Showing papers on "Ideology published in 1971"

Lenin and Philosophy and Other Essays

Abstract: No figure among the western Marxist theoreticians has loomed larger in the postwar period than Louis Althusser. A rebel against the Catholic tradition in which he was raised, Althusser studied philosophy and later joined both the faculty of the Ecole normal superieure and the French Communist Party in 1948. Viewed as a "structuralist Marxist," Althusser was as much admired for his independence of intellect as he was for his rigorous defense of Marx. The latter was best illustrated in "For Marx" (1965), and "Reading Capital" (1968). These works, along with "Lenin and Philosophy "(1971) had an enormous influence on the New Left of the 1960s and continues to influence modern Marxist scholarship. This classic work, which to date has sold more than 30,000 copies, covers the range of Louis Althusser's interests and contributions in philosophy, economics, psychology, aesthetics, and political science. Marx, in Althusser's view, was subject in his earlier writings to the ruling ideology of his day. Thus for Althusser, the interpretation of Marx involves a repudiation of all efforts to draw from Marx's early writings a view of Marx as a "humanist" and "historicist." Lenin and Philosophy also contains Althusser's essay on Lenin's study of Hegel; a major essay on the state, "Ideology and Ideological State Apparatuses," "Freud and Lacan: A letter on Art in Reply to Andre Daspre," and "Cremonini, Painter of the Abstract." The book opens with a 1968 interview in which Althusser discusses his personal, political, and intellectual history."

Free Soil, Free Labor, Free Men: The Ideology of the Republican Party Before the Civil War

Abstract: Since its publication twenty five years ago, Free Soil, Free Labor, Free Men has been recognized as a classic, an indispensable contribution to our understanding of the causes of the American Civil War. A key work in establishing political ideology as a major concern of modern American historians, it remains the only full-scale evaluation of the ideas of the early Republican party. Now with a new introduction, Eric Foner puts his argument into the context of contemporary scholarship, reassessing the concept of free labor in the light of the last tweny-five years of writing on such issues as work, gender, economic change, and political thought. A significant reevaluation of the causes of the Civil War, Foner's study looks beyond the North's opposition to slavery and its emphasis upon preserving the Union to determine the broader grounds of its willingness to undertake a war against the South in 1861. Its search is for those social concepts the North accepted as vital to its way of life, and it finds these most clearly expressed in the ideology of the growing Republican party in the decade before the war's start. By a careful analysis of the attitudes of leading factions in the party's formation (northern Whigs, former Democrats, and political abolitionists) Foner is able to show what each contributed to Republican ideology. He also shows how northern ideas of human rights--in particular a man's right to work where and how he wanted, and to accumulate property in his own name--and the goals of American society were implicit in that ideology. This was the ideology that permeated the North in the period directly before the Civil War, led to the election of Abraham Lincoln, and led, almost immediately, to the Civil War itself. At the heart of the controversy over the extension of slavery, he argues, is the issue of whether the northern or southern form of society would take root in the West, whose development would determine determine the nation's destiny. In his new introductory essay, Foner presents a greatly altered view of the subject. Only entrepreneurs and farmers were actually "free men" in the sense used in the ideology of the period. Actually, by the time the Civil War was initiated, half the workers in the North were wage-earners, not independent workers. And this did not account for women and blacks, who had little freedom in choosing what work they did. He goes onto show that even after the Civil War these guarantees for "free soil, free labor, free men" did not really apply for most Americans, and especially not for blacks.

Alienation: Marx's Conception of Man in a Capitalist Society

Abstract: In this book, the most thorough account of Marx's theory of alienation yet to have appeared in English, Professor Ollman reconstructs the theory from its constituent parts and offers it as a vantage point from which to view the rest of Marxism. The book further contains a detailed examination of Marx's philosophy of internal relations, the much neglected logical foudation of his method, and provides a systematic account of Marx's conception of human nature. Because of its almost unique concern with helping readers understand Marx's unusual use of language, Alienation has proven very popular in university courses on Marxism on both undergraduate and graduate levels. The first edition was widely reviewed, and in this new edition Professor Ollman replies to his critics in 'More on internal relations,' published here as Appendix II. In addition to this new appendix the author now provides a more systematic discussion of Marx's theory of ideology, elements of which were formerly dispersed throughout the book. He also attempts to set the treatment of political alienation within the broader framework of Marx's theory of the state as a model of how an approach based on internal relations can be used to integrate various apparently contradictory interpretations of Marx's views.

