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Showing papers on "Government published in 1975"


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: It has been said about the United States that it is now suffering ‘a crisis of regime’ as discussed by the authors and Europe, we have been told, is in little better condition: ‘all over Europe the First World War broke up the structure of society which, before 1914, had provided the necessary basis of confidence between government and governed.
Abstract: It has been said about the United States that it is now suffering ‘a crisis of regime’. Europe, we have been told, is in little better condition: ‘all over Europe the First World War broke up the structure of society which, before 1914, had provided the necessary basis of confidence between government and governed. There no longer exists, except in a few places such as Switzerland, that general acceptance of the conduct of national affairs that adds to the vigor of government and society alike.’1 These are the kinds of practical political problems to which the concept of political support, as found in systems analysis, has been directed.

1,956 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: The Bureaucracy and Representative Government (BGP) as mentioned in this paper is an attempt to match a now conventional theory of the demand for government services in a representative government with a new theory of bureaucratic supply.
Abstract: FIVE years ago I completed the manuscript that was published as Bureaucracy and Representative Government.2 This book-an attempt to match a now conventional theory of the demand for government services in a representative government with a new theory of bureaucratic supplyprovoked a minor stir, some misunderstanding, and some useful subsequent research. This paper summarizes my reflections on this book and the findings of several empirical studies that bear on some of its conjectures. These reflections, like the perspectives of the book, are based on a combination of personal experience, the comments and contributions of others, and the available empirical studies.3 Part I of this paper outlines several suggested modifications to my earlier theory of bureaucracy and representative government. Part II summarizes a set of relevant empirical findings.

1,049 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this paper, the relationship between market structure and the incidence of corrupt dealings in the government contracting process is investigated and the extent to which various criminal sanctions will deter corruption and the degree to which criminal incentives can be reduced by revising contracting procedures and reorganizing market structures.

720 citations


Journal ArticleDOI

268 citations


Book
01 Jan 1975
TL;DR: In this article, the authors examined the machinery of government with its social, economic and cultural contexts in Hong Kong and described the changes that will take place in the system of government in 1997 when Hong Kong becomes a Special Administrative Region of the People's Republic of China.
Abstract: This study of the government of Hong Kong examines the machinery of government with its social, economic and cultural contexts. The text has been substantially revised for this edition to take account of the changing context in which policies are being made in the lead up to 1997. The author details the most recent constitutional developments and moves towards democracy, and describes the changes that will take place in the system of government in 1997 when Hong Kong becomes a Special Administrative Region of the People's Republic of China.

255 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this article, the authors present the contexts for these issues and propose some fruitful avenues for investigation, and present the context of comparison advertising as a powerful marketing tool, in this regard, there are many interesting issues that require further consideration.
Abstract: ALTHOUGH not new, comparison advertising has only in the last few years become prevalent enough to provoke growing interest and controversy. The subject is of concern to many groups-consumer organizations, the advertising industry, government bodies-and, of course, to individual marketers. The question arises as to whether comparison advertising is, indeed, a powerful marketing tool; in this regard, there are many interesting issues that require further consideration. The purpose of this article is to present the contexts for these issues and to propose some fruitful avenues for investigation.

181 citations


Book
01 Jan 1975
TL;DR: The Globalization of the Development Challenge as mentioned in this paper, the Legacies of National History, the Challenge of Federalism, the challenge of Interest Politics in India, and Political Parties and Politics: The emergence of Coalition Politics and the Rise of the BJP.
Abstract: 1. The Globalization of the Development Challenge. 2. The Legacies of National History. 3. The Framework: Institutions of Governance. 4. The Challenge of Federalism. 5. Interest Politics in India. 6. Parties and Politics: The Congress System and Its Decline. 7. Political Parties: The Emergence of Coalition Politics and the Rise of the BJP. 8. Elections and Political Behavior. 9. Policy and Performance: The Politics of Development. 10. Policy and Performance: National Security and Foreign Policy. Index.

