Showing papers on "Expansionism published in 2017"
TL;DR: In this paper, a new interpretation of Kant's cosmopolitanism and his anti-colonialism in Toward Perpetual Peace is proposed, based on historical evidence not previously considered alongside perpetual peace, which suggests that Kant's leading concern at the time of writing is the negative effect of European expansionism and intra-European rivalry over colonial possessions on the possibility of peace in Europe.
Abstract: This article offers a new interpretation of Kant's cosmopolitanism and his anti-colonialism in Toward Perpetual Peace. Kant's changing position has been the subject of extensive debates that have, however, not recognized the central place of colonialism in the political, economic, and military debates in Europe in Kant's writings. Based on historical evidence not previously considered alongside Perpetual Peace, I suggest that Kant's leading concern at the time of writing is the negative effect of European expansionism and intra-European rivalry over colonial possessions on the possibility of peace in Europe. Because of the lack of affinity between colonial conflict and his philosophy of history, Kant must adjust his concept of antagonism to distinguish between war between particular dyads, in particular spaces, and with particular non-state actors. I examine the implications of this argument for Kant's system of Right and conclude that his anti-colonialism co-exists with hierarchical views of race.
36 citations
TL;DR: The authors argued that Tocqueville viewed European expansionism as an instrument of the global movement toward democratic equality, and that his involvement with colonization could only be properly understood in light of the historical and civilizational vista that informs his oeuvre as a whole.
Abstract: The prominence of colonization in Tocqueville's life and works has been widely noted, yet scholars disagree about its importance. The perceived tension between Tocqueville's analysis of democracy and his advocacy of colonization continues to be the subject of heated scholarly debate. Revisiting Tocqueville's analytical and practical engagement with colonization, this essay reexamines its relationship to Tocqueville's account of democracy. It argues that, while lending political support to the French empire, Tocqueville was a clairvoyant critic of colonial rule; and that his involvement with colonization could only be properly understood in light of the historical and civilizational vista that informs his oeuvre as a whole. Proposing that Tocqueville viewed European expansionism as an instrument of the global movement toward democratic equality, the essay concludes with an assessment of the significance of Tocqueville's colonial writings for his “new political science,” and their relevance today.
17 citations
TL;DR: The mission statement of US African Command (AFRICOM), articulated by President George Bush in 2007, declared African underdevelopment and human insecurities as a threat to US national security as discussed by the authors.
Abstract: The mission statement of US African Command (AFRICOM), articulated by President George Bush in 2007, declared African underdevelopment and human insecurities as a threat to US national security. Since 10 years have elapsed from the time of AFRICOM’s inauguration, this paper seeks to highlight that the organization has fallen short in realizing its mission statement. This unnerving reality has given credence to intellectuals who adopt an apocalyptic position vis-a-vis the organization. Intellectual skeptics disconcerted with AFRICOM located in the Global South and Global North have come to the conclusion that AFRICOM’s actuality as an organization primarily advanced American economic interest and perceived issues of African development as trivial. In the 21st-century, US security experts discursively shifted Africa from being a politicized issue to a securitized issue thereby constructing the continent as posing an existential threat not only to American geostrategic interest, but also American identity of exceptionalism. By using the work of New Left historian William Appleman Williams and by referencing speech actors with political capital, this paper highlights that the process of securitizing Africa using exceptional speech acts to expand corporate capitalism is not unique to Africa since there are historical discursive parallels between early and current speech acts deliberated during junctures involving US foreign ventures.
Key words: US African Command (AFRICOM), African Union (AU), securitization, speech act, exceptionalism, expansionism, economic-frontier, security-development discourse, US informal empire, William Appleman Williams, apocalyptic-complementary positions.
15 citations
TL;DR: The authors argue that Tocqueville's discussion of American Indians in Democracy in America is often read as the paradigmatic expression of a conventional story about American political expansion, which holds that westward expansion was easy, in part because American Indians did not offer much resistance.
Abstract: Tocqueville’s discussion of American Indians in Democracy in America is often read as the paradigmatic expression of a conventional story about American political expansion. This narrative holds that westward expansion was easy, in part because American Indians did not offer much resistance. Historians of political thought and scholars of American Political Development tend to affirm this narrative when they read Tocqueville’s text as suggesting merely that Indians are “doomed” to an inevitable extinction. Our interpretation here proceeds along different lines, with a greater focus on the ways in which contending Jacksonian-era discourses of Indian nomadism are represented in Tocqueville’s text. We argue that Democracy reflects complex and often competing descriptions of inherent Indian nomadism, retreat, and removal, with varying attributions of causal responsibility for disappearing Indian populations. This reading of Tocqueville highlights contentions about Indian removal that are often ignored or neglected in current scholarship, and can therefore help us to better appreciate both his text and his time.
