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Showing papers on "Government published in 2001"


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: Different stages of e-government development are described and a ‘stages of growth’ model for fully functional e-Government is proposed, which outlines the multi-perspective transformation within government structures and functions as they make transitions to e- government through each stage.

2,493 citations


Book
01 Jan 2001
TL;DR: Fountain this paper argues that the creation of a virtual state will not be easy, exposing much of the structural obsolescence of our current bureaucracy, and argues that if our government is to serve its central purpose -to work for its citizens and provide them with the opportunity to excel - it must embrace this change.
Abstract: From the Publisher: "In Building the Virtual State, Jane Fountain explains how government must evolve to become part of the Internet revolution. Fountain calls on government agencies to abandon outmoded bureaucratic tendencies in favor of a less centralized approach to providing services. This requires a change not only in the way government executives think, but also in the way they view their relationships with citizens. They must answer questions regarding costs and maintenance of Internet portals, and at the same time assure citizens that their privacy will be protected." The creation of this "virtual state," Fountain argues, will not be easy, exposing much of the structural obsolescence of our current bureaucracy. However, if our government is to serve its central purpose - to work for its citizens and provide them with the opportunity to excel - it must embrace this change. It must negotiate the solutions to the internal questions of management, as well as external questions of protection of privacy and capability of use by all citizens. The outcome of this struggle will likely determine the extent to which the American government will be recast in the Information Age and whether its citizens will emerge as winners or losers.

1,304 citations


Book
28 Jan 2001
TL;DR: The Macro Polity as mentioned in this paper provides a comprehensive model of American politics at the system level, focusing on the interactions between citizen evaluations and preferences, government activity and policy, and how the combined acts of citizens and governments influence one another over time.
Abstract: The Macro Polity, first published in 2002, provides a comprehensive model of American politics at the system level. Focusing on the interactions between citizen evaluations and preferences, government activity and policy, and how the combined acts of citizens and governments influence one another over time, it integrates understandings of matters such as economic outcomes, presidential approval, partisanship, elections, and government policy-making into a single model. Borrowing from the perspective of macroeconomics, it treats electorates, politicians, and governments as unitary actors, making decisions in response to the behavior of other actors. The macro and longitudinal focus makes it possible to directly connect the behaviors of electorate and government. The surprise of macro-level analysis, emerging anew in every chapter, is that order and rationality dominate explanations. This book argues that the electorates and governments that emerge from these analyses respond to one another in orderly and predictable ways.

1,231 citations


Book
01 Jan 2001
TL;DR: In this article, the question of Governance and the Dynamics of Institutional Change are discussed, and the Third Way Modernizing Social Democracy Modernizing Government The Politics of Reform Modernising Services, the Politics of Performance Joined Up Government, Public Participation, Representation Remaking Civil Society, and Inclusion.
Abstract: Introduction and the Question of Governance Understanding Governance The Dynamics of Institutional Change The Third Way Modernizing Social Democracy Modernizing Government The Politics of Reform Modernising Services The Politics of Performance Joined Up Government The Politics of Partnership Public Participation The Politics of Representation Remaking Civil Society The Politics of Inclusion Conclusion The Politics of Governance

921 citations


Book
01 Mar 2001
TL;DR: In this article, the authors examine ambiguities, contradictions, and inadequacies in our current systems of accountability for finances, fairness, and performance, and suggest a new model of accountability with "compacts of collective, mutual responsibility" to address new paradigms for public management.
Abstract: Traditionally, American government has created detailed, formal procedures to ensure that its agencies and employees are accountable for finances and fairness. Now in the interest of improved performance, we are asking our front-line workers to be more responsive, we are urging our middle managers to be innovative, and we are exhorting our public executives to be entrepreneurial. Yet what is the theory of democratic accountability that empowers public employees to exercise such discretion while still ensuring that we remain a government of laws? How can government be responsive to the needs of individual citizens and still remain accountable to the entire polity? In Rethinking Democratic Accountability , Robert D. Behn examines the ambiguities, contradictions, and inadequacies in our current systems of accountability for finances, fairness, and performance. Weaving wry observations with political theory, Behn suggests a new model of accountability uwith "compacts of collective, mutual responsibility" uto address new paradigms for public management.