164 citations




Book
01 Jan 1975
TL;DR: In this article, Kogan draws together many of his previous findings to provide a searching examination and overview of education and its relationship both to government and to individuals and groups within the system.
Abstract: Originally published in 1975. This masterly study of policies and policy-makers in education opens up a major, and fascinating, area of public policy to analysis. In this book Professor Kogan draws together many of his previous findings to provide a searching examination and overview of education and its relationship both to government and to individuals and groups within the system. The result is not only a definitive statement on the making of educational policy, but a study of pressure groups; and in broader terms it is a commentary on the democratic efficiency of the British policymaking process both inside and outside Parliament. The core of the book is an analysis of the main policies which were the major concerns of educational government between 1960 and 1974. This shows how the various interest groups in education differ in their attitudes and their ways of working; and provides both an intriguing insight into the historical development of education over this key period and a variety of personal views from the individuals who helped to shape this development.

101 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: The institutional and economic growth of American society through the mid-nineteenth century entailed -close cooperation between the public and private sectors as mentioned in this paper, where state legislatures chartered hundreds of corporations and lavished them with land grants, lottery franchises, eminent domain privileges, and tax exemptions.
Abstract: HE institutional and economic growth of American society through the mid-nineteenth century entailed -close cooperation between the public and private sectors. Antebellum state and local politicians viewed government's resources as a means to attain the developmental goals of a society dedicated to material growth; public officials were more than willing "to seek the public good through private negotiations."' State legislatures chartered hundreds of corporations and lavished them with land grants, lottery franchises, eminent domain privileges, and tax exemptions.2 Local governments, too, engaged in the scramble for regional development and readily opened their treasuries to railroad corporations and other businesses.3 By the 1870s, however, various socioeconomic groups began to perceive that their interests were no longer congruent with those of the corporations that government had created and subsidized. In that decade, shippers waged successful struggles to impose stiff regulatory laws on grain

Book
01 Jan 1975
TL;DR: In this paper, the formative age, pre-history-206 BC 1. General history 2. State and society 3. Literature and art 4. The Early Empire, 206 BC-AD 960: 5. Government 7. Society and the economy 8. Thought 9. The Later Empire, 960-1850: 10. Government 12. Thought 14. Epilogue.
Abstract: Introduction Part I. The formative age, prehistory-206 BC 1. General history 2. State and society 3. Thought 34. Literature and art Part II. The Early Empire, 206 BC-AD 960: 5. General history 6. Government 7. Society and the economy 8. Thought 9. Literature and art Part III. The Later Empire, 960-1850: 10. General history 11. Government 12. Society and the economy 13. Thought 14. Literature and art Epilogue.

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: A survey of over 17,000 Canadian consumers who had written a letter of complaint to one of several government or consumer service agencies in 1972 found that the average consumer complainer is a middle aged, well educated, affluent, managerial-professional man or woman as discussed by the authors.
Abstract: A survey of over 17,000 Canadian consumers who had written a letter of complaint to one of several government or consumer service agencies in 1972 found that the average consumer complainer is a middle aged, well educated, affluent, managerial-professional man or woman The study also found that 49 percent of complaint letters are written by only 24 percent consumer of complainers and that consumers who write several letters of complaint are also well educated, affluent, and have managerial/professional occupations These findings suggest that care must be taken in using consumer complaint data to identify the nature and severity of consumer problems in the marketplace or as a foundation for government policy and programs

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In recent years, there has been a continuing effort to place the history of scientific activity in Europe firmly in the political, economic and social contexts in which ideas and institutions have developed as discussed by the authors.
Abstract: In recent years there has been a continuing effort to place the history of scientific activity in Europe firmly in the political, economic and social contexts in which ideas and institutions have developed. Hitherto, however, comparatively little attention has been paid to the development of scientific institutions in the European colonial empires, or to the role of scientific activity in the commercial exploitation, civil government, or political development of individual countries.