12 citations
Book•
08 Sep 2017
TL;DR: In the early 19th century, Andrew Jackson and Andrew Jackson's March to the Southwest, the Overland Trail Annexation and War with Mexico, and the Civil War: Manifest Destiny Re-evaluated and redeemed as mentioned in this paper.
Abstract: PARTI: INTRODUCTION: THE 'FREE DEVELOPMENT' OF A NORTH AMERICAN EMPIRE The Ideological Origins of Manifest Destiny Territorial Expansion in the Early Republic Factors driving Early Expansionism Where do Indian People fit into the Narrative of Manifest Destiny? Social Transformations and the Birth of Aggressive Expansionism Opposing Voices Andrew Jackson and the March to the Southwest The Overland Trail Annexation and War with Mexico Taking Matters into Their Own Hands: Filibustering Sectionalism checks Expansionism After the Civil War: Manifest Destiny Re-evaluated and Redeemed PARTII: THE DOCUMENTS
11 citations
TL;DR: In this article, the impact of pantokrator-images of God on ecclesial thinking is investigated, and the paracletic notion of compassionate being-with is developed within the framework of practical theological thinking.
Abstract: Postcolonialism and decolonising campaigns are expressions of human pain on the level of identity confusion (inferiority), ideological abuse (cultural discrimination) and structural oppression (imperialistic exploitation). The slogan ‘Black Pain is a White Commodity’ in the #MustFall campaigns is critically analysed within the framework of postcolonial theory and imperialistic power categories. The basic hypothesis of the article is that in early Christianity, pantokrator images of God were influenced by iconography stemming mostly from the Roman Emperor cult and Egyptian mythology. The power (omnipotence) and dominiumship of God directly and indirectly played a role in Christian imperialistic thinking regarding the expansion of the Kingdom of God and missio Dei strategies during times of European and colonial expansionism. In order to address the quest for ‘moving beyond’ in postcolonial theory, the impact of pantokrator-images of God on ecclesial thinking is researched. In order to contribute to sustainability and stability within the complexity of cultural diversity and current civil unrest on campuses in South Africa, the paracletic notion of compassionate being-with is developed within the framework of practical theological thinking. Instead of a Caesar-depiction, the theological notion of passio Dei is proposed: the decolonialising (post-imperialising) God.
10 citations
TL;DR: In contrast, Russian soft power was at its lowest point as the Soviet Union imploded, leaving fi fteen newly independent states. as discussed by the authors pointed out the hypocrisy of American and European governmental policies and showed that the Western political ethos ultimately was selfcontradictory and also worked to destroy traditional values.
Abstract: The end of the Cold War heralded a new era as Western soft power was at its zenith in Eastern Europe and regional states accepted and institutionalized a new EuroAmerican ethos. In contrast, Russian soft power was at its lowest point as the Soviet Union imploded, leaving fi fteen newly independent states. While Russia was still the most powerful nation in the region, it lacked competence to deploy soft power and was unable to culturally infl uence its neighbors. Russia had to regain its footing and sought to redefi ne its own national identity prior to being able to build and project its soft power. Thus, Russia turned inward to nineteenth century works in philosophy and literature while Western soft power and expansionism continued to draw closer to Russia’s borders. As Moscow regrouped, it created institutions to spread its message both regionally and globally and expanded its communication prowess. Russia realized that while its national identity might be grounded within its Slavic roots and Russian exceptionalism, the only way it could effectively counter Western soft power was to point out the hypocrisy of American and European governmental policies. Rather than generating a positive projection of cultural and political attractiveness, Russia fought the spread Euro-American soft power by directly challenging it and showed that the Western political ethos ultimately was selfcontradictory and also worked to destroy traditional values.
8 citations
TL;DR: Ruegg et al. as mentioned in this paper show that Japanese intellectuals had been discussing plans for settler colonialism in the Pacific almost a century before Tokugawa leaders began exploring the open sea as an economic space.
