuremberg, Sicily, Madrid, Prague and Vienna; the large measure of political and religious toleration and the unending struggles between Empire and Church; and the ever-present ideal of a united Europe.
TL;DR: It is not too much to describe the Ṣaffārids of S ǫstān as an archetypal military dynasty as mentioned in this paper. But such was the effect in Sīstaan of their achievement, and the stimulus to local pride and feeling which resulted from it, that they returned to power there in a very short time.
Abstract: It is not too much to describe the Ṣaffārids of S‚stān as an archetypal military dynasty In the later years of the third/ninth century, their empire covered the greater part of the non-Arab eastern Islamic world In the west, Ya'qūb al-Laith's army was only halted at Dair al-'Āqūl, 50 miles from Baghdad; in the north, Ya'qūb and his brother 'Arm campaigned in the Caspian coastlands against the local 'Alids, and 'Amr made serious attempts to extend his power into Khwārazm and Transoxania; in the east, the two brothers pushed forward the frontiers of the Dār al-Islām into the pagan borderlands of what are now eastern Afghanistan and the North-West Frontier region of West Pakistan; and in the south, Ṣaffārid authority was acknowledged even across the persion Gulf in ‘Umān This impressive achievement was the work of two soldiers of genius, Ya'qūub and 'Amr, and lasted for little more than a quarter of a century It began to crumble when in 287/900 the Sāmānid Amīr Ismā'īl b Aḥmad defeated arid captured ‘Amr b al-Laith, and 11 years later, the core of the empire, Sīstān itself, was in Sāmānid hands Yet such was the effect in Sīstān of the Ṣaffārid brothers’ achievement, and the stimulus to local pride and feeling which resulted from it, that the Ṣaffārids returned to power there in a very short time For several more centuries they endured and survived successive waves of invaders of Sīstān—the Ghaznavids, the Seljūqs, the Mongols—and persisted down to the establishment of the Ṣafavid state in Persia
01 Jan 1968
TL;DR: In this article, the authors examine the internal structure of the Saljuq Empire and show that nothing, religious or temporal, lay outside the care and concern of the sultan.
Abstract: In this brief examination of the internal structure of the Saljuq Empire the author has attempted to show that nothing, religious or temporal, lay outside the care and concern of the sultan. Ghazali's new definition of the relationship between the sultanate and the caliphate was an attempt to authorize the sultan's government. The Saljuqs, who had started out as the leaders of a tribal migration, were gradually transformed, partly under the influence of Ghazali and Nizam al-Mulk, into the rulers of a centralized state. The main features of the new organization of state-notably the structure of the divan, the iqtac system, and the close connexion between the assessment of taxes and the levy of troops-are also to be found in the Safavid and Qajar periods. Through the officials of the divan, the muqta's and provincial governors, the officials of the religious institution, and local officials, the sultan came into contact with all aspects of the life of his people.
TL;DR: In the last two decades of the Empire, and throughout the "Old Republic" (1889-1930), the Brazilian Northeast witnessed the emergence of two popular religious movements.
Abstract: URING THE last two decades of the Empire, and t)throughout the "Old Republic" (1889-1930), the Brazilian Northeast witnessed the emergence of two popular religious movements. One was led by the mystic, Ant6nio Conselheiro. His "holy city" of about eight thousand sertanejos flourished in the Bahian town of Canudos from 1893 until its destruction by Brazilian federal troops in 1897.1 The other unfolded in 1889 at Joaseiro, a rural hamlet in the verdant Cariry Valley in the southernmost corner of Ceara state. This "mystical city" and its leader, the suspended Roman Catholic priest, Father Cicero Romao Batista, survived for almost half a century despite the hostility of Church and State.2 When
TL;DR: Nyungu-ya-Mawe as discussed by the authors created a polity which outlasted his own lifetime by more than a decade and used a corps of professional soldiers called Ruga-ruga to carry out his conquests.
