Showing papers on "Expansionism published in 1999"
••
TL;DR: The authors examine the personal accounts of a marginalized population of professionally ambitious Japanese women to show how they deploy discourses of the modern, or "narratives of internationalism," to construct an "emancipatory" turn to the foreign/West in opposition to gender-stratified corporate and family structures in Japan.
Abstract: It is by now a commonplace that, in translocal contexts, modernities must increasingly be theorized in the plural as diverse global phenomena reflecting multiple local agendas. The traditional/modern binary that was once a central mobilizing trope of anthropology, in which modernity is viewed as a "robust and noxious weed whose spread chokes the delicate life" out of "authentic" local and traditional meanings (Pigg 1996:164), has been revealed as inadequate to explain ways that discourses of the modern may be deployed oppositionally, for example, by those who seek access to modernity's language of rights against an oppressive state. At the same time "local" modernities do not proliferate indiscriminately without reference to the originally modern West; they are intimately implicated in questions of Western universalism and its relation to Western nationalism. As Rey Chow writes, modernity must be understood "as a force of cultural expansionism whose foundations are not only emancipatory but also Eurocentric and patriarchal" (1992:101). In this article I will examine the personal accounts of a marginalized population of professionally ambitious Japanese women to show how they deploy discourses of the modern, or "narratives of internationalism," to construct an "emancipatory" turn to the foreign/West in opposition to gender-stratified corporate and family structures in Japan.1 It should be noted at the outset that such internationalized professional women constitute a small minority of Japanese women; as Ogasawara observes in her recent book, the majority of young women in Japan still hold marriage and full-time motherhood as their primary life goal (1998:62-63). For the small number of women who are enabled by their age, marital status, economic resources, and familial flexibility (among other factors) to explore the cosmopolitan possibilities of internationalization, however, this option can lead to opportunities to travel, study, and work abroad and to the discovery of a female niche in the international job market as translators, interpreters, consultants, bilingual secretaries, entrepreneurs, international aid workers, United Nations employees, and so on. Examples of internationalist narratives abound in a genre of Japanese women's writing about the West by authors such as Toshiko Marks (1992),
66 citations
••
31 Jan 1999
TL;DR: Stoett as mentioned in this paper argues that the acceptance of either perspective has profound conceptual and immediate praxiological implications, and proposes a minimalist-maximalist framework for international security issues.
Abstract: There is growing recognition that the post-Cold War era demands new conceptions of global and human security. In this highly readable account of international security issues, Peter Stoett begins by disussing four principal security threats: state violence, environmental degradation, population displacement, and globalization. Employing a minimalist-maximalist framework - the minimalist interpretation applies to conventional and restricted legal definitions of a term, while the maximalist interpretation refers to broader conceptions of problems, often global in effect - Stoett argues that the acceptance of either perspective has profound conceptual and immediate praxiological implications. While the latter may tend to see security in terms of the state and governance within an international system, it is the former, more specific, interpretation that is suitable for policy analysis. Only varied understandings of the basic terms of global security, Stoett reasons, allow for widespread critical debate among both generalists and specialists. The concluding chapter on globalization, with its attendant implications for the environment and population displacement, situates human and global security within the larger context of the historical process of expansionism. Human and Global Security provides a sophisticated, yet eminently readable account of contemporary security issues set against a backdrop of international relations theory. Its approach will appeal to a general audience as well as students and scholars.
52 citations
••
35 citations
••
TL;DR: In this paper, a historical geographer and cartographic historian interprets Walt Disney's Frontierland as both a miniaturized environment and a stylized map, and speculates that Frontierland perpetuates deeply rooted, and widely shared, mainstream American attitudes toward United States expansionism from the late nineteenth century through the Cold War.
Abstract: In this essay, a historical geographer and cartographic historian interprets Walt Disney's Frontierland as botha miniaturized environment and a stylized map. He speculates that Frontierland perpetuates deeply rooted, and widely shared, mainstream American attitudes toward United States expansionism from the late nineteenth century through the Cold War.