Abstract: Author(s): Ruegg, Jonas | Abstract: In 1862, Japan’s Tokugawa shogunate claimed the Ogasawara Islands, a small archipelago between Honshu and Guam, as a part of Japan. In the manageable setting of the islands, the shogunate undertook a colonial experiment that revealed changing attitudes toward non-Japanese ethnicities, modern technologies, and maritime space. Through an examination of four maps, this article shows that Japanese intellectuals had been discussing plans for settler colonialism in the Pacific almost a century before Tokugawa leaders began exploring the open sea as an economic space. In the shogunate’s two-tiered strategy, agriculture assimilated the land, and law subjected its earlier settlers. This approach provided a foothold for offshore whaling, which transformed the surrounding seas into a space of production. However, expanding the sphere of Tokugawa influence necessitated a redefinition of the Japanese realm. Geographical notions were reshaped to make the overseas territory a part of the Izu archipelago some 700 kilometers farther north, and the presence of Western settlers was countered with narratives of earlier possession and relocation of Japanese individuals. Officials were particularly intrigued by formerly unknown plant and animal species found on the islands. Exploring economic opportunities in the Pacific sphere, they prepared a geopolitical shift that is often associated with Japan’s modern empire. This article, by contrast, locates the origins of modern Japan’s “pelagic empire” well before the Meiji Reform and shows how expansionism was reconciled with earlier perceptions of geography. Keywords: Japanese Empire, Tokugawa colonialism, bakumatsu, cartography, Ogasawara Islands, Bonin Islands, whaling
7 citations
DOI•
02 Mar 2017
TL;DR: A decade ago Benjamin Isaac raised the question of whether there was such a thing as a "Grand Strategy of the Roman Empire" as mentioned in this paper, in the sense of a consistent policy towards the East formulated by the high command in the light of such rational considerations as deterrence, the security of the inhabitants of the provinces and supposedly "natural" frontiers.
Abstract: A decade ago Benjamin Isaac raised the question of whether there was such a thing as
a ‘Grand Strategy of the Roman Empire’, in the sense of a consistent policy towards
the East formulated by the high command in the light of such rational considerations
as deterrence, the security of the inhabitants of the provinces and supposedly ‘natural’
frontiers. Isaac cast doubt on the idea that the Romans had primarily defensive aims,
such as withstanding incursions from the Persians or the Saracens.1 Instead, he
suggested, a variety of considerations, changing over time, led Roman emperors to
intervene in the Caucasus and Mesopotamia and then to maintain a presence there.
Among these was the need to consolidate their hold over existing provinces; the need
to fund the occupation by means of occasional forays in quest of plunder from enemy
territory; and, not least, the yearning for ‘glory’ which Roman historians themselves
quite often ascribe to emperors. For example, Dio Cassius writes of Trajan that ‘he
campaigned against the Armenians and Parthians on the pretext that the Armenian
king had received his diadem not at his hands but from the Parthian king; but the real
reason was a desire for fame’, in the footsteps of Alexander.2 Isaac concluded that
‘Roman expansion may have been far less systematic than is often claimed. It was an
aim in itself and therefore opportunistic’.3
6 citations
01 Jan 2017
TL;DR: This article reviewed the development and criminal activities of 1% bikers with an emphasis on their psychology and organizational aspects as they have evolved over the last half century, focusing mainly on North America but a few examples are drawn from Europe and Australia.
Abstract: This article reviews the development and criminal activities of 1% bikers with an emphasis on their psychology and organizational aspects as they have evolved over the last half century. Its focus is mainly upon North America but a few examples are drawn from Europe and Australia. The interaction of the clubs’ fraternal, gang-like, and syndicate-like aspects jointly explain their actions and attitudes. The impact of social control efforts upon the subculture’s development is described as central to the development of their current practices. Well-publicized incidents of biker violence in North America are used to illustrate the complexity of these organizations. It is contended that these clubs represent a shadow side of western society, amplifying and even exalting some of its more dangerous subterranean values, such as the desire for raw power, reckless expansionism, and extreme tribal or nationalistic loyalty.
5 citations
Book•
09 Mar 2017
TL;DR: In this article, the authors present a Chronology of Chinese Migrants in Frontier Towns with a railway running through it and conclude that conflict and war are the main causes of Chinese migration in frontier towns.
Abstract: Preface Introduction 1 A River Runs through It 2 They Came from Everywhere 3 Fur, Gold, and Local Trade 4 Imperial Russian Expansionism 5 Chinese Migrants in Frontier Towns 6 A Railway Runs through It 7 Conflict and War 8 Fading Frontiers Conclusion Appendix A: Chronology Appendix B: Chinese Terms Notes Bibliography Index
TL;DR: In this paper, the categories of "homeland" and "hostland" are used as a means to approach questions of identity, loyalty and estrangement that both inspired and shaped political mobilisation in the early twentieth century world.
