Topic
Expansionism
About: Expansionism is a research topic. Over the lifetime, 979 publications have been published within this topic receiving 11169 citations.
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TL;DR: The Chicano minority, an immigrant people, stands at the center both of that history and of a process of imperial expansionism that originated in the last three decades of the nineteenth century and that continues today.
Abstract: Preamble In this article we show how the twentieth-century appearance of a Chicano minority population in the United States originated from the subordination of the nation of Mexico to U.S. economic and political interests. We argue that, far from being marginal to the course of modern U.S. history, the Chicano minority, an immigrant people, stands at the center both of that history and of a process of imperial expansionism that originated in the last three decades of the nineteenth century and that continues today.
19 citations
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01 Jan 2000
TL;DR: US Foreign Policy in World History is a survey of US foreign relations and its perceived crusade to spread liberty and democracy in the two hundred years since the American Revolution as discussed by the authors, which explores these arguments by taking a thematic approach structured around central episodes and ideas in the history of US Foreign relations and policy making, including:* The Monroe Doctrine, its philisophical goals and impact* Imperialism and expansionism* Decolonization and self-determination* the Cold War* Third World development* the Soviet 'evil empire', the Sandinistas and the 'rogue' regime
Abstract: US Foreign Policy in World History is a survey of US foreign relations and its perceived crusade to spread liberty and democracy in the two hundred years since the American Revolution. David Ryan undertakes a systematic and material analysis of US foreign policy, whilst also explaining the policymakers' grand ideas, ideologies and constructs that have shaped US diplomacy.US Foreign Policy explores these arguments by taking a thematic approach structured around central episodes and ideas in the history of US foreign relations and policy making, including:* The Monroe Doctrine, its philisophical goals and impact* Imperialism and expansionism* Decolonization and self-determination* the Cold War* Third World development* the Soviet 'evil empire', the Sandinistas and the 'rogue' regime of Saddam Hussein* the place of goal for economic integration within foreign affairs.
19 citations
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03 May 2018
TL;DR: In this article, the authors provide a historical reconstruction of the long-term trajectory of Brazilian state-formation (ca. 1450 - 1889), developed as a contribution to the sub-field of IR Historical Sociology.
Abstract: This thesis provides a historical reconstruction of the long-term trajectory of Brazilian state-formation (ca. 1450 - 1889), developed as a contribution to the sub-field of IR Historical Sociology. Theoretically, it is informed by the tradition of Geopolitical Marxism, which emphasises the social conflicts – on both sides of the Atlantic – that inform the geopolitical strategies and disputes between coloniser and colonised, without being determined by them. This account challenges existing theories of IR and Historical Sociology, in which trajectories of state formation are explained through the use of generalising theoretical assumptions foreclosing case-specific particularities, especially in non-European cases. I propose instead a radical historicist approach to social science, reframing social theory as a methodological guideline for historical analysis. Empirically, this amounts to a reinterpretation of Portuguese maritime expansionism, deriving the geopolicies of South American occupation not from generalising notions of colonialism or the expansion of capitalism, but from the situated practices of elite and inter-elite reproduction. The thesis moves on to show how the events that followed Napoleon’s invasion of Portugal in 1807 eventually led to Brazilian independence through an analysis of the competing interests of Portuguese and Brazilian elites, exacerbated by and geopolitically managed through the interference of British strategies of informal imperialism in Latin America. After formal independence, Brazilian policy making is driven not by the aspiration towards a civilizational standard or capitalist modernisation, but by the conflicts between segments of the ruling class, especially regarding the long-delayed transition from slavery towards other forms of labour control. The argument is that the historicist method does not only provide the key to the “peculiarity” of the Brazilian case by questioning the biases towards state-centrism in mainstream IR and towards structuralism in Marxism, but that it also overcomes the challenge of Eurocentrism by incorporating the agency of non-European subjects in the making of their own history.
19 citations
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TL;DR: For instance, this paper argued that the public reaction to the "I Shall Go to Korea" speech of Eisenhower can best be understood by considering four interlocking contexts of discourse, contexts that formed a large portion of the conceptual, emotional, and interpretive schemata by which voters in 1952 understood and acted upon their world.