18 citations
••
9 citations
••
TL;DR: Haefeli et al. as mentioned in this paper argue that our efforts to combine local and imperial perspectives and to distinguish between borderlands and frontiers may have added nothing more than a colorful new overcoat to the old [triumphalist] story of nation building.
Abstract: SCHOLARSHIP ON AMERICAN FRONTIERS, writes Evan Haefeli, "retains much of the narcissism of Frederick Jackson Turner's celebratory thesis." Our efforts to combine local and imperial perspectives and to distinguish between borderlands and frontiers, he fears, may have added nothing "more than a colorful new overcoat to the old [triumphalist] story of nation building." Even more accusingly, John Wunder and Pekka Hamdlainen condemn our "borderlands to borders" framework as "process history," shot through with the imperialist and ethnocentric weaknesses of Turner's thesis. Worse still, claim Wunder and Hamalainen, we muffle our historiographic allegiance to Turner. Yet, like Turner, we fail to recognize the agency of Indian peoples, causing us to oversimplify a "complex historical phenomenon" and "deny the unbroken past" that is supposedly fundamental to Indian peoples. We have no interest in turning this response into a refighting of battles over the ghost of Frederick Jackson Turner or a rehashing of skirmishes among historians of the American West over the advantages of "place" or "process" (which we think starts with a false dichotomy).1 As we admit in the article, we stand with (and on) Turner in the concern for periodizing European expansionism. Our emphasis on the often unexpected mixings that frontiers and borderlands produced, however, seems anything but "sanitized." Nor should our attempt to frame the history of colonialism in North America be seen as "celebratory." Its purpose was to explain how the process of conquest moved across North America from various directions and to analyze some of the forces that altered assorted expansionist designs. Still, were we to lay our historiographic cards on the table, we might also have acknowledged our indebtedness to Turner's vision of an American history that
9 citations
••
TL;DR: The authors examined the extent to which social policy adopted by the colonial government in Hong Kong (prior to its handover China in 1997) has set the agenda for the government of the newly formed Special Administrative Region (SAR).
Abstract: Examines the extent to which social policy adopted by the colonial government in Hong Kong (prior to its hand‐over China in 1997) has set the agenda for the government of the newly formed Special Administrative Region (SAR). Chronicles the historical development of social policy in Hong Kong since the inception of the colonial government in 1842; identifies that, with the exception of a short‐lived period of expansionism (stimulated by social unrest in the mid‐1960’s) social welfare provision appears to have been low on the government’s agenda and incremental in nature ‐ the emphasis being on economic growth, rather than public spending on welfare programmes. Examines the strengths and weaknesses of this incremental approach; outlines the commitment of the SAR government to the market economy and its proposals for a modest increase in welfare provision, essentially building on the legacy left behind by the colonial government.
6 citations
•
10 Jun 1999
TL;DR: This chapter discusses the challenges and opportunities of American Expansionism in the period from 1844 to 1848, as well as some of the strategies used to achieve that goal.
Abstract: chapter 1 Broadening Horizons chapter 2 The Challenge of American Expansionism, 1844 chapter 3 Hesitant Capitulation, 1845 chapter 4 Ratifying the Shifting Balance, 1846 chapter 5 A Shifting Perspective, 1847-1848 chapter 6 Conclusion chapter 7 Notes chapter 8 Bibliography chapter 9 Index
6 citations
••
01 Jan 1999TL;DR: The early modern period has been traditionally seen by Europeans as the first great age in which Europe reached out beyond its geographical boundaries to trade with and ultimately colonise the non-European world.