Abstract: This special issue considers the categories of ‘homeland’ and ‘hostland’ as a means to approach questions of identity, loyalty and estrangement that both inspired and shaped political mobilisation in the early twentieth century world. The decade prior to the First World War and the wartime era can be considered as a transitional juncture, spreading across historians’ periodisations. These years represent the final frame of the long nineteenth century and the closure of the belle epoque, the era ending with the outbreak of the First World War, or the watershed year of 1917, which saw the Russian Revolution, the American entry into the war and the fading fortunes of the Ottoman Empire. At the same time, they represent the first chapter of the twentieth century, when nationalist and imperialist tensions sharpened and produced a new era of violent conflict. On the one hand, the early twentieth century was a time in which modern territoriality, which Charles S. Maier refers to as the organisation of a ‘space with a border that allows effective control of public and political life’, reached its apogee, as seen in rising nationalism and state centralisation.11. Maier, “Transformations of Territoriality,” 34. View all notes On the other hand, these were years characterised by movement across these same borders: mass migration, colonial expansionism, missionary movements and, in the other direction, imperial fragmentation and regionalism.
TL;DR: In this paper, the authors explored the territorial problems affecting protected areas in Latin America and characterised the new logic of the expansionist process and the social conflict associated with them using an approach that combines a comprehensive literature review with the Argentinian case study.
Abstract: The territorial conflict in Latin America has deepened in recent years as a result of a significant expansion of the productive activities of the primary sector. This problem, in a globalised economy context, has acquired new forms and it has established new logic that has worsened territorial imbalances. This situation has resulted in a degradation of the environment, which is at odds with the global trend of biodiversity conservation, and it has produced a conflict of interests between conservation and economic development. Using an approach that combines a comprehensive literature review with the Argentinian case study, this paper explores the territorial problems affecting protected areas thus characterizing the new logic of the expansionist process and the social conflict associated with them. The results show that the productive borders are advancing, that protected areas and biodiversity are significantly threatened and that the conservation policies have failed to counteract the expansionist phenomenon.
TL;DR: In this paper, the authors argue that power should be returned to the legitimate holders, the nations, nationalities, and peoples, a power to be exercised by the House of the Federation.
Abstract: The charismatic leadership of Emperor Menelik has not only earned Ethiopia numerous nations, nationalities and peoples but also convinced the European colonialists to recognize the boundaries and existence of Ethiopia as a sovereign state. Following the glorious years of Emperor Menelik, bounded by political intrigues around the throne, deftly organized hectic negotiations to firmly land Ethiopia in the international political and legal space, and solidifying the accomplishment of Menelikian expansionism, Teferi Mekonnen was finally crowned the Emperor of Ethiopia in 1930. Questioning the existing political status of nations, nationalities and peoples came into the forefront during the reign of Haile Selassie although doomed to failure. The military government that assumed power in the footsteps of Haile Selassie was unsuccessful in the attainment of the request of ethno-nationalist political entrepreneurs who at the end brought down the government. The Federal constitution, in addition to making the right of the nations, nationalities and peoples’ non-derogable, has established the House of Federation to be composed of representatives of nations, nationalities and peoples. Above all, sovereignty is vested in the nations, nationalities, and peoples. Conversant to any imagination, the House that represents these groups is denied the authority to decide on issues of public emergency—a situation that threatens the life of the State. In consequence, this paper argues that power should be returned to the legitimate holders—the nations, nationalities, and peoples—a power to be exercised by the House of the Federation.
Journal Article•
TL;DR: The Jones Act of 1917 was neither the first nor the last law enacted by Congress containing a citizenship provision for Puerto Rico since annexing Puerto Rico in 1898, Federal lawmakers debated at least 100 bills containing citizenship, nationality, and naturalization provisions for the island's inhabitants as mentioned in this paper.
