Showing papers on "Expansionism published in 2015"

Making the Empire Work: Labor and United States Imperialism

Abstract: Contents 1. The Wages of Empire: Capitalism, Expansionism, and Working-Class Formation 35 2. Revolutionary Currents: Interracial Solidarities, Imperial Japan, and the U.S. Empire 59 3. The Secret Soldiers' Union: Labor and Soldier Politics in the Philippine Scout Mutiny of 1924 85 4. The Photos That We Don't Get to See: Sovereignties, Archives, and the 1928 Massacre of Banana Workers in Colombia 104 5. Sexual Labor and the U.S. Military Empire: Comparative Analysis of Europe and East Asia 137 6. Making Aloha: Lei and the Cultural Labor of Hospitality 161 7. The Advantages of Empire: Chinese Servants and Conflicts over Settler Domesticity in the "White Pacific," 1870-1900 185 8. Empire and the Moving Body: Fermin Tobera, Military California, and Rural Space 208 9. Slavery's Stale Soil: Indentured Labor, Guestworkers, and the End of Empire 227 10. The Colonization of Antislavery and the Americanization of Empires: The Labor of Autonomy and the Labor of Subordination in Togo and the United States 267 11. Progressive Empire: Race and Tropicality in United Fruit's Central America 289

Mimesis and Colonialism: Emerging Perspectives on a Shared History

Abstract: Mimesis is an important human faculty and a fertile concept in Western intellectual traditions. Colonialism is a critical and lasting event in the history of European societies and their relationship with the wider world. This essay examines the significance of telling the shared history between these two phenomena. It surveys historical and anthropological literature that explores mimesis, imitation and mimicry as concepts and as practices in the history of European colonial and imperial expansionism, across three connected themes: indigenous resistance and anti-colonialism; the making of identity and alterity in colonial encounters and post-colonial relationships; and, finally, the presence of mimesis as theory and practice of empire-building and colonization.

Black Atlas: Geography and Flow in Nineteenth-Century African American Literature

Abstract: Black Atlas presents definitive new approaches to black geography It focuses attention on the dynamic relationship between place and African American literature during the long nineteenth century, a volatile epoch of national expansion that gave rise to the Civil War, Reconstruction, pan-Americanism, and the black novel Judith Madera argues that spatial reconfiguration was a critical concern for the era's black writers, and she also demonstrates how the possibility for new modes of representation could be found in the radical redistricting of space Madera reveals how crucial geography was to the genre-bending works of writers such as William Wells Brown, Martin Delany, James Beckwourth, Pauline Hopkins, Charles Chesnutt, and Alice Dunbar-Nelson These authors intervened in major nineteenth-century debates about free soil, regional production, Indian deterritorialization, internal diasporas, pan–American expansionism, and hemispheric circuitry Black geographies stood in for what was at stake in negotiating a shared world

Puerto Rico and the Origins of U.S. Global Empire: The Disembodied Shade

Abstract: Drawing on a postcolonial legal history of the United States’ territorial expansionism, this book provides an analysis of the foundations of its global empire. Charles R. Venator-Santiago argues that the United States has developed three traditions of territorial expansionism with corresponding constitutional interpretations, namely colonialist, imperialist, and global expansionist. This book offers an alternative interpretation of the origins of US global expansion, suggesting it began with the tradition of territorial expansionism following the 1898 Spanish–American War to legitimate the annexation of Puerto Rico and other non-contiguous territories. The relating constitutional interpretation grew out of the 1901 Insular Cases in which the Supreme Court coined the notion of an unincorporated territory to describe the 1900 Foraker Act’s normalization of the prevailing military territorial policies. Since then the United States has invoked the ensuing precedents to legitimate a wide array of global policies, including the ‘war on terror’. Puerto Rico and the Origins of US Global Empire: The Disembodied Shade combines a unique study of Puerto Rican legal history with a new interpretation of contemporary US policy. As such, it provides a valuable resource for students and scholars of the legal and historical disciplines, especially those with a specific interest in American and postcolonial studies.