Abstract: The early modern period has been traditionally seen by Europeans as the first great age in which Europe reached out beyond its geographical boundaries to trade with and ultimately colonise the non-European world. For many historians it was this very expansionism which distinguished the early modern period from what went before. The great explosion of Portuguese and Castilian (or Castilian-sponsored) exploration and then conquest which began in the mid-fifteenth century was seen as the point at which Europe, which had been under pressure from outside for the previous millennium, finally took the initiative and began to expand. This expansion altered the cultural and psychological profile of the continent and led to economic change, especially in the Atlantic regions, which were most conveniently placed geographically to benefit from extra-European maritime contact.
5 citations
••
TL;DR: This paper explored the influence of the Cold War on the formulation and application of US narcotic foreign policy at the United Nations and revealed how the ideologically rich and longstanding US international crusade against narcotics was often subordinated to the containment of communist expansionism.
Abstract: This article explores the influence of the Cold War on the formulation and application of US narcotic foreign policy at the UN. Examination of Washington's approach toward drug control in South East Asia and the Middle East reveals how the ideologically rich and longstanding US international crusade against narcotics was often subordinated to the containment of communist expansionism. The article demonstrates how both individual and systemic factors combined to deflect US attention away from the sources of illegal narcotics. This produced a confused and contradictory policy despite increasing fears during the 1950s that drugs from abroad posed a real threat to the American way of life.
5 citations
01 Jan 1999
TL;DR: The authors examines the reasons for the failure of these initiatives, these reasons including such factors as ethnically-motivated political antagonism, and the lack of economic complementarity, which should not be forgotten in a period when the countries of the region are looking towards the European Union, expecting - realistically or not - the solution of their various conflicts.
Abstract: Central and Eastern Europe has a long history of, on the one hand, ethnic conflicts and, on the other, of a revolutionary tradition against expansionism. Both have their roots in the geographical situation and ethnic composition of the region. All these problems have surfaced at times when the political status quo has been upset for some reason, such as after the two world wars and after the collapse of the Soviet Union. Both great powers bordering the Danube region - Germany and Russia - have strived to develop their own versions of confederations (Mitteleuropa and Pan-Slavic movements). Also, politicians and intellectuals of the countries affected have proposed various theories, and made initiatives for different forms of closer and looser confederative formations. This book examines the reasons for the failure of these initiatives, these reasons including such factors as ethnically-motivated political antagonism, and the lack of economic complementarity. Contributing information on the problems of political and economic integration, which should not be forgotten in a period when the countries of the region are looking towards the European Union, expecting - realistically or not - the solution of their various conflicts.
•
01 Jan 1999
TL;DR: A two-volume set of documents and maps provides the historical background appropriate to understand the present Balkan crisis as mentioned in this paper and makes available the essential historical texts and maps determining the formation of boundaries in the Kosovo region.
Abstract: This two volume set of documents and maps provides the historical background appropriate to understanding the present Balkan crisis. It makes available the essential historical texts and maps determining the formation of boundaries in the Kosovo region. Treaties, political reports and diplomatic correspondence have been selected from British government files to show the main historical developments in territorial relations between Albania, Kosovo, Serbia, Montenegro, Macedonia and Greece. The collection begins with the rise of Balkan nationalism in the mid-nineteenth century, and ends with the provisional Government of Albania set up in 1944, turning away from its original close links with Yugoslavia, fearing Yugoslav expansionism, and seeking alliances with China and other Communist powers.
•
01 Jan 1999
Abstract: In this clear and concise reassessment of British imperialism, Willie Thompson examines the underlying social, economic and political forces that facilitated expansion during the key period of 1870--1914. Relating colonial expansion to both domestic politics and international relations, Professor Thompson identifies the shifts in world economic and political relationships, especially the challenge from an emergent German Reich, as the driving forces behind the fresh burst of expansionist energy during the period. He considers in detail the relations with the British state and various types of colony, from the semi-autonomous settlement colonies to wholly subordinated African territories and semi-colonies such as China and the Ottoman Empire. The impact of imperial ideology on British society and culture, both official and popular, and on political perceptions is explored, as is the structure of international relations and tensions generated by this phase of imperialism. This is the first short text to bring together the various dimensions of late-- nineteenth-century imperialism -- not just colonial expansion -- and view them within the context of a broader post--seventeenth-century imperial development.