Abstract: The Jones Act of 1917 was neither the first nor the last law enacted by Congress containing a citizenship provision for Puerto Rico Since annexing Puerto Rico in 1898, Federal lawmakers debated at least 100 bills containing citizenship, nationality, and naturalization provisions for the island's inhabitants1 Also, between 1898 and 1952, Congress enacted eleven citizenship laws for Puerto Rico extending at least three different types of membership/citizenship to the persons born in the island, namely a Puerto Rican citizenship (1898-1900), a naturalized (individual and collective) citizenship (1906-1940), and a birthright or jus soli citizenship (1940-present) In addition, in 1989, US law and policymakers began to describe the citizenship status of persons born in Puerto Rico, as a mere "statutory" citizenship subject to the plenary will of Congress Suffice it to say that the citizenship provision of the Jones Act of 1917 should be contextualized within this larger history of citizenship legislation Below are six guideposts that map the basic contours of this storyPuerto Rico's Territorial Status, 1898-PresentBetween 1898 and 1901, United States law and policymakers invented a new expansionist tradition, global in scope, with a corresponding territorial status to rule Puerto Rico and the other Spanish ultramarine territories annexed in the aftermath of the Spanish-American War of 1898 The ensuing territorial status enabled the United States to selectively govern Puerto Rico, and subsequently annexed territories, as foreign possessions in a domestic or constitutional sense Stated differently, the new territorial status, also known as the unincorporated territory, enabled the Federal government to selectively determine whether Puerto Rico was located inside, outside or in the penumbras of the United States for constitutional and legal purposes more generally This liminal territorial status has in turn obscured the debates over the citizenship status of Puerto RicansThe ensuing ambiguity of Puerto Rico's territorial status, contingent on congressional legislation and Supreme Court rulings, has since enabled contemporary law and policymakers to declare that Puerto Rico is located outside of the United States for citizenship purposes Historically, all citizenship legislation for Puerto Rico has been contingent on the island's territorial status or more precisely on the location of Puerto Rico within the US global empire While Puerto Rico has remained an unincorporated territory for the past century, over time Congress has enacted citizenship legislation establishing treating the island as a part of the United States for the purposes of extending birthright or jus soli citizenship Notwithstanding, Federal law and policymakers have also continued to argue that Puerto Rico's unincorporated territorial status situates the island elsewhere outside of the United States The point to emphasize, however, is that Puerto Rico's liminal territorial status, again contingent on congressional legislation and Supreme Court rulings, continues to enable law and policymakers to obscure the debates over the citizenship status of Puerto RicansBetween the founding and 1898, United States law and policymakers simultaneously developed two traditions of territorial expansionism, namely a colonialist and an imperialist tradition United States colonialism was premised on the annexation of new territories that could be settled, organized into territorial governments and subsequently admitted as states of the Union Annexed territories were also situated in the United States for constitutional purposes (Baldwin 1899; Randolph 1899) Alternatively, United States imperialism was premised on the occupation of territories for strategic (economic and/or military) purposes Occupied territories were selectively situated outside of the United States for constitutional purposes (Langdell 1899; Thayer 1899) The new expansionist tradition both combined and rejected elements of U …
TL;DR: The main research question investigated in this article is the following: will a post-NATO world emerge during the next decades? The relevance of such a question is a consequence of the political and economic changes that have seen the light as a result of the power shift of international relations after the end of the Cold War.
Abstract: The main research question investigated in this paper is the following: will a post-NATO world emerge during the next decades? The relevance of such a question is a consequence of the political and economic changes that have seen the light as a result of the power shift of international relations after the end of the Cold War. In spite of this, some contradictory tendencies, such as the weakening of the European pole within the NATO block, the US-NATO enlargement and its military aggressiveness, are generating a number of significant obstacles to the emergence of a post-NATO world. We will argue that the existence of these obstacles could be interpreted as some steps toward the historical downsizing of the US-EU-NATO hegemony. A “post-NATO” world does not necessarily imply the end of NATO, but rather the end of its hegemonic military presence on the global stage. Firstly, we will put the question into context mentioning the debates around NATO’s future and underlining the path undertaken by the Alliance in the frame of the redefinition of the aims of its “strategic concepts”. In this perspective, we will underline the direct link which exists between US strategic needs and NATO’s evolution in the post-Cold war era. Secondly, we will argue that the recent process of military expansionism led by NATO is remarkably de-legitimizing its actions on the global stage. Such a process, along with the current world system shift toward the end of unipolarity, is likely to provoke dramatic consequences in terms of international insecurity and the spreading of war. Thirdly, we will briefly compare the US and Chinese foreign actions, arguing that the space of international legitimacy is radically changing. This fact represents another brick supporting the idea of the emergence of a post-NATO world system in the future of international relations.
