Showing papers on "Gun control published in 1993"
TL;DR: In this paper, the authors collected data from 170 U.S. cities with a population of at least 100,000 and coded the cities for the presence of 19 major categories of firearms restriction, including both state and city-level restrictions.
Abstract: What effects do gun control restrictions and gun prevalence have on rates of violence and crime? Data were gathered for all 170 U.S. cities with a 1980 population of at least 100,000. The cities were coded for the presence of 19 major categories of firearms restriction, including both state- and city-level restrictions. Multiple indirect indicators of gun prevalence levels were measured and models of city violence rates were estimated using two-stage least-squares methods. The models covered all major categories of intentional violence and crime which frequently involve guns: homicide, suicide, fatal gun accidents, robbery, and aggravated assaults, as well as rape. Findings indicate that (1) gun prevalence levels generally have no net positive effect on total violence rates, (2) homicide, gun assault, and rape rates increase gun prevalence, (3) gun control restrictions have no net effect on gun prevalence levels, and (4) most gun control restrictions generally have no net effect on violence rates. There were, however, some possible exceptions to this last conclusion—of 108 assessments of effects of different gun laws on different types of violence, 7 indicated good support, and another 11 partial support, for the hypothesis of gun control efficacy.
245 citations
TL;DR: This article showed that PAC contributions from the National Rifle Association as well as letters and lobbying by Handgun Control, Inc. significantly affected Congressional voting on the Firearms Owners Protection Act of 1986, holding constant ideology, party, constituency characteristics, and a proxy for prior position on the issue.
Abstract: Previous research has shown that PAC contributions from the National Rifle Association as well as letters and lobbying by Handgun Control, Inc. significantly affected Congressional voting on the Firearms Owners Protection Act of 1986, holding constant ideology, party, constituency characteristics, and a proxy for prior position on the issue. Using data from that study, this paper shows that contributions have a somewhat different effect than lobbying. Contributions from NRA were primarily targeted at NRA supporters and had the net effect of making the progunners even more so. Contributions from Handgun Control, while they did not significantly reinforce the proclivities of the gun controllers, were directed only at that group. At least in this case, money appears to exacerbate conflict. By contrast, the police lobby directed its attention at both gun controllers and pro-gunners; the lobby effectively induced pro-gunners to moderate their position.
61 citations
TL;DR: In this paper, the authors investigate how specific types of gun ownership interact with Southernness, controlling for the effects of other variables, to determine preferences for three different types of Gun Control.
Abstract: Southerners have been found to have higher levels of gun ownership than persons who reside elsewhere. This may be due to cultural factors peculiar to the Southern region. If so, this would have interesting implications for gun control initiatives. Although the differential in gun ownership has been linked to varying support or opposition to gun control, the relationship between this variable and specific types of gun control has not been examined. With this in mind, we investigate how specific types of gun ownership interact with Southernness, controlling for the effects of other variables, to determine preferences for three different types of gun control. We use 1975 data collected by DMI on a stratified random sample of 1538 noninstitutionalized adults in the United States. An analysis of several logistic regression equations indicates that a cultural component, related to Southernness, affects attitudes toward gun control. Southerners, in general, were the most opposed to permits and handgun bans. Southern shotgun owners, in particular, were found to be the most opposed to gun registration. These findings point to the need to consider region, culture, and gun type when addressing the issue of gun control.
39 citations
Book•
01 Jan 1993
TL;DR: Under Fire was widely hailed as the first objective examination of the NRA and its efforts to defeat gun control legislation as discussed by the authors, and Osha Gray Davidson showed how the NRA's extremism has cost the organization both political power and popular support.
Abstract: Originally published in 1993, Under Fire was widely hailed as the first objective examination of the NRA and its efforts to defeat gun control legislation. Now in this expanded edition, Osha Gray Davidson shows how the NRA's extremism has cost the organization both political power and popular support. He offers a well-reasoned and workable approach to gun control, one that will find many supporters even among the NRA membership.
37 citations
TL;DR: Unless the Supreme Court modifies or reverses its Presser and Miller decisions, health advocates should understand that the Second Amendment poses no obstacle to even broad gun control legislation.