Piracy, Property and the Crisis of Democracy

Abstract: A political battle is being waged over the use and control of culture and information. While media companies and copyright organisations argue for stricter intellectual property laws, a growing body of citizens challenge the contemporary IP-regime. This has seen a political mobilisation of piracy. Pirate parties see themselves as a digital civil rights movement, defending the public domain and the citizen’s right to privacy against copyright expansionism and increased surveillance. Since the first pirate party was formed in Sweden in 2006, similar parties have emerged across the world. This article draws on a study of the culture and ideology of copyright resistance, through interviews with pirate party representatives in Europe and North America. It focuses on challenges to democracy, and the distinction between public and private property and spaces, in the wake of the war on terror and the global financial crisis.

American Exceptionalism at a Crossroads

Abstract: The main goal of this research is to review and examine how the narrative of American exceptionalism has evolved over time, inter alia, in different administrations of the United States. The frequency in the usage of “American exceptionalism,” which came into use during the twentieth century, has increased exponentially for the last couple of years. The term, which began as a beacon of light and democracy as envisioned in John Winthrop’s “a City upon a Hill” in 1630 has undergone significant changes over the last four centuries. American exceptionalism has been used to justify a variety of purposes, from territorial expansion, Wilsonian idealism, a global crusade against an “Evil Empire,” to a preemptive strategy, and even as a political weapon for punishing opponents. Lastly, especially in view of the ongoing war on terrorism, three prominent strands of American exceptionalism are discussed: exemplarism, expansionism and exemptionalism.

When states appease: British appeasement in the 1930s

Abstract: When do states appease their foes? In this article, we argue that governments are most likely to favour appeasing a foreign threat when their top leaders are severely cross–pressured: when the demands for increased security conflict sharply with their domestic political priorities We develop the deductive argument through a detailed analysis of British appeasement in the 1930s We show that Neville Chamberlain grappled with a classic dilemma of statecraft: how to reduce the risk of German expansionism while facing acute partisan and electoral incentives to invest resources at home For Chamberlain, appeasement was a means to reconcile the demands for increased security with what he and his co-partisans were trying to achieve domestically We conclude by discussing implications of the analysis for theorising about appeasement and about how leaders make grand strategy more generally

Yellowstone as Model for the World

Abstract: THE IDEA OF SETTING ASIDE LANDS from most commercial development and settlement started almost as an afterthought in 1872 when the United States did something extraordinary. In an age of unbridled westward expansion in the post-Civil War, and at a time when Manifest Destiny was a widely held expression of American conviction in the morality and value of expansionism, the United States Congress withdrew the Upper Yellowstone River region from commercial and private development establishing Yellowstone National Park. Nothing like that had ever been done anywhere before on such a grand scale.

Operationalizing Air-Sea Battle in the Pacific

Abstract: : Opposing a great power is a means of asserting one's own power, and several countries aspire to be great powers regionally if not globally. One expression of power is the ability to deny access or disrupt operations, and many countries seek to strengthen their antiaccess/area-denial (A2/AD) capabilities as a means of asserting regional control and influence. Tilk.e the People's Republic of China (PRC) for example. An emerging superpower at the turn of the century, the PRC published a white paper titled China's National Defense in 2000 in October of the same year. This document set the tone for the PRC's strategy of attaining great-power status, built upon a foundation of the Five Principles of Peaceful Coexistence, robust economic development, and military strength. Since 2000 the PRC's unprecedented economic growth and prosperity have allowed it to invest heavily in military modernization. Today the PRC's military forces are exponentially more capable than they were at the turn of the century. In its 2010 white paper on national defense, the PRC says that it will never seek hegemony, that it ''opposes hegemony and power politics in any form, and that it pursues a national defense policy which is defensive in nature. However, its recent territorial claims and aggressive actions in the South China Sea represent an expansionist view of self' that threatens regional security. More importantly, to assert these claims, the PRC has built a robust, power-projecting A2/AD capability that could be brought to bear against the United States, its allies, and its partners. Largely due to the PRC's actions in recent years and current military capability, A2/AD has emerged as a national concern, especially when it threatens to deny the global commons or upset regional security. In June 2012, strategic guidance specifically tasked the US military to project power despite A2/AD.

