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Expansionism

About: Expansionism is a research topic. Over the lifetime, 979 publications have been published within this topic receiving 11169 citations.


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01 Sep 1996
TL;DR: In a Middle East where the Arab-Israeli and Gulf conflicts cannot be thought separately, there is a need for an effective redirecting of the structural frameworks towards a comprehensive and innovative peace where borders and armies count less, and for a practice of change in Iraq based on working opposition institutions as discussed by the authors.
Abstract: This book is the author's way to fulfil a belief in ideas as movers of a history in the making. In a Middle East where the Arab-Israeli and Gulf conflicts cannot be thought separately there is a need for an effective redirecting of the structural frameworks towards a comprehensive and innovative peace where borders and armies count less, and for a practice of change in Iraq which is based on working opposition institutions. Whilst the appreciation of Iranian Islamic expansionism should operate primarily with a view to Iran's own fault-lines and the domestic set-ups in the countries concerned, the whole search for a kinder and richer Middle East must refine its language by a series of detours. The detours include the weaving of the classical tradition of Islamic law into modern legal experiments, the appreciation of what really makes a state stable, the difficult theoretical questions raised by Islamic movements, and the need for new constitutional frameworks and a legal fluidity in the region as a whole, in which nation-states get less rigid, and freedom of movement and political expression for the individual are made issues of priority.

2 citations

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this paper, the authors discuss the potential of the former Soviet military industrial complex and its real capacity and argue that it was for so long the king of Soviet industries that will cast its shadow over the economies of the new Commonwealth of Independent States (CIS) for years to come.
Abstract: economic history. But some issues of the past are of more than historical interest. Soviet military power is a good example. I wrote the first draft of this article when there had already been a reduction in the Soviet military threat, but it was important to assess its real capacity. Considering the highly unstable situation in that part of the world, I still feel this, despite and even because of the demise of the Soviet Union. Several factors were responsible for my initial interest. To begin with, the Soviet government's confession that it had lied in the past spurred curiosity in the literature over whether the truth had finally been revealed. Furthermore, the new phenomenon of Soviet writers' exercising independent judgement resulted in numerous challenges to the government's account of military spending. As to the Westerners, their attitudes also changed. A sign of good taste in comparative economic systems was to obtain estimates of Soviet economic indicators, including military spending, that would not contradict the official ones too much. Since glasnost' effectively destroyed the division of Sovietology along the lines of 'progressive' and 'reactionary' attitudes, being too critical of the Soviet Union no longer damaged one's reputation in academia. On the contrary, with ideological constraints removed, a greater deviation from the standards acceptable in the past became even a sign of originality. Using an analogy from physics, in the past Soviet official estimates attracted those obtained independently, while recently the two have tended to repel each other. For future consideration, it may be too early to dismiss the potential of the Soviet military industrial complex. The fact that it was for so long the king of Soviet industries will cast its shadow over the economies of the new Commonwealth of Independent States (CIS) for years to come. As to the new leaders' attitudes towards military production, several points are worth noting. First, arms sales may be rediscovered as a good source of hard currency. Second, smaller republics will keep an eye on Russia; for them, Russian history is the history of expansionism at the expense of its neighbours. Third, all republics have potentially destabilising forces in the enclaves of ethnic minorities. Therefore, assuming the CIS economies are able to recuperate and provide necessities for the population, there could be a resurgent interest in military production. Not surprisingly, for example, the Ukraine's move to independence began with the formation of a new national army. Ukraine will thus

2 citations

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this article, Naipaul's travel books and other commentaries about the non-Arab converts of Islam are characterized by his trademark sensitivity to colonialism, and he equates Islamic expansion in Indonesia, Pakistan, Iran and Malaysia to Arab imperialism.
Abstract: V. S. Naipaul's travel books and other commentaries about the non-Arab converts of Islam are characterized by his trademark sensitivity to colonialism. In these controversial works, Naipaul equates Islamic expansion in Indonesia, Pakistan, Iran and Malaysia to Arab imperialism. While Naipaul does not condone the militaristic origins of Islamic expansionism in history, his principal critique is cultural, concerning how non-Arab converts voluntarily turn away from their pre-Islamic histories, sacred sites, cultures, and traditions in favour of their Arabian counterparts. Beneath the surface of their apparent religiosity, however, Naipaul sees a traumatic historical experience, principally due to the tension between the universalist message of Islam and its Arabian origins. Arguably, the converted peoples cope with their injured national pride by a religious zeal to overwhelm the Arabs, who are their conquerors and the givers of their religion.

2 citations

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: The Serbo-German commercial treaty as mentioned in this paper was signed between Germany and Serbia on November 28, 1904, and carried political implications which greatly magnify its historical importance. But while its final importance is political, and emphatically so, the treaty can scarcely be understood without an appreciation of the economic motivation behind it.
Abstract: On November 28, 1904, a new commercial treaty was signed between Germany and Serbia. Though limited in economic impact, the treaty carried political implications which greatly magnify its historical importance. For both signatories this treaty proved consequential to their respective relations with Austria-Hungary. Indeed, for Serbia it became one of the bases from which to carry on the struggle for the fulfillment of her national ambitions. But while its final importance is political, and emphatically so, the treaty can scarcely be understood without an appreciation of the economic motivation behind it. It will not do to dismiss the treaty as merely another manifestation of German expansionism; money, not empire, seems to have lured Germany into this rockiest part of the Balkans. The Serbo-German commercial treaty, therefore, must be studied against the background of two rivalries, separate both in membership and in kind— one the rivalry, mainly political and national, between Serbia and Austria-Hungary, and the other the commercial rivalry between Germany and Austria-Hungary in the Balkans. In the pages that follow an attempt will be made to pursue the second aspect in some detail; the first can here only be summarized.

2 citations


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Performance
Metrics
No. of papers in the topic in previous years
YearPapers
202374
2022172
202126
202038
201928
201835