Abstract: An organized campaign by groups such as the National Rifle Association has sought to convince policymakers and others that the Second Amendment to the US Constitution grants an unfettered right to individuals to possess any firearm, free from federal or state regulation. Although advocates may debate the meaning that should be given to the Second Amendment, under the American legal system the meaning of any particular constitutional provision is determined by the controlling precedent of Supreme Court cases. Two cases, Presser v Illinois and United States v Miller, remain the Supreme Court's latest word on the meaning of the Second Amendment. In Presser, the Court held that the Second Amendment is applicable only to federal, not state, laws. In Miller and subsequent federal cases, any Second Amendment "right" to bear arms is closely linked to the preservation of state militias, upholding a variety of federal gun legislation. Unless the Supreme Court modifies or reverses its Presser and Miller decisions, health advocates should understand that the Second Amendment poses no obstacle to even broad gun control legislation.
23 citations
TL;DR: In the months preceding the law's approval, a survey was conducted to measure the level of public support for the proposed initiative and the results of the survey were provided to lawmakers and other high level government officials in an effort to provide policymakers with objective data for gauging support (or non-support) for the proposal as discussed by the authors.
Abstract: State lawmakers in Virginia recently approved a measure to limit to one the number of handguns a person can purchase within a thirty day period. In the months preceding the law's approval, a survey was conducted to measure the level of public support for the proposed initiative. The results of the survey were provided to lawmakers and other high level government officials in an effort to provide policymakers with objective data for gauging support (or non-support) for the proposal. Past public opinion polls which have measured attitudes concerning gun control reveal differences in the levels of support with regard to such factors as individual gun ownership and region of residence. The following research reveals the sentiment of one State's citizenry toward a specific handgun control measure by focusing on how responses varied across selected sub-groups within the sample. Language: en
15 citations
TL;DR: A research agenda should explore the effects of firearm use on the costs of violence; the extent to which particular interventions can reduce the cost of violence by limiting use of firearms; and the extent of the benefits derived from firearm interventions are worth their public and private costs.
Abstract: Prologue: Few policy issues evoke heated discussion of the magnitude encountered in the debate over gun control. In the context of political campaigns, the passage of crime-control legislation, and media attention to violent acts, the United States is witnessing a renewed focus on firearm-related violence and what to do about it. Unfortunately, Franklin Zimring argues in this paper, the research needed to formulate sound public policies is lacking in the area of firearm violence and control. This paucity of research springs in part from the volatile nature of the topic and the political risk policymakers perceive in alienating one or more sides of the debate. Other reasons factor in, though, including the lack of an “academic home” for firearm research and the unwillingness of advocacy organizations for and against gun control to invest in research. Here Zimring proposes a research agenda that will enable policymakers to make “intelligent policy choices about firearm control.” That agenda includes finding...
12 citations
TL;DR: A non-experimental design was implemented which reviewed the history of gunshot injuries in New Mexico, identified the major elements in their $13,000 gunshot injury prevention program and identified their plans for continuing the program.