01 May 2017
TL;DR: The Star Trek universe of the 1960s depicted a futuristic Pax Americana, where the USS Enterprise is sent out to spread enlightenment in the dangerous conflict zones at the edges of the known universe, while the core of the Federation remains safe-safe not only from the threat of acknowledged enemies, such as the Klingons and Romulans, but also from the unknown, the strange, and the exotic, whose introductions to the Federation will be mediated through distance and the actions of these "expeditionary" forces who are tasked with making "first contacts" as discussed by the authors.
Abstract: INTRODUCTIONSpace, the final frontier. These are the voyages of the starship Enterprise. Its five-year mission: to explore strange new worlds, to seek out new life and new civilizations, to boldly go where no man has gone before.- Captain James T. Kirk(Star Trek: The Original Series Prologue)You understand what the Federation is, don't you? It's important. It's a peacekeeping and humanitarian armada...- Captain Christopher Pike(Star Trek 2009)Bookending the Star Trek canon, from the 1966 original TV series to the 2009 reboot movie series, these two quotes encapsulate the narrative subtext of this popular culture phenomenon. From explicit expansionism to implicit moral superiority, Gene Roddenberry's fictional universe provides a half century of subtle, and not-so-subtle, support for the idea of American hegemony. Famous for its utopian, upbeat vision of the future, the Star Trek universe of the 1960s depicted a futuristic Pax Americana, where the USS Enterprise is sent out to spread enlightenment in the dangerous conflict zones at the edges of the known universe, while the core of the Federation remains safe-safe not only from the threat of acknowledged enemies, such as the Klingons and Romulans, but also from the unknown, the strange, and the exotic, whose introductions to the Federation will be mediated through distance and the actions of these "expeditionary" forces who are tasked with making "first contacts."Fifty years later, the text of this narrative universe has changed dramatically. Threats are now existential, world-ending events like the destruction of entire planets. The core worlds of the Federation are repeatedly put at risk and the antagonists are no longer predictable state-surrogate rival empires, but are atomized individuals, non-state violent actors (NSVAs), and previously unknown hostile species, not encountered on the edges of Federation-controlled space, but striking directly at its heart. Yet, some of the basic assumptions of the Pax Americana remain in place: the Federation is the inclusive, altruistic, progressive umbrella organization that is under threat from irrational, aggressive, and often solitary external threats. In this way, the narrative moves from the moral certainties of a mid-20th century, bi-polar Cold War world to embrace the ambiguity and uncertainties of multi-polarity and its challenges in the early 21st century.The overarching contention of this paper is that hegemony, specifically a hegemony of western liberal ideas (democracy, selfdetermination, individualism, free-market capitalism) provides a continual sub-textual theme throughout the five series and thirteen films of the Star Trek universe. Even as the overt text has shifted from utopian optimism to Hobbesian chaos, the fixed theme of expanding a benevolent hegemony underpins all of the main story arcs and provides tension in the narrative, where themes that play out in the text as self-conscious, progressive and critical are countered in a subtext that is often sub-conscious, conformist and unreflective.HEGEMONY, IDEALISM AND REALISM: FOUNDATIONS FOR THE STAR TREK UNIVERSE.Hegemony comes from a Greek verb meaning to dominate or lead, and the term was originally used as a way to describe relations between the Greek city-states. Modern usage of the term has diverged into two distinct, but often overlapping, theoretical constructs, cultural hegemony and the state-centered international relations discussion of power relationships (O'Sullivan 1986).The concept of cultural hegemony originates in early Marxist-Leninist rhetoric, but is greatly expanded with Antonio Gramsci's work on historical materialism and the maintenance of bourgeois control of society through what he calls "manufactured consent." (Gramsci 1988). For Gramsci, the foundational tenets of capitalism and materialism are disseminated through society in such a way as to normalize the aspirations and behaviors of the elites and allow them to control the direction of cultural and economic change. …
TL;DR: This article analyzed three accounts of a group typically ignored by religious scholars on early modern England: sixteenth and seventeenth century African women, who defiantly crafted their own brand of spiritual determinism to wield personal agency in the face of racist theological discourse, ecclesiastical institutions, and legal authorities.
TL;DR: The Balkans at the end of the nineteenth century was in flux as mentioned in this paper, and the Treaty of San Stefano and the Congress of Berlin had established a new political geography in the region that w...
Abstract: The Balkans at the end of the nineteenth century was in flux. The Eastern Crisis, the Treaty of San Stefano and the Congress of Berlin had established a new political geography in the region that w...