844 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this article, the authors examined the factors that affect the utilization of performance measurement, based on the results of a national survey of state and local government officials, and found that policy adoption is driven more heavily by factors from rational and technocratic theory, whereas actual implementation is influenced by factors addressed by political and cultural considerations.
Abstract: Despite its appeal for improving government, many state and local governments have not developed performance-measurement systems, and even fewer use these systems to improve decision making. This study examines the factors that affect the utilization of performance measurement, based on the results of a national survey of state and local government officials. The goals of the study were to provide better information on the patterns of usage of performance measurement and to use this information to develop an elaborated model of the factors presumed to affect utilization. Using distinctions from the policy and evaluation literature, hypotheses were tested and confirmed: Policy adoption is driven more heavily by factors from rational and technocratic theory, whereas actual implementation is influenced by factors addressed by political and cultural considerations.

771 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this article, the authors examine patterns of media ownership in 97 countries around the world and find that almost universally the largest media firms are controlled by the government or by private families, and the adverse effects of government ownership on political and economic freedom are stronger for newspapers than for television.
Abstract: The authors examine patterns of media ownership in 97 countries around the world. They find that almost universally the largest media firms are controlled by the government or by private families. Government ownership is more pervasive in broadcasting than in the printed media. Government ownership is generally associated with less press freedom, fewer political and economic rights, inferior governance, and, most conspicuously, inferior social outcomes in education and health. The adverse effects of government ownership on political and economic freedom are stronger for newspapers than for television. The adverse effects of government ownership of the media do not appear to be restricted solely to instances of government monopoly. The authors present a range of evidence on the adverse consequences of state ownership of the media. State ownership of the media is often argued to be justified on behalf of the social needs of the disadvantaged. But if their findings are correct, increasing private ownership of the media--through privatization or by encouraging the entry of privately owned media--can advance a variety of political and economic goals, especially those of meeting the social needs of the poor.

575 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this paper, the authors identify common elements of public procurement knowledge through a brief analysis of the literature and provide a summary of government efforts to improve public procurement practices using a systems approach as a method of inquiry.
Abstract: Academically, public procurement has been a neglected area of study even though governmental entities and public procurement practitioners have diligently worked to improve public procurement practices. This article will identify common elements of public procurement knowledge through a brief analysis of the literature and will provide a summary of government efforts to improve public procurement practices. In addition, this article will comprehensively re-examine public procurement by using a systems approach as a method of inquiry. Finally, implications of the proposed public procurement system regarding future research and study will be discussed.

542 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: Howard et al. as discussed by the authors investigated the factors that led states to make restrictive policy choices after 1996 and used this analysis to evaluate general -theories of welfare politics and found that state policies have been shaped by a variety of social and political forces, but especially by the racial composition of families who rely on program benefits.
Abstract: The landmark welfare legislation of 1996 offers students of politics a unique opportunity to pinpoint the determinants of state-level policy choices-a case in which the fifty states responded virtually simultaneously to a single policy mandate. Taking advantage of this opportunity, we investigate the factors that led states to make restrictive policy choices after 1996 and use this analysis to evaluate general -theories of welfare politics. Specifically, we test six types of explanations for why some states responded by adopting 'get-tough" program rules: theories that identify welfare policy as a site of ideological conflict, as an outcome of electoral politics, as a domain of policy innovation, as an instrument of social control, as an outlet for racial resentments, and as an expression of moral values. The results of our ordered and binary logit models suggest that state policies have been shaped by a variety of social and political forces, but especially by the racial composition of families who rely on program benefits. n 1996, the federal government passed legislation that transformed public assistance provision in the United States. The Personal Responsibility and Work Opportunity Reconciliation Act of 1996 (PRWORA) abolished the federal entitlement to aid that grew out of the Social Security Act of 1935 and reached fruition through legal victories in the 1960s (Mink 1998; Lurie 1997). In its place, the federal government created Temporary Assistance for Needy Families (TANF), a system of block grants that gives states more freedom to select among policy tools but also imposes a forceful mandate to promote work, reduce welfare usage, and change poor people's behaviors (Albelda and Tilly 1997). In this article, we present a political analysis of the ways states responded to this new policy environment. Specifically, we investigate the factors that shaped state-level policy choices after 1996 and use this analysis as a basis for evaluating general explanations for welfare policy outcomes. Our study builds on a long tradition of quantitative research that has attempted to illuminate state-level politics by asking why states adopt different welfare policies (Howard 1999; Rom 1999; Brace and Jewitt 1995; Peterson and Rom 1990; Plotnick and Winters 1985). The analysis presented here, however, departs from prior work in two important respects. First, most state-level research has sought to explain interstate differences in benefit levels and spending patterns (Howard 1999, 424-425;