Book
17 Apr 1975
TL;DR: A Byzantine Government in Exile Government and Society under the Laskarids of Nicaea (1204-1261) as mentioned in this paper, a Byzantine government in exile government and society under the
Abstract: A Byzantine Government in Exile Government and Society under the Laskarids of Nicaea (1204-1261)

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this article, expenditure decisions in four Western democracies (Australia, Sweden, the United Kingdom, and the United States) in the policy areas of defense, health, education, and all government expenditures from 1950 to 1970 were compared.
Abstract: This article compares expenditure decisions in four “Western” democracies (Australia, Sweden, the United Kingdom, and the United States) in the policy areas of defense, health, education, and all government expenditures from 1950 to 1970. In addition, national income is used as a measure of economic growth in the four countries. The research focuses on the yearly fluctuations of expenditures and the statistical relationships existing among the variables under changing conditions.

Journal Article
01 Jan 1975-Daedalus
TL;DR: In this article, the authors argue that unless higher education takes a more active part in the shaping of national educational policy, interests of the first order will be jeopardized or lost.
Abstract: That the former should be so is understandable. Higher education is a necessary aspect of national life, and the national government has always been involved. Washington raised the subject in his Inaugural Address. It is the imbalance of the relation that is anomalous. Why has there been so little initiative and effective organization on the part of higher education in pressing its interests with the national government? A review of the experience from the 1950s on suggests that government has behaved about as governments will do, pursuing recognizable in terests, including that of acting and appearing to act in terms of fairly generously defined public interests. Higher education might have been expected to respond by becoming a moderately importunate and reasonably coherent claimant on national resources. During this same period?and given no better opportunity?elementary and secondary schools, and schoolteachers, fashioned themselves into an aggressive national lobby. Higher education did not. In a manner recorded more in literature than in politics, it responded in a passive mode, accepting support it had not the power to command; agreeing without overmuch fuss to the small conditions and obligations that seemed ever to accompany such support. Dignity was maintained; dependency deepened. The series of historical accidents, which over the past two decades have given a political priority to the needs of higher education quite indepen dent of any assertion of those needs by higher education, evidently induced an assumption that people, or rather The People, would always be kind. When, as of late, things have not quite worked as some would wish, there has been a tendency to at tribute this to an aberrant condition in government which will soon enough be righted. This might be termed "Waiting for '76." This paper will contend that political realities are quite different, and that, unless higher education takes a more active part in the shaping of national educational policy, interests of the first order will be jeopardized or lost. In particular, the interests of private institutions, more especially the major private universities, will be lost. Appearances, for the moment, are notably confusing, suggesting simultaneously the closest cooperation and the most protracted hostility. Thus by any general measure, federal funds going to higher education continue to increase at a comfortable pace. Similarly, while in the course of the century two Ivy League universities have sent their presidents to the White House, there has been nothing comparable to the extent Ivy League faculties have of late sent their professors to the Cabinet. In the winter of 1973-74, no less than five such posts?State, Treasury, Defense, Justice, Agriculture?were held by men whose principal work had been teaching and research in the more prestigious institutions of learning. Along with this there has been 128




Journal ArticleDOI
01 Oct 1975-Speculum
TL;DR: One of the earliest English parliamentary petitions is one from the abbot of St. Mary's at York in 1290 which complains of the "subtlety of the moderns" (subtilitas modernorum) as discussed by the authors.
Abstract: AMONG the earliest English parliamentary petitions is one from the abbot of St. Mary's at York in 1290 which complains of the \"subtlety of the moderns\" (subtilitas modernorum). This striking phrase stands out from the mass of common form and circumscribed claims of the other parliamentary petitions. Who were these \"moderns,\" how were they \"subtle,\" and why did the abbot complain to Edward I about them? The idea of being modern, which gained currency in the twelfth century, indicates the beginnings of historical awareness. Walter Map for example describes \"this modern period\" (modernitatem hanc) as the course of the preceding century up to c. 1190. He likewise appreciates the relativity of historical periods, as he notes that he himself will be considered ancient by future generations.' Medieval ideas of modernity and historical periodization will not be discussed here in general, however, as they comprise an enormous area over which scholars have already drawn consistent guide-lines.2 The abbot's petition is remarkable in associating the moderns with