Could the Search for Sustainability Reinforce Socio-ecological Conflict?: The Mining Industry in Chile and Its Impact at the Local and Regional Level

Abstract: This article discusses the notion of economic sustainability from an ecological modernization perspective. The main thesis is that the pursuit of sustainability may reinforce socio-ecological conflicts. In this context, we propose that ecological modernization is based on four interrelated characteristics of sustainability, which, jointly, increase the pressure on local ecosystems: (i) land achievement or territorial expansionism and (ii) unequal environmental role distribution, both of which are territorial orientations; (iii) sustainable economic entrepreneurship and (iv) goal-oriented sustainability, both of which are motivations for social action. The latter has a paradoxical effect, which becomes apparent when sustainable extractive enterprises acquire regional extensions and multiply the socio-ecological conflicts at the local level. Applied to the mining industry in Chile, the analytical model reveals the necessity to redefine sustainability from a multi-scalar perspective by showing how the expansion of extractive clusters reinforces the local competition for water, energy, land, work, and living conditions. The main argument disentangles the notion of sustainability as a normative referent – an ideal state of sustainability that should be pursued socially – from sustainability as factual phenomena, which are the different forms to materialize sustainability in a particular place and time. This distinction allows us to propose the thesis of the depoliticization of the socio-ecological conflicts associated with the search for sustainability in the framework of global productive restructuration.

Nichirenism, utopianism, and modernity rethinking ishiwara kanji’s East Asia league movement

Abstract: (ProQuest: ... denotes non-US-ASCII text omitted.)Nichirenism (Nichirenshugi ...), a current of lay Buddhist movements in early twentieth century Japan, has a reputation of being the bete noire of modern Japanese Buddhism. Its main proponent, Tanaka Chigaku ???? (1861-1931), merged a belief in the Lotus Sutra with the Japanese "national polity" (kokutai ??), the Japanese imperial line, and endorsed expansionism abroad. Not surprisingly, it has most often been described in terms of a nationalist "distortion" of religion, and as a Buddhist legitimation of the emperor system in support of the ruling class, and a form "militant nationalism" or Japanese "fascism."1 Over the years, this characterization has come to be somewhat modified, and the phenomenon of Nichirenism has been gaining more attention from specialists in Buddhism, the sociology of religion, as well as literature, who take the religious aspects more seriously and approach Nichirenism more in the context of the modernization of Buddhism from the Meiji period.2 In this article, I will investigate the history of Ishiwara Kanji's ???? (1889-1949) East Asia League Movement (Toa renmei undo ?????? or Toa renmei kyokai ??????, hereafter abbreviated as eal), active during the AsiaPacific war and immediate postwar era, and rethink how this movement should be understood as one important variant in the history of modern Nichirenism.Ishiwara, as a major architect of the Manchurian incident of 1931, for his Pan-Asianist ideology, and for his prediction of a "final war" between Asia (led by Japan) and the West (led by the United States), has in the traditional postwar interpretations fitted the image of the militarist or "fascist" Nichirenist.3 While Ishiwara is a well-known figure whose seeming iconoclasm as a military thinker is a never-ending object of fascination, illustrated by the large number of biographies of him that have appeared over the years, his religious and philosophical ideas have remained less examined. Meanwhile, his movement, the eal, has received even less attention, and has usually been characterized in terms of Pan-Asianist support for the state, and has been taken much less seriously as a religious organization.4 One problem has been that in understanding the eal's program and world view, the focus has been largely on Ishiwara himself. In understanding the eal, Ishiwara's life and ideas are essential, since he was undoubtedly the leading figure, but scholars have not examined the various motivations of why other figures joined the eal and what impact they had on the movement. As I will show, there were many other important members of the eal, including women, farmers, and Koreans, who also played formative roles, often with their own and differing agendas. Also, amid a general tendency to treat Nichirenism as predominantly a prewar phenomenon, Ishiwara and the eal's post-1945 thought and activities received much less attention despite the movement's growth in the postwar period. And while a nationalist dimension is undeniable, in understanding the eal, the challenge is to balance this with the fact that several key aspects of its vision do not fit the characterization of nationalist ideology or a fascist legitimation of the state, and that in practice, the eal was heavily criticized by many ideologues, and suppressed by the wartime as well as the postwar Japanese state.In this article, I will focus less on Buddhist doctrinal aspects, but more on how the eal attempted to put Buddhist Nichirenist ideals into practice. Ishiwara and the eal were, I believe, much less concerned with doctrinal subtleties than the actual practical realization of Buddhism in this world, the creation of a Buddhist utopia in response to the wider crisis of modernity in the 1930s and 1940s. I will identify and analyze what I believe are some of the most salient characteristics of the eal's Buddhist program, focusing on the movement's religious engagement with questions of modernization, such as the nation-state, war, science and technology, and the role of women and minorities. …