472 citations


Posted Content
TL;DR: The Government of Risk as discussed by the authors analyzes risk regulation in terms of'regimes' and shows how different parts of the same regime may be shaped by different factors and have to be understood in quite different ways.
Abstract: Why does regulation vary so dramatically from one area to another? Why are some risks regulated aggressively and others responded to only modestly? Is there any logic to the techniques we use in risk regulation? These key questions are explored in The Government of Risk. This book looks at a number of risk regulations regimes, considers the respects in which they differ, and examines how these differences can be explained. Analysing regulation in terms of 'regimes' allows us to see the rich, multi-dimensional nature of risk regulation. It exposes the thinness of society-wide analyses of risk controls and it offers a perspective that single case studies cannot reach. Regimes analysis breaks down the components of risk regulation systems and shows how these interact. It also shows how different parts of the same regime may be shaped by different factors and have to be understood in quite different ways. The Government of Risk shows how such an approach is of high policy relevance as well as of considerable theoretical importance. Available in OSO: http://www.oxfordscholarship.com/oso/public/content/politicalscience/0199243638/toc.html

462 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: The authors apply an empirical framework that is appropriate for modeling coalition choice to evaluate several leading explanations of government formation and make conclusions about the relative importance of traditional variables relating to size and ideology.
Abstract: ment of an empirical tradition that allows scholars to evaluate the relative importance of competing theories. We resolve this problem by applying an empirical framework that is appropriate for modeling coalition choice to evaluate several leading explanations of government formation. Our approach allows us to make conclusions about the relative importance of traditional variables relating to size and ideology and to assess the impact of recent new-institutional-

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this paper, the authors advocate an alternative approach based on bottom-up direction by local communities in response to real or perceived government malfeasance, misfeasance, or nonfeaance under the previous top-down model.
Abstract: Tropical-biodiversity conservation has changed radically over the past generation. Until the early 1980s, conventional wisdom held that central governments should manage all conservation efforts in developing countries. Over the past 15 years or so, scholars, conservation practitioners, and policymakers have advocated an alternative approach based on bottom-up direction by local communities in response to real or perceived government malfeasance, misfeasance, or nonfeasance under the previous top-down model. Now that some of the pitfalls of community authority over conservation decisions have become apparent, the question is what, if any, best-bet strategies exist if the institutions of both government agencies and communities are ill equipped to han

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this paper, the condition of state social work in England today is explored based on interviews with experienced social workers employed by local authority social services departments across the north of England, and they provide a penetrating insight into the diverse ways in which their work has been transformed and degraded and the manner in which the needs of clients have been largely ignored.
Abstract: Summary The article explores the condition of state social work in England today. It is based on interviews with experienced social workers employed by local authority social services departments across the north of England. These front line state social workers provide a penetrating insight into the diverse ways in which their work has been transformed and degraded and the manner in which the needs of clients have been largely ignored. From their perspective, the election of a Labour government in 1997 proved to be a massive disappointment and many social workers reported that it has further undermined state social work practice, workers and clients. The paper seeks to offer an explanation by noting the neo-liberalism of Labour’s social policy and the dire consequences which flow from New Labour’s fixation with waged work as the principal solution to social exclusion and poverty. Above all, it seeks to provide an opportunity for the views of front-line state social workers to be heard. A good friend of mine has been sending me press cuttings for the past three years, many of which concern the activities and strategies of New Labour. It is a sign of his originality as a social scientist that he has included in these bundles sheaves of public sector job adverts that provide a most important collection of data concerning New Labour’s particular imprint on social policy reform and change. One of many New Labour’s mantras—taken straight from the US corporate world of management speak—is ‘making a difference’. Nearly every senior job created as a consequence of New Labour’s flood of policy initiatives (projects, task forces, New Deals, ventures, agencies, pilots, beacons and the like (Parris, 2001, p. 2)) is advertised under this slogan; come and ‘make a difference’. New Labour under Tony Blair is very concerned to make a difference and can be guaranteed to fight all and any elections on