Abstract: It is not often the case that a single speech is credited with exerting a decisive effect on a presidential election. But Dwight Eisenhower's address of October 24, 1952 is one such speech. Both the Republican strategists who crafted and approved the speech and the Democratic strategists who tried to respond to it have testified to the electric--and possibly definitive--effect that the announcement of Eisenhower's intention to visit the battlefield in Korea had on the electorate, particularly the large group of undecided voters (Hughes 1957; McKeever 1989, 244). Scholars, too, have pointed to the "I Shall Go to Korea" speech as "one of the most effective campaign speeches of modern times" (Donovan 1982, 401; Greene 1985, 219; Caridi, 1968, 234). Barton J. Bernstein (1971) represents a broad scholarly consensus when he argues that "the great impact of the speech rested upon the military prestige of the General, a man whom many believed could end the war' (pp. 3249-50; Alexander 1975; Ambrose 1983). There can be little doubt that Eisenhower's personal ethos played a large role in voter response to the Republican campaign generally and the speech of October 24 in particular. However, to leave it at that is to miss much of the rhetorical dynamism that characterized the 1952 presidential campaign. It is my contention that the public reaction to Ike's speech of October 24 can best be understood by considering four interlocking contexts of discourse, contexts that formed a large portion of the conceptual, emotional, and interpretive schemata by which voters in 1952 understood and acted upon their world. These four contexts are (1) the discourse of cold war as it had been practiced from 1946 to 1952; (2) the discourse of foreign policy debate, especially as that debate concerned Asia; (3) the discourse of the Korean conflict as practiced from June 25, 1950 to 1952; and (4) the discourse of Dwight D. Eisenhower, formed from 1942 to 1952, but especially those aspects of the discourse revealed during the 1952 campaign and featuring an appeal to ethos. All four contexts inform the text of "I Shall Go to Korea" and together constitute the "mind" of the era--and therefore of the electorate--that found the speech so powerful. By examining the interrelationships between and among this single text and its contexts--rhetorical, historical, psychological, and ideological--I hope to illustrate how texts that may on first encounter appear discrete and self-contained should, in fact, be conceived as "sites" where contending discursive forces meet and in that meeting form rhetorical alloys that, by virtue of their combinations, possess more potency than any single element. The Korean Conflict and Contextual Discourses Korea was a hot war that broke out in the midst of the ongoing cold war. Indeed, the Korean conflict cannot be understood at all apart from the strategic dimensions that motivated American intervention. Richard Whelan (1990) puts the matter succinctly when he notes: In retrospect, we may say that the rescue of South Korea was not an end in itself. It was a means to an end, or rather to several ends: (1) to convince the Soviets that they didn't dare to make any further aggressive moves and (2) thus to prevent World War III; (3) to uphold America's prestige in the eyes of the entire world; (4) as Truman later put it, "to demonstrate to the world that the friendship of the United States is of inestimable value in time of adversity"; and (5) to squelch domestic, and specifically Republican, criticism of the Truman administration. To these ends must be added one more ...: to demonstrate the ability of the UN to halt aggression (not merely to denounce it) and thus to bolster the Western system of collective security. (Pp. 119-20) Implicit in these goals were the perceptions of the enemy held by both Democrats and Republicans in cold war America: that the Soviet Union was an aggressive power that sought to conquer not only its neighbors but the entire world; that unless Soviet expansionism could be "contained," a third wood war was likely; that only America could lead the "free wood" against such Communist aggression; and that only a united "free world," gathered under the banner of collective security, could hope to prevail over the numerically superior armies of the Soviet Union and Red China (Halle 1967; Feis 1970; Gaddis 1972; Levering 1982; Gaddis 1987; Gaddis 1997). …
19 citations
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TL;DR: The application of the EU principle of non-discrimination in private disputes is a sensitive issue as discussed by the authors, and recent case-law of the CJEU (cases Mangold and Kucukdeveci) conveys a novel approach that disturb...
Abstract: The application of the EU principle of non-discrimination in private disputes is a sensitive issue. Recent case-law of the CJEU (cases Mangold and Kucukdeveci) conveys a novel approach that disturb...
19 citations