The imperialism of race: class, rights and patronage in the Philippine city

Abstract: Decisions by the US Supreme Court at the end of the Spanish American War facilitated US colonial expansionism by laying the foundations for a two-tiered system of rights in the Philippines. In tandem with establishing the legal boundaries of citizenship, politicians and media extended a race-based system of governance through speeches and graphic caricatures that racialised Filipinos as underdeveloped and threatening. Both the law and a patron-client system served to create a new Filipino elite that collaborated with the colonial authorities and entrenched cultural imperialism; the racial patterning of white American/Filipino relations was then transduced into class relations among Filipinos that continue to stratify Philippine society, with the Filipino elite replacing the colonial administrators in this two-tiered system of rights. Today, this racial categorisation and organisation of people continues to appear in popular imagery; and the replacement of race by class in a rights-based bifurcation of Phi...

Sovereign Trusteeship and Empire

Abstract: This Article examines the concept of sovereign trusteeship in the context of the history of empire. Many accounts of sovereign trusteeship and the responsibility to protect explain the development of those concepts in terms of seventeenth century natural law theories, which argued that the origins of the social contract were in subjects seeking self-preservation. The state, accordingly, was based upon its duty to protect its subjects, while also having a secondary responsibility for subjects beyond its borders arising from human interdependence. I shall show that the concepts underlying sovereign trusteeship — human fellowship, self-preservation and the protection of others’ interests — were as entangled with the expansion of early modern states as they were with the justification of those states themselves. The legacy of that history is that arguments employed to justify sovereign trusteeship and the responsibility to protect remain highly ambiguous and subject to rhetorical manipulation. On the one hand, they can be represented as underpinning a new liberal international order in which states and international organizations are accountable to the human community, not only to their own subjects. On the other, these same terms can be deployed to justify expansionism in the name of humanitarianism, as they have done for hundreds of years. Only by paying careful attention to the contexts in which these claims are made can we discriminate the intentions behind the rhetoric.

Indigenous dispossession in the 21st century: the northern frontier

Abstract: Northern Australia, that 39 per cent of landmass north of the Tropic of Capricorn, remains at the frontier of colonial expansionism. The most recent policy contribution to this imperative is the report of the Joint Select Committee on Northern Australia, Pivot North ('Report'). The Report is part of the latest process to develop a white paper aimed at defining policy for 'realising the full economic potential of the north.' It follows decades of similar unfulfilled reports, but supports an invigorated government platform expressed in the Coalition's 2030 Vision for Developing Northern Australia.

Norman Angell and the logic of economic interdependence revisited: 1914, 2014

Abstract: There are regional fears that Beijing will use its growing clout to embark on an aggressive, expansionist policy in International Relations, hence the possibility of a collision course with the USA reminiscent of how Anglo-German tensions at the beginning of the twentieth century escalated into World War One. Closer scrutiny, however, suggests grounds for downplaying the likelihood of such a scenario. We outline this argument based on the following points: (i) there is a much higher level of economic interdependence between China and the USA today, compared to Britain and Germany, (ii) the corresponding levels of nationalism in China and the USA are lower than in Britain and Germany, (iii) the political alignments of international relations in the Asia Pacific in 2014 are less ambiguous than those in Europe in 1914, hence less potential for diplomatic miscalculation and (iv) the military and economic instruments of power that the USA and China possess, by being far more lethal than those held by Britain and Germany in 1914, would render any conflict between them an unacceptably costly catastrophe.