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this article, the authors argue that unless there is a greater commitment of resources from the national executive and from the government, Maendeleo ya Wanawake (MyW) will likely lose its extensive rural base.
Abstract: The largest women's voluntary association in Kenya and the only one with a countrywide network of clubs is Maendeleo ya Wanawake (Swahili for "women's progress"). It was organized by a small group of European women in the early 1950s under the auspices of the colonial government's Department of Community Development and Rehabilitation, to promote "the advancement of African women" and to raise African living standards. This paper will argue that although Maendeleo was founded to improve rural living standards through self-help, and although its national leadership in the early years of independence took a critical position towards the government, in the last few years the leadership has tended to accept the status quo and accomodate itself to the political elite.1 Moroever the gap between rural and urban women has grown wider and the development projects that have been implemented have been the results of local level initiative. The paper suggests that unless there is a greater commitment of resources from the national executive and from the government, Maendeleo ya Wanawake (MyW) will likely lose its extensive rural base. To support this proposition, the paper contends that: (1) the national executive and its urban supporters engage in the "patrons' round" of activities, and in the urban context MyW bears more resemblance to a western women's philanthropic organization than to an African self-help organization; (2) the national executive, though voicing support for women's rights, enjoys essentially an accomodative relationship with the government, and makes little attempt to secure equal rights or more resources for women; (3) the central government continues to give verbal rather than substantive support; and (4) the rural members feel neglected and bitter towards the government and the national executive, both of whom they see as doing little to help them solve their problems. In examining these hypotheses I will discuss first Maendeleo's origins and program; second, the activities of the urban leadership; third, the beliefs and opinions of those in the rural areas towards the central government and the national executive; and fourth, the national executive's relationships with the central government.



Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this paper, the authors argue that the most promising means of reducing birthrates is to reduce the size of the group within which the costs of children are spread and to which the benefits of lowered fertility would accrue.
Abstract: For the less developed countries of the world the most promising means of reducing birthrates is to reduce the size of the group within which the costs of children are spread and to which the benefits of lowered fertility would accrue. This course of population policy development is the focus of the discussion; the context of the discussion is restricted to the rural sector of densely populated countries with relatively low levels of industrialization (South and Southeast Asia are the main regions in mind). The thesis is that a major reduction in fertility can be accomplished by means of a unified community development program provided that appropriate inducement is given to the social control of fertility. If such a program is otherwise successful it is likely that social pressures regulating births will appear naturally. In instances where high fertility is itself inhibiting success policies should be designed to establish or reinforce community autonomy and solidarity and to provide incentives at the community level that reward economic performance and demographic restraint. The shift in emphasis called for in government population programs is from regarding individuals as clients to regarding communities as clients. Rural population growth and economic stagnation in densely populated low income countries is described. If the potential effectiveness of a unified economic-demographic development strategy at the community level is conceded attention needs to be on policy measures that might constitute such a strategy -- community solidarity containment of negative spillovers (the relevant village-level spillovers concern movement of people environmental degradation and the agricultural surplus) and restructuring of incentives.

01 Jan 1975
Abstract: Intensive field studies involving over 300 in-depth interviews in 12 American cities were conducted in an effort to ascertain the conditions or factors associated with variations in the tasks, saliency and legitimacy of local civil defense organizations around the United States. All of the cities were objectively subject to at least two major natural disaster threats and half had undergone a major disaster in the last decade. Data were obtained from key community and emergency organization officials by way of a disaster probability rating scale, two intensive interview guides, and a general documentary checklist. Among the findings were the following. While overall disaster planning by civil defense has tended to be differentiated, segmented, isolated, cyclical and spasmodic , in recent years planning has broadened to include a wide range of disaster ,agents, a lesser focus on nuclear attack, more concern with local community viability and increasing involvement of a greater number of organizations in community disaster plans. Currently in almost all communities there are multiple layers of planning with little consensus on disaster tasks, on organizational responsibility and on the scope of disaster plannlng,is well as confusion concerning the role of civil defence in such planning. Local civil defence directors not only differ in following a professional or a political career path, but also manifest a variety of behavioral styles in carrying out their roles. Local civil defense agencies tend to be ambiguously viewed as to their interests, structures and functions by the general public, community influentials and organizational officials. Civil defense agencies have also evolved in two different ways -- some following a traditional path with an emphasis on nuclear hazards and others concerned with a number of different hazards. High saliency seems to be related to extensive horizontal relationships, broad scope of tasks and multiple hazard concerns. A number of factors undercut the legitimacy of civil defense organizations. These include changes in organizational purpose, preceived need for services, decline in resources, poor performance and changing saliency of the military model. Local offices which have legitimacy tend to be in localities where there are persistent threats, where civil defense is within the local governmental structure, where extensive relationships are maintained with other organizations, and where the output or product of the civil defense organization is seen as useful to other community groups. Conditions which are most likely to be productive of successful local civil defense involvement in disaster planning are that the loca1 organization develops experience in handling a variety of community emergencies, that municipal government provides a structure which accepts and legitimizes the civil defense function, that the local civil defense director has the ability to generate significant pre-disaster relationships among those organizations which do become involved in emergency activities, and that emergency-relevant resources, such as EOCs, be provided and that the knowledge of their availability is widespread throughout the community.