Book
01 Aug 2001
TL;DR: The second edition of "Education in a Post-Welfare Society" as mentioned in this paper provides a critical overview of education policy since 1945, a period during which governments in the UK, particularly in England, moved from creating and sustaining a welfare state to promoting a post-welfare society dominated by private enterprise and competitive markets.
Abstract: This is the second edition of "Education in a Post-Welfare Society" (first published in 2001) which provided a critical overview of education policy since 1945 - a period during which governments in the UK, particularly in England, moved from creating and sustaining a welfare state to promoting a post-welfare society dominated by private enterprise and competitive markets The first edition took readers through a descriptive review of Acts, reports and events in education 1945-2000, placing in context the avalanche of legislation and initiatives that have "reformed" education into a competitive enterprise in which young people "learn to compete" locally, nationally and globallyThis edition continues the policy story up to 2005, and covers two terms of a New Labour government and their plans for a third term It also continues an examination of the relationship of education policy to social class, race, gender and the economy The book continues to demonstrate how a relatively decentralised education system became a system in which funding, teaching and curriculum are centrally controlled, and privatisation encouraged, with education being narrowed to an economic function, becoming a prop for global market economy rather than a pillar of welfare stateChronologies of education acts, reports and initiatives are provided at the beginning of the first seven chapters, major legislation is summarised and suggestions for further reading made Chapters on the middle classes and education, the relationship of policy to race, gender and disability, and education and the economy follow The book is an invaluable resource for all those concerned with social policy and education, including educational researchers, professionals and politicians

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: A series of articles addressing recent developments in intergovernmental relationships in the advanced Western democracies is presented in Policy & Politics as mentioned in this paper, where the authors assess the impact of multilevel governance on traditional models of institut ional relationships and highligh t the strengths and weaknesses of such governance as compared to more traditional, hierarchical models of government.
Abstract: This issue of Policy & Politics features a series of articles addressing recent developments in intergovernmental relationships in the advanced Western democracies. There is today, we believe, sufficient uniformity in these developments across different jurisidictions to allow a discussion on the causes, mechanisms and consequences of a new or emerging type of relationship between institutions at different levels. While it is also true that intergovernmental relationships in each individual country are developing to some extent according to the trajectory of institutional relationships which is typical of that national context, we suggest that the triggering mechanisms have been, on the whole, fairly similar across the western world. What we are thus witnessing is a gradual institutional – and inter-institutional – change reflecting both similar problems facing countries in different parts of the world and, at the same time, the trajectory of institutional change in each national context. The emergence of multi-level governance challenges much of our traditional understanding of how the state operates, what determines its capacities, what its contingencies are, and ultimately of the organisation of democratic and accountable government. Acknowledging the risk of idealising times past in order to exaggerate changes over time, we could say that we are moving from a model of the state in a liberal– democratic perspective towards a state model characterised by complex patterns of contingencies and dependencies on external actors (Pierre, 2000). Political power and institutional capability is less and less derived from formal constitutional powers accorded the state but more from a capacity to wield and coordinate resources from public and private actors and interests. Put slightly differently, we have been witnessing a development from a ‘command and control’ type of state towards an ‘enabling’ state, a model in which the state is not proactively governing society but is more concerned with defining objectives and mustering resources from a wide variety of sources to pursue those goals (Pierre and Peters, 2000). These are obviously changes and developments which are of considerable magnitude and significance. The gradual shift from a government towards a governance perspective reflects the new role of the state which has become typical of western politics in the past decade or so. Multi-level governance is to some extent merely a logical extension of these developments. However, it also signals a growing awareness among elected officials of the decreasing meaningfulness of speaking about sovereignty and autonomy in a political and economic order increasingly characterised by international political, economic and administrative coordination, economic global isation and growing subnational assertiveness vis-a-vis the state in many countries. Multi-level governance is also manifested in a growing number of exchanges between subnational and transnational institutions, seemingly bypassing the state (see, for example, Beauregard and Pierre, 2000). The remainder of this introduction is organised as follows. First, we will discuss in closer detail the definition and meaning of the concept of multi-level governance and what might explain the emergence of such governance. Following that we will assess the impact of multilevel governance on traditional models of institut ional relationships and highligh t the strengths and weaknesses of such governance as compared to more traditional, hierarchical models of government. In the closing section of the introduction we briefly present the other articles in this issue.