••
01 Jan 1999
TL;DR: The tricentenary commemoration of the Glorious Revolution of 1688 was enlivened in Britain and the Netherlands by interesting celebrations and exhibitions, but it was largely ignored by the public and did not produce a great deal of scholarly discussion about the significance of the event.
Abstract: The tricentenary commemoration of the Glorious Revolution of 1688 was enlivened in Britain and the Netherlands by interesting celebrations and exhibitions, but it was largely ignored by the public and did not produce a great deal of scholarly discussion about the significance of the event. The commemoration of the French Revolution in 1989 was of a different scope. Over the whole world — but, of course, specifically in France — the subject was brought to the attention of the population by all sorts of means and media and, moreover, an immense output of books. Of course, the state-sponsored festivities were not without nationalist overtones but, broadly speaking, this was not a simplistic glorification of French revolutionary generosity to which the modern values of democracy and human rights were supposed to owe, if not their origin, then at any rate their first implementation. On the contrary, in influential books the ideas and events of 1789 and following years were criticised for their radicalism leading to Jacobin tyranny, terror, expansionism, imperialism and war. Yet, whatever the interpretation and evaluation of the revolution, its decisive impact on the course of world history was denied by no one.
•
TL;DR: The Young America movement as mentioned in this paper was a loose affiliation of political radicals who called for the annexation of Cuba and who believed in America's Manifest Destiny, and advocated the spread of American power through private as much as public interventions.
Abstract: On February 7, 1844, in a lecture read in Boston before the Mercantile Library Association, Ralph Waldo Emerson helped call into being the "Young America" movement, a loose affiliation of political radicals who called for the annexation of Cuba and who believed in America's Manifest Destiny. Opposed to the "Old Fogies" in the Democratic Party, adherents to the movement such as George Sanders and John O' Sullivan sought a sympathetic presidential candidate who could defeat the anti-expansionist Whigs. Yet even as they worked to influence national debates and public policy regarding overseas expansionism, Sanders and O'Sullivan favored the spread of American power through private as much as public interventions. Sanders, editor of The United States Magazine and Democratic Review, lobbied for the repeal of the neutrality laws in order to permit filibusters, or soldiers of fortune, to move against Cuba and Central America. O'Sullivan not only tried to persuade James Polk in 1848 to purchase Cuba from Spain, but also raised money, arms, and men for Narcisco Lopez's freebooting missions against the island in the early 1850s. Ever the optimist in his early addresses, Emerson imagined young Americans willingly enlisting themselves in "new moral causes"; the United States, imbued with a generosity arising from Nature, would become the next melioristic agent of social and political progress around the world. If Emerson imagined a gentle America, the supporters of manifest destiny favored supremacy over beneficence, and warped the philosopher's exuberant optimism into violent imperialism. The conflict between idealism and adventurism, between the desire to improve the human condition and the desire to take the land, wealth, and even life
•
01 Jan 1999
•
•
01 Jan 1999
••
01 Jan 1999TL;DR: The Cold War in Europe is best understood as a game of tit-for-tat between Soviet pressure, probing Western weaknesses along its peripheries, and Western responses, containing perceived Soviet aggression as discussed by the authors.
Abstract: The Cold War broke into the open early in Austria as the result of Soviet economic depredations in their zone of occupation and the hardening of the American response during 1946/7. Flush with the success of the Red Army against Hitler’s Third Reich, the Soviet Union stayed on the offensive and built an “empire by coercion”, adding security zones all along its extended periphery. As a response, the United States overcame its isolationist instincts and embarked on containing Soviet expansionism. The outbreak of the Cold War in Europe is best understood as a game of tit-for-tat between Soviet pressure, probing Western weaknesses along its peripheries, and Western responses, containing perceived Soviet aggression.