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: The American Association of Public Opinion Research's Standards Committee is undertaking a study to document the experience of its members, particularly with respect to completion rates, and the American Statistical Association has recommended the establishment of a small, full-time research staff dedicated to studying the problems as mentioned in this paper.
Abstract: Several recent articles and comments [9, 22, 23] in this journal have drawn attention to the ethical problems confronting marketing researchers. There is mounting evidence that these ethical problems, while significant, are being overshadowed by a variety of environmental trends and questionable practices whose extent is only imperfectly understood [11, 15, 16]. However, their unwelcome presence is being increasingly felt through higher costs (via reduced response rates, more difficult interviewer recruiting, higher wages, and greater interviewer turnover rates) and problems with data quality, sample representativeness, declining public acceptance of surveys, and new demands for government restrictions. The seriousness of these problems is reflected in the recent establishment of the Committee on Public Attitudes Toward Survey Research by the American Marketing Association and the organization of the Council of American Survey Research Organizations [24]. The American Association of Public Opinion Research's Standards Committee is undertaking a study to document the experience of its members, particularly with respect to completion rates. The American Statistical Association has recommended the establishment of a small, full-time research staff dedicated to studying the problems [16]. The purpose of this article is to complement these activities by first putting the various uncontrollable and controllable threats into perspective, and then proposing a specific program of "research on research" designed to clarify the changing environment of marketing research and provide a basis for industry-wide corrective action.


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: This article defined policy as "actual and potential government programs and actions designed to cope with various social problems" and defined public policy as the "substance" of what government does and is to be distinguished from the processes by which decisions are made.
Abstract: P UBLIC POLICY, like obscenity, is usually defined in practice by Justice Potter Stewart's maxim: "I don't know how to define it, but I know it when I see it." On a superficial level, most definitions are in basic agreement and differences are primarily semantic. Overcoming the diversity of more specific definitions, the new Policy Studies Organization defines policy as "actual and potential government programs and actions designed to cope with various social problems."' More specifically, Robert Salisbury's definition states: "Public policy consists in authoritative or sanctioned decisions by governmental actors. It refers to the 'substance' of what government does and is to be distinguished from the processes by which decisions are made. Policy here means the outcomes or outputs of governmental processes."2 Common to these and most other definitions of public policy is the broad notion that public policy is what government does. What differences there are in definitions involve policy-the question of defining that "what" in what government does. It is widely as-

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this article, the authors propose an approach which not only includes the possibility that socialization contributes to stability, but also recognizes that change itself may be an equally frequent outcome of socialization.
Abstract: n the sixteen years since &dquo;political socialization&dquo; became a significant part of the working vocabulary of empirical social science (Hyman, 1959; Bulau et aI., 1959; Dennis, 1973), the term has connoted principally a device for building positive support for a political system. The usual model of the socialization process has been a maintaining one, in which the basic form of the political system is continuously reproduced in the minds of each maturing generation by those who immediately preceded it. But, as a colleague and one of the present authors have observed about political socialization theory: &dquo;We clearly require an approach which not only includes the possibility that socialization contributes to stability, but which also recognizes that change itself may be an equally frequent outcome of socialization&dquo; (Easton and Dennis, 1969: 47).