Abstract: The introduction by the Arabs of new forms of storable wealth, together with fire-arms and gunpowder, into the interior of nineteenth century East Africa gave a direct stimulus to tribal warfare. Among the Nyamwezi of West Central Tanzania, who had practised long-distance trade in ivory before the Arab penetration took place, charismatic war-leaders appeared who created new hegemonies over the smaller, traditional units of these multi-chiefdom societies. These leaders attempted to capture the trade and control the main lines of communication. Mirambo was the most famous of them, but Nyungu-ya-Mawe, who was his exact contemporary (both died in 1884) was, perhaps, more successful. Nyungu created a polity which outlasted his own lifetime by more than a decade.Like Mirambo, he used a corps of professional soldiers called Ruga-ruga to carry out his conquests. The latter included most of the 20,000 square miles of Ukimbu and a part of southern Unyamwezi as well. He skilfully adapted the chiefly institutions of the Kimbu to a wider hegemony, and to an economy based on the large-scale exploitation of Kimbu resources in ivory. By his appointment of vatwale, lieutenants or military governors, as his military, political and economic agents in the various provinces of Ukimbu, he was able to hold his ‘empire’ together. The proliferation of small chiefdoms had been endemic to the Kimbu, a people with a forest economy that imposed both the need for small, political units, and for freedom of movement over a wide area. Nyungu and his vatwale halted this process.Nyungu was Mirambo’s ally in the early years, and was supported by him as the loyalist candidate for the important Nyamwezi chiefdom of Unyanyembe (Tabora). Later, however, in 1880, when Nyungu defeated Mirambo’s powerful vassal, Mtinginya, and seized control of the central caravan route to the coast, relations between the two men became strained. When the Germans dismantled Nyungu’s hegemony in 1895, they destroyed the only realistic attempt ever made to unify an area of extreme political complexity.
TL;DR: Girault and Clough as mentioned in this paper argued that in the case of Senegal the reaction against the liberal policies introduced by the Second Empire into French colonial trade can be dated from the Decree of I 877 which raised a tariff differential against foreign cloth imported at St Louis and Dakar.
Abstract: STANDARD works on nineteenth-century French economic history recognize the growing strength of the movement against economic liberalism in the early years of the Third Republic. For example, both Girault1 and Clough,2 though they disagree on the identification of a depression in the period I873-82, describe the agitation for tariff protection by French metallurgists, textile manufacturers, and agriculturalists. Clough saw the tariff Law of 7 May i88i, modified by existing trade treaties, as a corner-stone in the protectionist edifice that was completed by the Meline Tariff of I 892; Girault dates the origins of the revival of colonial preferences and the formation of a "colonial party" in French politics from about i883 or i884, when Algeria was assimilated to the metropolitan tariff, and when the Old Colonies (Martinique, Guadeloupe, Reunion) were persuaded to revoke their own legislation and favour imports of French origin. At the same time, other colonial assemblies were forbidden control over Customs tariffs in order to avoid the development of freer trade, detrimental to metropolitan interests, as had happened in the Caribbean territories after i 86i. It is argued in this essay that in the case of Senegal the reaction against the liberal policies introduced by the Second Empire into French colonial trade can be dated from the Decree of I 877 which raised a tariff differential against foreign cloth imported at St Louis and Dakar.3 The volume of this trade in West Africa was, of course, very small compared with the interests at stake for manufacturers and merchants in the metropolitan tariff structure. Nevertheless, the debate on the principles involved provides a useful index of the way in which, in the I 870's, various pressure groups in France and the colonies aligned themselves on an issue which was the thin end of a very much bigger wedge. In particular, it has been possible to account for the attitudes of the French chambers of commerce, notably Bordeaux and Marseilles, and the two government departments which took opposite sides on the Senegal question-the Ministry of Commerce and the Ministry of Marine and Colonies.
Book•
01 Jan 1968
TL;DR: The Montagu-Chelmsford reforms as discussed by the authors were the first steps towards the creation of a self-governing India as an integral part of the British Empire and its independence.
Abstract: On August 20th, 1917, Edwin Montagu declared in the House of Commons that: “the policy of His Majesty's Government … is that of the … gradual development of self-governing institutions with a view to the progressive realization of responsible government in India as an integral part of the British Empire.” This announcement, more than any other single event, may properly be described as signalling the creation of the Montagu-Chelmsford reforms and the breakup of the third British Empire. It affirmed that a nonwhite portion of the empire could aspire to the same goal of self-government as the white colonies of Canada, Australia, New Zealand, and South Africa had successively achieved.
TL;DR: The authors pointed out that the self-strengthening movement became "bankrupt" after the Sino-French War of 1884-1885 and pointed out a development in the late Ch'ing period that is usually overlooked by students in the West.
Abstract: Historians on the Chinese mainland maintain that the self-strengthening movement became “bankrupt” after the Sino-French War of 1884–1885. Their phraseology is typically value-laden, and contains the usual quotient of exaggeration. Yet these Communist scholars do point to a development in the late Ch'ing period that is usually overlooked by students in the West. During the Sino-French War, French forces had sailed almost at will along the entire coast of the empire, had temporarily occupied a part of Taiwan, and finally had snuffed out the dynasty's last pretensions to sovereignty in Vietnam. In the wake of this conflict, growing threats of Russian and Japanese aggression further raised doubts that the self-strengthening policy was effective as a means of securing the defense of the empire.