Abstract: VioLit summary: OBJECTIVE: The intent of this article by Becker et al. was to review a gunshot injury prevention program, geared especially toward child injuries, implemented in New Mexico for four months during late 1990. METHODOLOGY: The authors implemented a non-experimental design which reviewed the history of gunshot injuries in New Mexico, identified the major elements in their $13,000 gunshot injury prevention program and identified their plans for continuing the program. FINDINGS/DISCUSION: A recent report indicated that in New Mexico during a 5 year period, 25 children aged 1-15 years were killed, with another 200 nonfatally injured due to unintentional gunshot wounds. The authors therefore implemented a statewide childhood gun safety program with the public health goal of reducing the availability of loaded guns at home. The program contained three basic components. First, the authors produced public service announcements in Spanish and English and aired them during prime time television and on the radio. In addition they obtained statewide newspaper coverage on the topic of gun safety. Second, they increased awareness of health care professionals and patients by providing information to pediatricians, family doctors, general practitioners and children's health clinics. Brochures in Spanish and English were also sent to these health care professionals for distribution among their patients. Third, the Young Hunters education program in New Mexico's Department of Game and Fish assisted by distributing information to over 5,000 teenaged hunters, and posters were displayed by the New Mexico Shooters Association and many gun stores. To monitor the progress of the program the State of New Mexico Office of the Medical Investigator would assess the firearm deaths among children for five years (presumably beginning in 1993), the database of the statewide trauma registry would be monitored, and calculations would be based on denominators collected by the US Census. To continue the program the existing efforts would be incorporated, the authors said, into the Indian Health Service injury prevention program. Guns sold would be tagged with safety messages, and a statewide gun coalition would be formed comprising the National Rifle Association, pediatricians, emergency medical professionals, parents, and injury control officers. AUTHORS' RECOMMENDATIONS: The authors encouraged all health care professionals to become involved in gun safety counseling, education programs and legislative efforts geared toward reducing the number of loaded firearms in the home. They also suggested that cooperative efforts be organized on the state or regional level. (CSPV Abstract - Copyright © 1992-2007 by the Center for the Study and Prevention of Violence, Institute of Behavioral Science, Regents of the University of Colorado) KW - New Mexico KW - Firearms Injury KW - Firearms Violence KW - Child Injury KW - Child Safety KW - Child Victim KW - Injury Prevention KW - Violence Prevention KW - Prevention Program KW - Firearms Safety KW - Safety Promotion KW - Safety Program KW - Juvenile Injury KW - Juvenile Safety KW - Juvenile Victim KW - Juvenile Violence KW - Child Violence KW - Victimization Prevention
10 citations
Posted Content•
[...]
TL;DR: The authors examines Japanese firearms control laws from the sixteenth century to the present and places those controls in their cultural context, and considers whether those laws could be exported to the United States.
Abstract: This article examines Japanese firearms control laws from the sixteenth century to the present. Placing those controls in their cultural context, the article considers whether those laws could be exported to the United States.
8 citations
[...]
TL;DR: The authors examines Japanese firearms control laws from the sixteenth century to the present and places those controls in their cultural context, and considers whether those laws could be exported to the United States.
Abstract: This article examines Japanese firearms control laws from the sixteenth century to the present. Placing those controls in their cultural context, the article considers whether those laws could be exported to the United States.
5 citations
TL;DR: Data from a national random sample of gun owners were used to determine whether members of the National Rifle Association are a representative sample of all gun owners and how well the NRA's lobbying positions on gun control reflect the views of its membership and of nonmember gun owners.
Abstract: Data from a national random sample of gun owners (N = 605) were used to determine whether members of the National Rifle Association (NRA) are a representative sample of all gun owners and how well the NRA's lobbying positions on gun control reflect the views of its membership and of nonmember gun owners. No obvious demographic distinctions were identified between member and nonmember gun owners, but handgun owners (odds ratio [OR], 1.69; 95% confidence interval [CI], 1.19 to 2.39) and individuals who owned six or more guns as opposed to just one gun (OR, 1.95; 95% CI, 1.22 to 3.10) were more likely to belong to the NRA. Nonmembers were more supportive of specific proposals to regulate gun ownership (OR, 1.82; 95% CI, 1.14 to 2.91), but a majority of both member and nonmember gun owners favored a waiting period for the purchase of a handgun (77% and 89%, respectively) and mandatory registration of handguns (59% and 75%).
TL;DR: This article's conclusions bear little relationship to the evidence and the data are in any case so seriously flawed that no reliable conclusions of any kind could be drawn from them on the subjects that the authors address.
Abstract: Abusing the National Rifle Association (NRA) is always good sport for the intelligentsia and for gun-control true believers. Weil and Hemenway (pp. 353-365 in this issue) apparently could not resist the temptation to take some cheap shots at the “evil empire,” hanging their case on some dubious data from a commercial survey. Fun aside, two things are clear about this article. First, its conclusions bear little relationship to the evidence. The authors' survey data, even if taken at face value, simply do not support the authors' conclusions. Second, the data are in any case so seriously flawed that no reliable conclusions of any kind could be drawn from them on the subjects that the authors address.