Globalization and the Conspiracy Theory

Abstract: Globalization is a complex long-term process with positive and negative effects that inevitably lead to positive and negative opinions. The economic science offers an abstract understanding of the process, seen as the ultimate internationalization of commerce, capital, finances and labor. The anti-globalist side perceives globalization as the engine of a new imperialism, which replaces the old military expansionism with economic instruments. The conspiratorial vision further sustains that globalization is a subversive process, directed for hundreds of years in order to serve the interest of the global elites. This article aims to explain the conspiratorial perception of globalization considering the exogenous and endogenous factors that maintain the predilection for conspiratorial deductions. By analyzing the literature and the virtual conspiracy rhetoric, we found five conditions that allow the perpetuation of conspiracy theories: (1) the historical precedents (2) the discontinuities of modernity (3) the opposing doctrines and the related social categorizing; (4) the lack of certainty and transparency; (5) the persistence of the myth. We consider that globalization was conducted through many forms of imperialism, revealing the human need for power and domination. Even if there is no clear evidence of a major plot to globalize the economy, we can still show that globalization is a process conducted by intention and individual/group interest - in different time periods, sequentially and systematically - and not by the random choices of unorganized individuals seeking the extension of their profits. This is where the conspiratorial reasoning intervenes (“Cui bono?”), bringing several arguments that support the conspiratorial hypothesis: the intentionality in the economic processes, the need for a causal reasoning and the prevailing private interest in the masse-elites relationship.

Historical Consciousness Among the Converted Peoples in V. S. Naipaul's Islamic Writings

Abstract: V. S. Naipaul's travel books and other commentaries about the non-Arab converts of Islam are characterized by his trademark sensitivity to colonialism. In these controversial works, Naipaul equates Islamic expansion in Indonesia, Pakistan, Iran and Malaysia to Arab imperialism. While Naipaul does not condone the militaristic origins of Islamic expansionism in history, his principal critique is cultural, concerning how non-Arab converts voluntarily turn away from their pre-Islamic histories, sacred sites, cultures, and traditions in favour of their Arabian counterparts. Beneath the surface of their apparent religiosity, however, Naipaul sees a traumatic historical experience, principally due to the tension between the universalist message of Islam and its Arabian origins. Arguably, the converted peoples cope with their injured national pride by a religious zeal to overwhelm the Arabs, who are their conquerors and the givers of their religion.

Moral Complications and Legal Structures

Abstract: From a decision (ECtHR, Affaire Lombardi Vallauri c. Italie [Requete n. 39128/05], Strasbourg 20 October 2009) of the European Court of Human Rights the paper presents two strategies for dealing with moral and legal reasons in conflict. The first is the balancing account which reduces the stringency of practical reasons, maintaining their scope. This account is presented with the ideas of Robert Alexy read through the lens of Robert Nozick's approach. The second is the expansionist account, which consists in reducing the scope of practical reasons preserving their stringency. Both accounts are subjected to the objections of the particularist challenge. At the end, a way in which the expansionist account could achieve to overcome these objections, a contextual expansionism, is introduced.

Globalization and Cosmopolitanism: Some Challenges

Abstract: This paper discusses certain major challenges to the justification of ethical cosmopolitanism's existence. They can be understood in the context of effects of the global economy on human life and values, due its social imbalances and inequalities. The foremost guiding idea of ethical cosmopolitanism maintains that all humans must be considered to be equal. However, this postulate is questioned in the globalization era.Forced migration is the first challenge to the justification of cosmopolitan-ism nowadays. It spells out the global displacement of people caused by poverty and war danger. Today the economic and political elite in the world ignores its obligation to treat equally victims of forced migration, and is inclined to treat multiculturalism as useless. The growth of forced migration witnessed at present is caused by the existing deepening of inequalities and global injustice.Another challenge is the moral criticism of global capitalism starting from the point of view of the existence of alternative globalism. Many organizations of the global civic society have established international cooperation in their collective actions for the development of a socially-responsible globalization.Third challenge in this context are the abuses of cosmopolitanism in its justification of the so-called “humanitarian interventions” of the international community in shouldering the responsibility for mankind's development and securing human rights. Cosmopolitanism could thus be used as an ideology by the richest elites to justify their worldwide expansionism. The idea that the international community is interested in the preservation of human rights when they are violated by a “dictatorial state” is being forwarded. Yet, there is no doubt that some of these interventions have been motivated by imperialist strategies of “the Great Powers” in action.