01 Jul 2001
TL;DR: The work in this article examines over sixty case studies of both public-sector reforms to foster stronger client focus in service delivery; and civil-society initiatives to demand improved services.
Abstract: This is a study of efforts to improve the responsiveness of public service providers to the needs of service users, particularly the poorest service users. This paper examines over sixty case studies of both public-sector reforms to foster stronger client focus in service delivery; and civil-society initiatives to demand improved services. This work was concerned to identify means of amplifying citizen 'voice' such that engagement with the state moves beyond consultative processes to more direct forms of influence over policy and spending decisions. The case studies upon which this research is based are drawn from around the world, from developing and developed countries. They are organised into 14 different types of 'voice' or 'responsiveness' mechanisms, and are available on: www.ids.ac.uk/ids/govern/ citizenvoice/annexcs.html. Across different types of public service, the potential for citizen voice, and varying degrees of public sector responsiveness, can be surmised from features of service design and delivery such as the complexity of the technology involved in the service, the remoteness, geographical, social and educational, of providers, the extent to which the service is a shared good or an individually consumable product, or the social and environmental consequences of dramatic service break-down. Variations in voice and client focus are also explained by client characteristics: the social status of clients, their geographic concentration, and whether they have a sustained or one-off relationship with providers. The study concludes with policy-relevant findings on ways of enhancing citizen voice in decision-making, planning, and monitoring of public services. For citizen engagement with public service providers to move beyond consultation to real influence, citizens must enjoy rights to a more meaningful form of participation. This would include formal recognition for citizens' groups, their right to information about government decision-making and spending patterns, and rights to seek redress for poor-quality service delivery. Public sector providers, for their part, need assurances regarding the mandate and internal accountability of such groups. This study was commissioned by the UK's Department for International Development (DFID).

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this paper, the authors outline the three main contributions of e-governance: improving government processes (e-administration); connecting citizens (ecitizens and e-services); and building external interactions (esociety).
Abstract: New information and communication technologies can make a significant contribution to the achievement of good governance goals. This 'e-governance' can make governance more efficient and more effective, and bring other benefits too. This paper outlines the three main contributions of e-governance: improving government processes (e-administration); connecting citizens (e-citizens and e-services); and building external interactions (e-society). Case studies are used to show that e-governance is a current, not just future, reality for developing countries. However, most e-governance initiatives fail. Countries therefore face two challenges. First, the strategic challenge of e-readiness: preparing six identified pre-conditions for e-governance. Second, the tactical challenge of closing design — reality gaps: adopting best practice in e-governance projects in order to avoid failure and to achieve success. A vision for change is therefore outlined of which more details are given in a related paper.

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: The public sector institutions which are responsible for monitoring government performance are not normally open to citizen participation as mentioned in this paper. Yet there is widespread dissatisfaction with the capacities of states to exercise selfrestraining functions effectively, and a growing interest amongst citizens to inform, monitor, or participate directly in the workings of these oversight institutions.
Abstract: The public sector institutions which are responsible for monitoring government performance are not normally open to citizen participation. Yet there is widespread dissatisfaction with the capacities of states to exercise self-restraining functions effectively, and a growing interest amongst citizens to inform, monitor, or participate directly in the workings of these oversight institutions. This paper examines two citizen-initiated efforts in India to engage with public sector oversight functions. In one case, citizens attempted to engage with administrative accountability institutions (monitoring efficiency and quality in the food subsidy system), and in the second, citizens challenged official auditing systems in local government by producing parallel accounts of local spending which contradicted official versions. Both cases involved citizens breaking away from the ‘vertical’ channels of accountability traditionally open to civil society (lobbying, voting), and insinuating themselves to previously clos...

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this paper, a study of the impact of culture on political trust in the People's Republic of China (PRC) and Taiwan can test cultural theory, and it is possible to examine if cultural effects can be reduced to structures or institutions as suggested by modernization and institutional theorists.
Abstract: Political trust is the belief that the political system or some part of it will produce preferred outcomes even if left untended. As a sentiment "independent of outputs and performance in the short run," political trust is one of the important determinants of a polity's stability.1 Political trust is important because it is a component of political support that gives a political regime room to maneuver when it encounters difficulties in performing its more immediate political tasks. From the rational choice perspective, political trust can be explained by political actors' calculation of material interests.2 This theory does not deny that values and norms can play a role in shaping people's choices, but it does not give them independent status.3 Rational choice studies of political trust have focused largely on the behavior of governments. They have found that political trust depends on the ability of governments to provide people with good policy and good access and on the perception of government officials as "good men or women."4 In contrast to rational choice theory, culturalists argue that short-run calculations of material interest tell only part of the story. Political actors respond to stimuli, not directly, but rather through a mediating orientation that assigns meanings and values to events.5 Differences in mediating orientation can make political actors respond to the same stimuli in different ways. Culturalists do not deny that people's orientations are shaped by institutions and that institutional changes will eventually lead to changes in orientations. However, changes in political culture usually lag behind changes in institutions, instead of changing in tandem with them. Consequently, people's orientations can affect their behavior independently. Their effects can not be reduced to the influence of institutions.6 A study of the impact of culture on political trust in the People's Republic of China (PRC) and Taiwan can test cultural theory. Data gathered from these two societies in 1993 illustrate the effects of political culture on people's attitudes towards government. By decomposing the impact of structure, institutions, and culture, it is possible to examine if cultural effects can be reduced to structures or institutions as suggested by modernization and institutional theorists.

