Expansionism

About: Expansionism is a research topic. Over the lifetime, 979 publications have been published within this topic receiving 11169 citations.

Economic Imperialism Revisited: Late-Nineteenth-Century Europe and Africa

Abstract: Until fairly recent times, the concept of economic imperialism has maintained a somewhat shadowy relationship with scholarship on the actual history of modern empire. John Hobson and V. I. Lenin, usually considered the seminal proponents of economic imperialism, were not themselves very serious students of overseas expansion; their most powerful arguments, when not reducible to contemporary polemics, are focused on domestic developments in Europe. Following the appearance of Lenin's Imperialism: The Highest Stage of Capitalism in 1917, his ideas (with heavy emphasis on those borrowed from the more easily digested Hobson) became the orthodox interpretation of imperialism not only for the organized communist movement but also among anticolonial socialists and liberals in all corners of the Western empires. At the same time Marxist historians undertook relatively little research on the subject of imperialism. Scholars who dominated the field before World War II, such as William L. Langer, gave lip service to economic interpretations without incorporating them systematically into their own essentially political analyses.1 In the 1950s and 1960s liberal and conservative historians became more aggressive, treating the "Hobson/ Lenin" thesis as a straw man against which to posit assertions that imperialism was predominantly motivated by political considerations.2 More recently still, the study of imperialism has shifted to a greater concern with economics, although seldom in the terms set by Hobson, Lenin, or other Marxist analysts of the same era. The works to be discussed in this article all concentrate on late-nineteenth-century European expansionist policies and/or their impact upon Africa, but they approach these problems from a variety of viewpoints. One group of more or less orthodox Marxists has mounted a counterattack upon the "primacy of politics" critique of economic imperialism. Meanwhile, the original proponents of this critique have revised their views somewhat so as to relate economic crises on overseas areas to political action in the European metropoles. Other historians have begun to use African economic history as a base from which to reexamine the imperialist process. Fourth, a more eclectic school of Leftists are looking at late-nineteenth-century territorial annexation from the perspective of the long-term relationship between Western capitalism and the "underdeveloping" Third World. Finally, the Leninist notion of "social

Maritime Factors in the Oregon Compromise

Abstract: OF THOSE FACTORS in American expansionism which sought solution in the Oregon negotiations of 1846, none appeared of greater concern to the people of the United States than the disposition of Asiatic trade. Historians have detected a persistent commercial motivation in this nation's expansion to the Pacific. Foster Rhea Dulles, for example, developed the theme that Oregon and California were not ends in themselves, but rather a "point of departure" for an Asiatic commercial empire.' Richard Van Alstyne held that American expansion can be only partly explained in terms of a continental domain.2 Frederick Jackson Turner also took the broader view of American acquisitions on the Pacific Ocean, the mastery of which, he said, "was to determine the future relations of Asiatic and European civilization."" Mercantile interests in the Pacific, however, explain more than one powerful motive in American expansionism. Maritime calculations augmented the strong inclination of American commercial interests to seek a peaceful solution of the Oregon controversy and actually defeated the movement for 540 4o' quite as effectively as the threat of war with Great Britain or Mexico. This ardent quest for ports on the Pacific, moreover, fused Oregon and California into one irreducible issue in the minds of the commercial enthusiasts and thereby played an intensely persuasive role in the eventual delineation of this nation's western boundaries.

The Paramilitary Phenomenon in Central and Eastern Europe

Abstract: One of the less publicised consequences of the geopolitical turmoil that came to characterise 2015 was the surge in popularity of paramilitary units across Central and Eastern Europe (CEE).If this trend is particularly observable in countries directly affected or alarmed by the violence in eastern Ukraine or the large influx of refugees from conflict areas, it has nevertheless manifested itself in strikingly different ways across the region. Indeed, the generic term "paramilitary" refers to "a group that is not an official army but that operates and is organised like an army"1 and as such these organisations take on a variety of forms, such as militias, vigilante groups or home guard units.Although they all operate in parallel to their national armed forces and share features including military training, uniforms and in some cases access to weapons, they have varying degrees of legitimacy and state support, depending largely on the nature of the perceived threat and the ideological foundations of the groups.Bolstering Baltic DefencesIn the Baltic States and Poland, this development is mostly the result of renewed fears over Russian expansionism. Harbouring large Russian minorities (in the case of Estonia and Latvia), unnerved by the military buildup in the neighbouring Russian exclave of Kaliningrad and traditionally wary of their powerful eastern neighbour, these states view "Russian propaganda" with unease and are concerned about a "potential repetition of the Donbas scenario," says Ilvija Bruge, a researcher at the Latvian Institute of International Affairs.2As a result of this volatile security environment, the enthusiasm for home guard groups has been welcomed by respective governments as a "valuable contribution" to national defence, according to Martin Hurt, former deputy director of the International Centre for Defence and Security in Tallinn.3In Lithuania, the Lietuvos saulip spjunga (Lithuanian Riflemen's Union) now has around 8,000 members, up from 6,000 two years ago,4 while Latvia's Zemessardze (Latvian National Guard) has also seen its popularity increase, confirms Bruge. In Estonia, the Kaitseliit (EDL, Estonian Defence League) has seen its ranks swell by roughly 10%, to 15,577 members, dwarfing the Estonian military which numbers 6,000 personnel in peacetime.5Unsurprisingly the recurrent, yet unofficial, theme in the war games conducted by these reservist forces has been Russian intervention, in one form or another. As numerous interviews in The Wall Street Journal,6 The Independent1 and The Washington Post8 have highlighted, different simulations have focused on tackling a variety of scenarios, from fullon warfare to Russian-instigated separatism and neutralising soldiers in unmarked uniforms ("little green men") sent over the border (for instance during Operation Wenden,9 jointly conducted by Estonia and Latvia in 2015).Often trained by active military personnel and falling under the responsibility of the national defence ministry, the units in the Baltics serve the clear purpose of shoring up the regular armies' capabilities and act as an additional deterrent against external aggression. All share a commitment to constitutional order and the preservation of national independence, and observe "the codes of conduct of the Defence Forces" (EDL)10 in order to "assist and support military operations" (Latvian National Guard).11Reining in Volunteer Groups in PolandEven in Poland, where such organisations are not as institutionalised and a number of them allegedly have affiliations to extreme right groups (for example, Ruch Narodowy), the government has taken it upon itself to engage actively with these paramilitary formations and to supervise their rapid expansion.On 18 March 2015, a conference gathered about 800 participants from various volunteer militias and citizen's defence groups in Warsaw under the initiative of the Polish administration. …

Territorial Expansionism or Passion for the Lost? A Reflection on 21st -Century Mission with Reference to the Anglican Church of Nigeria

Abstract: The New Testament Church was born for mission and by it the gospel has reached different parts of the world today. Through the activities of the CMS, the gospel reached the shores of Nigeria and the Anglican Church of Nigeria was subsequently born. The Church in Nigeria has also employed various methods in furthering the mission of the Church. However, a critical evaluation suggests that unless the church carefully reviews its strategy, it risks abandoning NT mission for structural growth and expansionism which could have negative impact on the mission it sets out to promote. As well as reflect on biblical missions we shall reflect on the development of mission work in Nigeria with appropriate references to available materials while some will also include first- hand knowledge and information with no written document.