Topic
Expansionism
About: Expansionism is a(n) research topic. Over the lifetime, 979 publication(s) have been published within this topic receiving 11169 citation(s).
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TL;DR: There is a long lineage of engagements with the history of colonialism as discussed by the authors, which includes papers by practitioners such as John Locke, Edmund Burke, James Mill, and Thomas Macaulay early on and critiques of the practice by Hobson, Lenin, Luxemburg, and Schumpeter among many others since the height of imperialism.
Abstract: Discourse and practice are interdependent. Practice follows discourse, while discourse is generated by practice. As for the discourse on colonialism, there is a long lineage of engagements with the history of colonialism. One recalls papers by practitioners such as John Locke, Edmund Burke, James Mill, and Thomas Macaulay early on, and critiques of the practice by Hobson, Lenin, Luxemburg, and Schumpeter among many others since the height of imperialism. Numerous metropolitan fiction writers are obsessed by the presence of remote colonies from Melville and Flaubert to Conrad and Gide. Actually, hardly any Western writer from Jane Austen to Thomas Mann, from Balzac to D. H. Lawrence could manage to escape from the spell of modern expansionism. The modern West depends on its colonies for self-definition, as Edward Said's newest book, Culture and Imperialism, argues.' In the area of literary theory and criticism, however, the discourse on colonialism has a surprisingly brief history. One needs to remember that writers of the Negritude Movement and other Third World writers such
331 citations
Book•
06 Apr 2010
TL;DR: In this article, a leading foreign policy expert tells the story of how China's non-confrontational strategy is reshaping the rules of the new world order, and presents a coherent integration of both the economic and strategic sides of China-US relations.
Abstract: A leading foreign policy expert tells the story of how China's non-confrontational strategy is reshaping the rules of the new world order In "The Beijing Consensus", Stefan Halper presents a coherent integration of both the economic and strategic sides of China-US relations In its efforts to influence the rest of the world-to create a new liberal and democratic order - the United States has used its military and economic might to force developing countries to aim toward democratic reform and transparency A fine strategy, when you're the only game in town The Chinese, Halper argues, have chosen to confront the United States only indirectly Instead of playing by America's rules, as did the Soviet Union, China has redefined the rules of the game China doles out money to dictators - with no strings attached They buy resources from Africa and South America - without forcing transparency or reform down oligarchs' throats In doing so, it's presenting the world's despots with a viable alternative to the so-called Washington Consensus China is showing the world how to have economic growth with an illiberal government At the same time, Halper argues, that its rapid economic growth has created massive fissures in Chinese society between the haves and the have-nots In order to maintain political control, the Chinese Communist Party has to sustain double-digit economic growth, which means that it must exploit and co-opt the rest of the world's resources Necessity lies at the heart of China's expansionist policies Without them, the Communist Party risks its own demise "The Beijing Consensus" will prove to be a vital book in understanding the increasingly complex relationship between the United States and China-and between China and the rest of the world
264 citations
Book•
01 Jan 1974
TL;DR: In this paper, the authors examined Ethiopia since the overthrow of the monarchy in the 1970s, and made a substantial contribution both to Ethiopian interpretive history and to sociological analysis.
Abstract: Greater Ethiopia combines history, anthropology, and sociology to answer two major questions. Why did Ethiopia remain independent under the onslaught of European expansionism while other African political entities were colonized? And why must Ethiopia be considered a single cultural region despite its political, religious, and linguistic diversity? Donald Levine's interdisciplinary study makes a substantial contribution both to Ethiopian interpretive history and to sociological analysis. In his new preface, Levine examines Ethiopia since the overthrow of the monarchy in the 1970s. "Ethiopian scholarship is in Professor Levine's debt...He has performed an important task with panache, urbanity, and learning."--Edward Ullendorff, Times Literary Supplement
249 citations
TL;DR: The years immediately after World War II provided American policy makers with a unique opportunity to help shape the international economic order for a generation to come as mentioned in this paper. But much of the way policy makers envisaged international economic reconstruction derived from the ambivalent way in which domestic economic conflict had been resolved before and during the New Deal.
Abstract: The years immediately after World War II provided American policy makers with a unique opportunity to help shape the international economic order for a generation to come. United States objectives are usually described in terms of enlightened idealism or capitalist expansionism. But much of the way policy makers envisaged international economic reconstruction derived from the ambivalent way in which domestic economic conflict had been resolved before and during the New Deal. In the inconclusive struggle between business champions and the spokesmen for reform, Americans achieved consensus by celebrating a supposedly impartial efficiency and productivity and by condemning allegedly wasteful monopoly. Looking outward during and after World War II, United States representatives condemned Fascism as a form of monopoly power, then later sought to isolate Communist parties and labor unions as adversaries of their priorities of production. American blueprints for international monetary order, policy toward trade unions, and the intervention of occupation authorities in West Germany and Japan sought to transform political issues into problems of output, to adjourn class conflict for a consensus on growth. The American approach was successful because for almost two decades high rates of growth made the politics of productivity apparently pay off. Whether an alternative approach could have achieved more equality remains an important but separate inquiry.
229 citations
TL;DR: The authors explored the transition from the linguistic imperialism of the colonial and post-colonial ages to the increasingly dominant role of English as a neo-imperial language in the U.S. empire.
Abstract: The article explores the transition from the linguistic imperialism of the colonial and postcolonial ages to the increasingly dominant role of English as a neoimperial language. It analyzes ‘global’ English as a key dimension of the U.S. empire. U.S. expansionism is a fundamental principle of the foreign policy of the United States that can be traced back over two centuries. Linguistic imperialism and neoimperialism are exemplified at the micro and macro levels, and some key defining traits explored, as are cultural and institutional links between the United Kingdom and the United States, and the role of foundations in promoting ‘world’ English. Whereas many parts of the world have experienced a longstanding engagement with English, the use of English in continental Europe has expanded markedly in recent years, as a result of many strands of globalization and European integration. Some ongoing tensions in language policy in Europe, and symptoms of complicity in accepting linguistic hegemony, are explored....
210 citations