01 Jan 2001
TL;DR: The authors assesses the World Bank's approach for promoting good governance in developing countries and argues that the Bank has adopted a arestrictive approach, confining itself to the economic dimensions of governance.
Abstract: Prompted by concerns over the effectiveness of aid, the World Bank has significantly stretchedits policy frontiers by endorsing “good governance” as a core element of its developmentstrategy. Governance, which captures the manner in which power is exercised in themanagement of a country’s economic and social resources for development, is a multifacetedconcept. Limited by its restrictive mandate and institutional ethos, the Bank has adopted arestrictive approach, confining itself to the economic dimensions of governance. Nevertheless,this evolution represents an ambivalent enterprise with both promises and dilemmas, as theinherent tension between the economic and political dimensions of governance appears themost contentious issue. While democracy tends to refer to the legitimacy of government, goodgovernance refers to the effectiveness of government. This article assesses the Bank’s approachfor promoting good governance in developing countries. It argues that that the

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this paper, the authors present a critical analysis of policy transfers in the field of welfare-to-work or "workfare" programming, focusing on recent experiences in the United Kingdom and the United States.

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: The first part is: 'Trends in Public Participation: Part 1 - Local Government Perspectives' Public Administration 79/1 pp205-222 (DOI 10.1111/1467-9299.00253) as discussed by the authors.
Abstract: This is a two part article which should be read as one (see RAE FAQ: www.rae.ac.uk/faq/default.asp?selcat=4&q=119). The first part is: 'Trends in Public Participation: Part 1 – Local Government Perspectives' PUBLIC ADMINISTRATION 79/1 pp205-222 (DOI 10.1111/1467-9299.00253). The research that it reports provided the baseline against which the Government has evaluated the success of its subsequent local government participation policy. These articles were the two most electronically accessed items in Public Administration in 2001.

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: Norris et al. as mentioned in this paper studied the influence of political culture on women's political empowerment and found that attitudes toward women as political leaders are a significant barrier to women's empowerment.
Abstract: A fundamental problem facing the worldwide process of democratization is the continued lack of gender equality in political leadership. The basic facts are not in dispute: Today women represent only one in seven parliamentarians, one in ten cabinet ministers, and, at the apex of power, one in 20 heads of state or government. Multiple factors have contributed to this situation, including structural and institutional barriers. But what is the influence of political culture? Are attitudes toward women as political leaders a significant barrier to their empowerment? In particular, how important is culture as compared with structural and institutional factors? These are the questions that our study seeks to address. Despite moves toward gender equality in many spheres, barriers to the entry of women into elected office persist. In June 2000, the UN General Assembly held a special session entitled “Women 2000: Gender Equality, Development and Peace,” the latest in a long series of international conferences calling for the empowerment of women. The session focused on the need for full recognition of women’s rights and fundamental freedoms, as well as demands for progress toward gender equality in education, health care, work, the family, and the public sphere. Women have mobilized at the grassroots, national, and global levels to Pippa Norris is associate director of research at the Joan Shorenstein Center on the Press, Politics and Public Policy at the John F. Kennedy School of Government, Harvard University. She has published more than two dozen books, including A Virtuous Circle (2000) and Digital Divide (2001). Ronald Inglehart is professor of political science and program director at the Institute for Social Research at the University of Michigan. He helped to found the Eurobarometer surveys and directs the World Values Surveys. His recent books include Modernization and Postmodernization: Cultural, Economic and Political Change in 43 Societies (1997).


