Showing papers on "Expansionism published in 1974"

Greater Ethiopia: The Evolution of a Multiethnic Society

Abstract: Greater Ethiopia combines history, anthropology, and sociology to answer two major questions. Why did Ethiopia remain independent under the onslaught of European expansionism while other African political entities were colonized? And why must Ethiopia be considered a single cultural region despite its political, religious, and linguistic diversity? Donald Levine's interdisciplinary study makes a substantial contribution both to Ethiopian interpretive history and to sociological analysis. In his new preface, Levine examines Ethiopia since the overthrow of the monarchy in the 1970s. "Ethiopian scholarship is in Professor Levine's debt...He has performed an important task with panache, urbanity, and learning."--Edward Ullendorff, Times Literary Supplement

Anglo-German Rivalry and Krepi Politics, 1886-1894

Abstract: In 1884 the German colony of Togo had been established on the coastal areas east of Anlo, and by 1886 the colonial government was making moves to extend its control inland and towards the River Volta. The direction of this expansionism was dictated largely by the desire to gain access to the north-south trade which had developed, especially since 1874, along the route from Salaga, through Krepi,2 to the coast. Since however most of the southern end of this trade was within the areas then under the control of the Gold Coast government, the German designs on the Salaga trade route were seen as a threat to British Gold Coast interests, and a period of competition between the two powers ensued, with the main focal points at Salaga and at Krepl. 3 This article will be concerned with the development of this AngloGerman competition, between 1886 and 1894, in so far as it concerned the Krepi area. However the main purpose will be to show the relationships between this level of political activity and another level, that of political rivalries within Krepl. The focus here will be on the actions of the political leaders of Kpandu, a chiefdom in the north of the Krepi area, in their attempts to utilize the political changes arising out of the Anglo-German rivalry, in order to pursue their own, and Kpandu 's interests in Krepi politics. The implications of colonisation looked rather different from the viewpoint of Kpandu than they did from that of the two colonising powers. By looking at both viewpoints we can, it is hoped, gain a fuller understanding of the actual political changes which took place in this area. By 1886 the political position of Kpandu within Krepi was an ambiguous one. Peki had based its claim to the political dominance of Krepi primarily upon its leadership of the Krepi rebellion against Akwamu in 1833. 4 For some time after this the various Krepi chiefdoms seem to have accepted the seniority of Peki, but it is doubtful if this was ever translated into a position of effective and stable control. By the 1850s, while most of Krepi was still accepting some degree of Peki dominance, it seems that Kpandu was already beginning to challenge this, as in 1858 it apparently refused to pay the Poll Tax through Peki. 5 By the early 1880s the Peki chief, Kodjo Deh, was complaining to the Gold Coast government that the Kpandu chief did not recognize his authority. The concern on the part of the political leaders of Kpandu to assert their independence from Peki would seem to be directly related to the emergence of Kpandu into a position of economic importance in Krepl.

Interest-Group Tactics and the Politics of Foreign Investment: The Time-Reader's Digest Case Study *

Abstract: The interdependence of Canada and the United States has posed special problems for policy-makers concerned with safeguarding Canada's sovereignty and promoting a national identity. Concern has been especially apparent over the magazine publishing industry, in which the local subsidiaries of two us publishing firms, Time Incorporated and The Reader's Digest Association Incorporated, have had a disproportionate influence on publications policy in Canada. The nationality of a corporate actor emerges as a significant dimension affecting interest-group behaviour and effectiveness, for it bears on the range of techniques and input-channels available to an actor in trying to influence government policy. A us-controlled company operating in Canada is able to manoeuvre within two political systems so as to affect a governmental decision. To illustrate and develop this point, this article examines the formulation of federal legislation on Canadian magazines, focusing on how policy has been affected by both Canadian and us governmental and corporate action. The broader implications for government policy in the field of mass communications are explored. Professor Hugh Aitken has described the development of Canada as defensive expansionism in the face of possible absorption into the United States.' In this context, general concern has focused on sociocultural influences that threaten to Americanize Canadian patterns and values. One major carrier of such influences is the American periodical. Historically, the Canadian periodical industry has operated in an unfavourable business environment. Native publishers alleged that the deluge of overflow circulation from the United States constituted unfair competition and the chief obstacle to the development of a flourishing industry. In a telegram sent in 1922 to each member of Parliament, the Magazine Publishers Association (MPA) requested tariff protection, an initiative that helped to precipitate a national debate on the issue." Other interest groups supporting the MPA's demand included the Canadian National Newspaper and Periodical Association, the Canadian Manufacturers' Association, the Imperial Order of the Daughters of the Empire, the