MEDITERRANEITÀ Desired and Realised: The Imposition of the Fascist Aesthetic Ideology of Mediterranean-ness Overseas from 1935 to 1940

Abstract: In the 1920s, fascist ideologues promised Italians a prosperous global empire, one which would expand to include lands of the former Roman Empire and beyond. Imperial expansionism was not only geo-political, but also cultural. In order to justify this cultural expansion into former Roman lands in the Mediterranean basin such as North Africa, the concept of mediterraneita was employed as a propaganda tool. Later it was applied to regions beyond the basin, such as East Africa and South America, but its logic became increasingly convoluted along the way. In East Africa, it was mainly used as a means of ‘civilising’ the backwardness of indigenous people. In parts of South America which had been populated with large Italian expatriate communities for decades, terms such as Roman-ness and Latin-ness were implemented to convince these communities and peoples of Iberian descent that they shared a common Latin culture. Indigenous people and those of African decent were conveniently ignored in the equation. In the case of Africa, the colonies became realised, while in South America, they became desired. After first setting the historical context (early 1920s – mid 1930s), this essay illustrates how the overall strategy of mediterraneita was implemented as part of both hard and soft rhetorical arguments aimed at realised and desired colonies, respectively from 1935 – 1940. It also addresses how these arguments were received by natives of these colonised lands. Were they assimilated, appropriated, or rejected?

The reflection of western hegemony in landon’s anna and the king of siam

Abstract: he King of Siam. In the 19 th century, western expansionism over the world was really great. Their power had impacted many countries, including Siam. In the reign of King Mongkut, Siam felt the Western expansionism for the first time. They had been hegemonized by the Western power to maintain their independence. This final project was aimed at analyzing the reflection of Western hegemony in Anna and the King of Siam, and the objective of the study was answering the statements of problem as below: first, illustrating how western hegemony was reflected in Siamese social life; second, analyzing the ways western ideology hegemonized Siamese society. I used Margaret Landon‟s novel Anna and the King of Siam as the object of study. This was a descriptive qualitative study with sociology of literature as the approach. I collected the data by reading the novel thoroughly, identifying, inventorying, and selecting them to be analyzed. This study finally concluded that: first, Western hegemony was reflected in Siamese society; then, second, Western ideology did hegemonized Siamese society.

Power and Culture

Abstract: This study explores how the Japanese government endeavored to shape American public opinion through the promotion of Japanese aesthetics in the several years following the Manchurian crisis—and, importantly, how this “cultural diplomacy” was received by Americans. At the center of Japan’s state-sponsored cultural initiative was the Society for International Cultural Relations ( Kokusai Bunka Shinkōkai , or KBS). By drawing attention to Japan’s historically esteemed cultural traditions, Japan’s leaders hoped to improve the nation’s image and leverage international power. Critical American reviews and general-interest articles on KBS programs proffered images of a society imbued with a profound sense of artistic sophistication. To this end, the KBS’s cultural diplomacy tended to reinforce a popular assumption among Americans that Japan’s body politic in the 1930s was meaningfully divided between “moderates” and “militarists.” Japan’s cultural diplomacy, however, was undermined from the start by an irreconcilable tension: to simultaneously legitimize regional expansionism and advance internationalist cooperation. After the outbreak of the Sino-Japanese War in the summer of 1937 and subsequent proclamations that presumed Japanese hegemony in Asia, naked aggression rendered any lighthearted cultural exchange increasingly irrelevant. Indeed, KBS activities in the United States dwindled—a point that made clear the limits of cultural diplomacy.