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In the UK, the development of performance management in the context of the new public management has been primarily "top-down" with a dominant concern for enhancing control and "upwards accountability" rather than promoting learning and improvement.
Abstract: Public sector reforms throughout OECD member states are producing a new model of ‘public governance’ embodying a more modest role for the state and a strong emphasis on performance management. In the UK, the development of performance management in the context of the ‘new public management’ has been primarily ‘top-down’ with a dominant concern for enhancing control and ‘upwards account-ability’ rather than promoting learning and improvement. The development of performance management and evaluation in local government in the UK has been conditioned by external pressures, especially reforms imposed by central government, which have encouraged an ‘instrumental–managerial’ focus on performance measurement. The new Labour government's programme of ‘modernizing local government’ places considerable emphasis on performance review and evaluation as a driver of continuous improvement in promoting Best Value. However, recent research has indicated that the capacity for evaluation in local government is uneven and many obstacles to evaluation exist in organizational cultures. Local authorities need to go beyond the development of review systems and processes to ensure that the capacity for evaluation and learning is embedded as an attribute of ‘culture’ in order to achieve the purpose of Best Value.

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: The role of government in relation to SME development in economies at different stages of market reform has been discussed in this paper, showing that, as in mature market economies, the state is a major factor influencing the nature and pace of SMEs development, although more through its influence on the external environment in which business activity can develop than through direct support measures or interventions.
Abstract: DAVID SMALLBONE IS PROFESSOR OF SMALL and Medium Enterprises and Head of the Centre for Enterprise and Economic Development Research at Middlesex University Business School. Friederike Welter is Senior Researcher, 'Crafts and SMEs' Research Group, Rhine- Westphalian Institute for Economic Research (RWI), Essen, Germany. The paper is concerned with the role of government in relation to SME development in economies at different stages of market reform. It demonstrates that, as in mature market economies, the state is a major factor influencing the nature and pace of SME development, although more through its influence on the external environment in which business activity can develop than through direct support measures or interventions. Survey evidence from the Ukraine, Belarus and Moldova suggests that many enterprises are set up, survive and sometimes even grow despite government, because of the creativity of individuals in mobilising resources and their flexibility in adapting to hostile external enviro...

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this article, the potential benefits of eGovernment in supporting public sector reform and poverty reduction are discussed, and three major, crosscutting challenges are discussed and suggested some directions for further research.
Abstract: Asia‐Pacific governments are only in the initial phases of adopting information and communications technology to improve financial management information and reporting, streamline the delivery of government services, enhance communication with the citizenry, and serve as a catalyst for empowering citizens to interact with the government. This article begins with a brief review of the potential benefits of e‐government in supporting public sector reform and poverty reduction. It then gives some examples of adoption of e‐government in recent years in the Asia‐Pacific region, to see the extent to which these benefits have materialised. It explains why the pace has been slower in the public sector than in the private sector, gives examples of six stages of e‐government, and reviews both the benefits and challenges of each stage. Finally, the article discusses three major, cross‐cutting challenges and suggests some directions for further research.


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this paper, the authors focus on the Marxist and Neoliberal approaches of the topic and bring forward elements that contribute to understand the relationship between state and social policies underlying these actions and intervention programs.
Abstract: To better understand and assess the social public policies implemented by a government, one needs to comprehend the conception of State and social policies underlying these actions and intervention programs. In this field, different visions of society, State and educational policy yield different intervention projects. Focusing on the Marxist and neoliberal approaches of the topic, this text seeks to bring forward elements that contribute to understand this relationship.

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In his speech to the Confederation of British Industry (CBI) in July 1999, the UK Secretary of State for Education, David Blunkett, set out New Labour's vision for a system of education in which there is "excellence for the many not just the few" as discussed by the authors.
Abstract: In his speech to the Confederation of British Industry (CBI) in July 1999, the UK Secretary of State for Education, David Blunkett, set out New Labour's vision for a system of education in which there is ‘excellence for the many not just the few’. He outlined what is essentially a bi-focal strategy for achieving this vision. The first focus is on the education system itself, the structures and practices that New Labour believes need to be in place if schools and services are going to meet the needs of all children and not just a privileged minority. The second focus is on the need to promote ‘a culture of achievement’, as, according to Blunkett, the vision ‘depends on changing attitudes as well as the system itself’. This paper focuses on this second strategy, more specifically the government's attempts to change the attitudes of parents. It is argued that this strategy aims to eradicate class differences by reconstructing and transforming working-class parents into middle-class ones, that it represents p...