Journal Article•
TL;DR: It is suggested that legislators and policy-makers must separate this issue from the broader and more emotional issue of "gun control" in order to effectuate better public policy and simultaneously protect the constitutional rights of the mentally ill.
Abstract: This article examines federal and state laws that prohibit the mentally ill from possessing firearms and assesses the jurisprudence that has developed as courts have applied the federal law. It argues that although there is little or no empirical data linking the mentally ill with firearms violence, legislative activity and popular political debate invariably include such restrictions on the mentally ill. Notwithstanding the proliferation of firearms and antecedent violence, this article suggests that legislators and policy-makers must separate this issue from the broader and more emotional issue of "gun control" in order to effectuate better public policy and simultaneously protect the constitutional rights of the mentally ill. Language: en
01 May 1993
TL;DR: In this paper, the effect of firearm conceal carry laws on the incidence and pattern of violent crime in Texas was evaluated using the Solomon Four-Group Experimental Model (SEMEM).
Abstract: Degree Year University Major Thesis/Dissertation PHD 1999 Sam Houston State University Criminal Justice/Law Enforcement Administration An Evaluation of Classroom Based Cognitive Intervention in a Correctional Setting (Solomon Four-Group Experimental Model) Dissertation Chair: Margaret Farnworth, Ph.D MPA 1993 Texas State University Public Administration The Effectiveness of Firearm Conceal Carry Laws on the Incidence and Pattern of Violent Crime ARP Chair: Patricia Shields, Ph.D. BA 1981 Stephen F Austin State Univ Criminal Justice/Law Enforcement Administration
Journal Article•
TL;DR: Kopel, David B. as mentioned in this paper argued that gun control won't stop rising violence and to some well-meaning Americans, the antidote to gun crimes is gun control. Provided by MICAH, Canberra.
Abstract: tag=1 data=Hold your fire : gun control won't stop rising violence. by David B. Kopel
tag=2 data=Kopel, David B.
tag=3 data=Policy Review,
tag=5 data=63
tag=6 data=Winter 1993
tag=7 data=58-65.
tag=8 data=FIREARMS
tag=10 data=To some well-meaning Americans, the antidote to gun crimes is gun control. Provided by MICAH, Canberra.
tag=11 data=1993/5/5
tag=12 data=93/0242
tag=13 data=CAB
TL;DR: The continued efforts and success of various anti-gun organizations serve only to divert efforts and resources away from the more fundamental issues of social disorder and economic inequalities that underlie most acts of violence.
Abstract: To the Editor. —In his article entitled "Grappling With the Enigma of Violence," 1 Menken is quite correct in pointing out that the thousands of laws dealing with the sale, distribution, and use of firearms have failed to provide any convincing evidence of effectiveness against the rising numbers of violent crimes in America. The acquisition and use of firearms for criminal purposes is not in the least way affected by statutes that govern the behavior of law-abiding citizens. The continued efforts and success of various anti-gun organizations serve only to divert our efforts and resources away from the more fundamental issues of social disorder and economic inequalities that underlie most acts of violence. Menken is wrong, however, when he suggests that proposals that encourage a ban on the private use of handguns altogether "... merit our vigorous support." 1 Factual studies have shown that the legal, defensive use of firearms by
Journal Article•
TL;DR: Menken is quite correct in pointing out that the thousands of laws dealing with the sale, distribution, and use of firearms have failed to provide any convincing evidence of effectiveness against the rising numbers of violent crimes in America.
Abstract: To the Editor. —In his article entitled \"Grappling With the Enigma of Violence,\" 1 Menken is quite correct in pointing out that the thousands of laws dealing with the sale, distribution, and use of firearms have failed to provide any convincing evidence of effectiveness against the rising numbers of violent crimes in America. The acquisition and use of firearms for criminal purposes is not in the least way affected by statutes that govern the behavior of law-abiding citizens. The continued efforts and success of various anti-gun organizations serve only to divert our efforts and resources away from the more fundamental issues of social disorder and economic inequalities that underlie most acts of violence. Menken is wrong, however, when he suggests that proposals that encourage a ban on the private use of handguns altogether \"... merit our vigorous support.\" 1 Factual studies have shown that the legal, defensive use of firearms by
Journal Article•