The malatya policy of kadi burhan al-din ahmed

Abstract: After fading from the history scene of Turkish Seljuks, in Anatolia the struggle for dominance between Ilkhanid, Eretnis, Dulkadirs and Mamluqs had been came through. The Eretnis succeed in establishing the state comprising Kayseri, Sivas, Tokat and Malatya cities after the first quarter of the XIVth century. Mamluq State harbored expansionism to Eretnis and Dulkadirs territory from Malatya where dominated since 1361. After powering the state which had been established on heritage of Eretnis, Kadi Burhan al-din Ahmed harbored expansionism and surround the territory where under the control of Mamluq State from Malatya. In this article, the Malatya policy of Kadi Burhan al-din Ahmed within the exponsionism will be reviewed.

The Great Patriotic War - an Unfinished War?

Abstract: Author analyzes the causes and consequences of the Great Patriotic War. By describing Stalin and Hitler as historical actors in the field of “Realpolitik”, the author reveals the similarities and differences between their ideologies, social roots, political and military objectives of totalitarian regimes personified by them. Democratization of the world order became the main outcome defeat of fascism. In Russia, this process from Khrushchev’s Thaw until post-Soviet reforms including all its flaws and regressions resulted in failure of totalitarianism; in Europe – in the fall of fascist, authoritarian regimes and establishment of social statehood; in “The Third World” – in the collapse of colonialism. The continuity between Nazi expansionism and Ostpolitik of the West during and after the “Cold War” is shown in the article. Analyzed are the problems of correlation between war and politics, different ways and forms of their interactions. In this regard studied are the coup d’etat in Ukraine committed with the Western contribution, as well as anti-Russian policy of propaganda, diplomatic and sanctions “wars”. While dealing with the following international crisis, Russia is forced again to protect its right for sovereignty and the role of an independent actor of the world politics.

Troubled and troubling souls: The case of african churches

Abstract: The African [Initiated] Churches has shown a phenomenal growth in the past century and today as people speak of the ‘Christian South’ or shift of the centre of gravity of christianity from the West to the South they definitely include these churches in their category. Their growth in the Sub-Sahara Africa has increasingly manifested a great challenge to European mission churches. The emergence and expansion of these churches remain a challenge to Western mission and calls for soul-searching (introspection) on those who brought christian message to Africa. This paper investigates the puzzlement as to why African [Initiated] churches exist and continue to grow rapidly in areas or space where Western churches shrink and diminish. Key words: Civilization, christianity, colonisation, commerce, expansionism, messianic, separatist, sectarianism, western christianity, African christianity,liberation, self-determination, African Initiated Churches.

The Institution of Modern Cryptology in the Netherlands and in the Netherlands East Indies, 1914–1935

Abstract: The need for Communications Intelligence in the Netherlands was first felt by the Dutch military as a consequence of the outbreak of the First World War. The decision to prolong, as in the Netherlands, or establish, as in the case of the East Indies, COMINT facilities belonged to the judicial domain and was primarily related to threats posed by revolutionary movements from within the country. The monitoring of traffic from foreign embassies or consulates happened only when interference from foreign governments was suspected. Japanese expansionism, leading to direct Japanese involvement in the political developments in the East Indies, provided such a case. As a consequence, the fine line between domestic and foreign affairs became thinner still until it entirely vanished during the later part of the 1930s.

Melancholic Mirages: Jules Verne's Vision of a Saharan Sea

Abstract: L’invasion de la mer (The Invasion of the Sea), Verne’s last novel to be published during his lifetime, would appear to be a paradoxical vision of French colonial involvement as it chronicles the attempts of the French army occupying Tunisia and Algeria to capture Tuareg leaders bent on pushing the French out of the Maghreb on the one hand, and thwarting an environmentally disastrous French project on the other. L’Invasion de la mer (The Invasion of the Sea) is a complex, if not melancholic vision of the limits of French expansionism, however. The real-life French army geographer François-Elie Roudaire and his backer, Ferdinand de Lesseps, seem to fascinate Verne the most. Roudaire’s actual plans for the canal Verne writes about failed miserably but at the end of the novel, a tumultuous earthquake allows the “Saharan Sea” to be completed, kills the Tuareg leader and gives the victory to the French despite all their blunders. That Verne gives his final laurels to a failed inventor rather than flag-waving general serves as a wistful fin-de-siècle coda to what had been such innocently exuberant adventures at the start of his century.