DOI•
01 Dec 2017
TL;DR: A review of American foreign policy, as well as analysis of the causes of the emergence of American expansionist paradigm in the late XIX - early XX centuries is presented in this paper.
Abstract: This paper presents a historiographical review of American foreign policy, as well as analysis of the causes of the emergence of American expansionist paradigm in the late XIX - early XX centuries. Soviet historians give us an idea about the economic aspect of events in the U.S. during the specified period. However, foreign scientists have multidimensional view on the events. A. Schlesinger as one of the most popular authors insisted on the secondary importance of economic reasons for an active foreign policy of the United States, indicating that political reasons were of paramount importance. Social Darwinism, as a phenomenon that could shape foreign policy is considered by historians indirectly. In the Russian-Soviet historiography Social Darwinism is denoted as a factor that influences policy indirectly. American historiography considers the subject of our study more wholly, but in the context of the analysis of the liberal ideology. The author points to the role of ideological reasons for the American administration’s foreign policy decision-making. The paper is an attempt to find out whether there was a connection between foreign policy and the Social-Darwinist discourse, which can be traced in political, economic and intellectual elites of American society at the turn of the century.
01 Jan 2017
TL;DR: In this paper, it is argued that in the absence of clear borders states fear their security is compromised as this absence can create incentives for states to act as a territorial expansionist.
Abstract: Borders as a mean of territorial demarcation have long been a central notion in international relations and have an important impact on states’ foreign and security policies. Borders are often disputed, and disputes are often more complex on the sea, as a clear definition of sea borders is missing. The United Nations Convention of the Law of the Seas (UNCLOS) attempts to offer a maritime border regime but lacks the mechanisms that a completely functional border regime would require. UNCLOS fails to regulate conflicting claims and border disputes on the sea. This leads to a lack of clarity concerning territorial demarcation and increases the possibility of conflict, which influences security policies. In this chapter, it is argued that in the absence of clear borders states fear their security is compromised as this absence can create incentives for states to act as a territorial expansionist. This is explored in two case studies, the Arctic Sea and the South China Sea. Both cases represent areas where the lack of defined borders causes conflicting interests, especially economic ones, and where tensions are increasing. The cases will be investigated from a realist perspective as examples of a security dilemma.
01 Jan 2017
TL;DR: Cillerai as mentioned in this paper argues that for Jefferson the American cosmopolis exists because it is a part of the eighteenth-century republic of letters, yet within this larger entity, America stands out for its exceptional characteristics.
Abstract: In this chapter, Cillerai shows how Thomas Jefferson’s employment of cosmopolitan imagery is an example of eighteenth-century cosmopolitanism’s origins in British colonialism and imperial expansionism. The post-independence cosmopolitan American landscape that Jefferson presents in his only published book Notes on the State of Virginia is a belletristic exercise. Jefferson’s representation produces a powerful image of exceptionalism that contains traits of a narrative that will characterize future representations of America. Cillerai argues that for Jefferson the American cosmopolis exists because it is a part of the eighteenth-century republic of letters, yet within this larger entity, America stands out for its exceptional characteristics. The cosmopolis Jefferson places at the foundation of his idea of America is a reflection of the imperial connections that made the world he lives in possible.
TL;DR: This paper analyzed the growing concern of Japanese southward expansionism since the end of the nineteenth century over Chinese migrants in Southeast Asia and presented a wider view on Japanese treatment (or mistreatment) of Chinese in occupied Southeast Asia during World War Two.
Abstract: From the late nineteenth century until the end of the Pacific War, Japanese expansionist discourse urging the country to take on an ever greater role in Southeast Asia had a great impact on how Japanese people imagined their destiny as a nation. That this discourse took Western colonial powers in the region as presumed adversaries is well known, but the fact that it also posited the Chinese diaspora there as a main competitor has received little scholarly attention. This article analyses the growing concern of Japanese southward expansionism since the end of the nineteenth century over Chinese migrants in Southeast Asia. It addresses a gap in existing research on pre-war and wartime Japanese geopolitical and racialist thinking on Southeast Asia. It also presents a wider view on Japanese treatment (or mistreatment) of Chinese in occupied Southeast Asia during World War Two.
TL;DR: In this article, the Uruguayan government position about Argentina's military dictatorship between 1943 and 1946 was examined, and the role played by the United States was of utmost importance providing guidelines for the foreign policy of the small country.
Abstract: This paper examines the Uruguayan government position about Argentina’s military dictatorship between 1943 and 1946. The role played by the United States was of utmost importance providing guidelines for the foreign policy of the small country. As the conflict between Argentina and the United States democracy got aggravated, Uruguay got more support from its new powerful ally, as well as protection from the expansionism of its neighbor, and from the Peronism’s rise to power.
01 Jan 2017
TL;DR: This paper examined the process by which the Iliad became a text of truly global reach, tracing the formation of a new Arabic discourse on the ancient Greeks in resistance to European cultural imperialism, before describing how Bustānī's text constituted such a powerful rejection of Eurocentric accounts of 'civilisation' and hence the spurious justification of colonialism as a 'civilising' enterprise.
Abstract: The nineteenth century witnessed the earliest translations of Homer’s Iliad into any non-European languages, amidst the intensification of French and British expansionism. Amongst these, Sulaymān al-Bustānī’s rendering of the poem into Arabic verse, begun in 1887 and published in Cairo in 1904, was hailed by local elites as a decisive intervention in the struggle against European cultural hegemony. This essay examines Bustānī’s translation as a case study of the process by which the Iliad became a text of truly global reach. It traces the formation of a new Arabic discourse on the ancient Greeks in resistance to European cultural imperialism, before describing how Bustānī’s text constituted such a powerful rejection of Eurocentric accounts of ‘civilisation’ and hence the spurious justification of colonialism as a ‘civilising’ enterprise.
TL;DR: The authors discusses how diasporas in the United States reacted to and were involved in the process of German unification and finds that for reasons linked to Germany's aggressive past, the Jewish-American and Polish-American communities were among those who expressed the most concerns.
Abstract: The present article discusses how diasporas in the United States reacted to and were involved in the process of German unification. For reasons linked to Germany’s aggressive past, the Jewish-American and Polish-American communities - whose members (or family members) had suffered immensely from German fascism and expansionism - were among those who expressed the most concerns. However, the largely positive public opinion towards German unification in the United States generally corresponded to the sentiments of the German-American community.
21 Dec 2017
TL;DR: In this article, a new vision of coercion inspired by messian Belt and Road Initiative backing mostly on sealanes control is proposed, which is able gradually to bring China a victory.
Abstract: South-China Sea has been gradually becoming a place of collision of the USA as an acting global hegemon and growing China. Beijing is strongly interested in controlling this area for the purposes of national security as Washington intends to enhance its influence and containing Chinese expansionism. Both parties freely manipulate with the International law and simultaneuosly raise miltary activity within the South-Easat Asia that can cause a seruos conflict. Nevertheless, two contemporary centers of power likely to sustain complex interdependence relationship than start a global confrontation. Brand new vision of coercion is inspired by messian Belt and Road Initiative backing mostly on sealanes control. South-China Sea has been becoming vitally importatnt for China as it is a hub of international communications. The better Beijing controls mare nostrum the more stable its political system is. Respectively, Washington benefits from unstability in SCS for preventing sinization of the entire East Asia. Moreover, in the case of deteriorating bilateral ties America should be ready for implementation “geo-economic stranglehold“ strategy aimed to destroy the rival. South-East Asian nations do not tend to participate in the Great Game directly and choose ad hoc ally strategy as they are totally unable to form an Anti-China coalition. An attempt to resolve the dispute on the principle of international law factually failed – China doesn’t acknowledge Tribunal decision and recommendations but continues expansionist policy as well. The only positive moment can be found in introducing new negotiation positions among pretending ASEAN members – all the tensions are to be mitigated by investments and priveleges. This “smart power” instrument is able gradually to bring China a victory.
TL;DR: The authors explored how taking physical cosmology and the entities that populate its fringes on their own terms might prompt anthropologists to rethink what and how they think of life and the Boltzmann Brain as an example of life not only beyond the human but also beyond life as we know it.
Abstract: This article explores how taking physical cosmology and the entities that populate its fringes on their own terms might prompt anthropology to rethink what and how it thinks of life. Physical cosmologists work with inanimate matter that lies at the frontier of existential possibility, positing scales and concepts that seem to negate commonsense notions of life and nonlife. Although a common reaction in anthropology when faced with such infinite, nonhuman, and abstract landscapes is to try to crowbar “everyday life” back in, we argue that conceptual space needs to be made for another style of engagement between anthropology and physical cosmology. Taking the Boltzmann Brain as an example of life not only beyond the human but also beyond life as we know it, we start to flesh out a different sort of speculative, transdisciplinary endeavor.