The Ideology of ‘Tribalism’

Abstract: Few authors have been able to write on Africa without making constant reference to ‘tribalism’. Could this be the distinguishing feature of the continent? or is it merely a reflection of the system of perceptions of those who write on Africa, and of their African ‘converts’? Objective reality is very difficult to disentangle from subjective perception, almost in the same way as concepts in the social sciences are hard to purify of all ideological connotations. Might not African history, written, not by Europeans, but by Africans themselves, have employed different concepts and told a different story? If so, what would have been the theoretical explanation? Are things what they are called, or do they have an existence which is independent of the nomenclature that attaches to them? When it comes to Africa, answers vary independently of whether the observer is a liberal idealist, a Marxist materialist, or an African ‘convert’.

Segmented Pluralism: Ideological Cleavages and Political Cohesion in the Smaller European Democracies

Abstract: In an era of political and scholarly concern with national integration, segmented pluralism serves as one historic model of the attempt to reconcile religious and ideological diversity with civic cohesion. Segmented pluralism is the organization of social movements, educational and communications systems, voluntary associations, and political parties along the lines of religious and ideological cleavages. It is pluralist in its recognition of diversity of religious, socioeconomic, and political affiliations; it is "segmented" in its institutionalization of most other forms of association along the lines of politico-religious cleavages. A social or cultural organization is "segmented" if it is composed chiefly of, and directed by, members of one of several churches or Weltanschauungsgruppen (or families spirituelles). I distinguish segmented organization from what I shall call functional organization. In functional organizations people associate only in terms of a specific economic or social purpose. Thus, a trade union organized solely on lines of skill or industry or employer unit is a functional organization, while a Catholic or Protestant or Socialist trade union is a segmented organization. A Boy Scout or Girl Scout troop organized only by age or locality is functional; but a Catholic or Protestant or Socialist Scout troop is segmented.

Studying Elite Political Culture: The Case of 'Ideology'

Abstract: “Elite political culture” may be defined as the set of politically relevant beliefs, values, and habits of the most highly involved and influential participants in a political system. Studying elite political culture requires methodological innovation which will allow us to do justice to the subtleties of the belief systems of sophisticated political leaders without doing violence to our normal standards of reliability and verification. As one example of the study of elite political culture, this paper presents an empirically based analysis of “ideological politics” and “the end of ideology.” After some clarification of the logical structure and empirical assumptions of existing descriptions of “ideological politics,” these descriptions are examined in the light of data from a study of the basic beliefs and values of British and Italian politicians, based on intensive interviews with random samples of 93 British MPs and 83 Italian deputati. The core of the notion of “ideological politics” is interpreted in terms of “political style,” that is, how politicians talk and think about concrete policy problems such as poverty or urban transportation. Each respondent's discussion of two such issues was analyzed in terms of 12 “stylistic characteristics,” such as “inductive-deductive thinking,” “use of historical context,” “moralization,” and “reference to distributive group benefits.” Ratings of these stylistic characteristics are found to cluster in intelligible ways, and on the basis of the dominant stylistic dimension, an Index of Ideological Style is constructed. Those politicians who rank high on this Index are also found to be more ideologically motivated, more abstract in their conceptions of politics, especially party politics, and more idealistic than their less “ideological” colleagues. They are also more alienated from existing socio-political institutions and are concentrated at the extremes of the political spectrum. Further investigation shows, however, that contrary to the assumptions of the existing literature, these “ideologues” are not more dogmatic, not less open to compromise, not more antagonistic to the norms of pluralist politics, not more hostile to political opponents. Partisan hostility and ideological style are found to be two distinct syndromes. The “end of ideology” thesis is examined by comparing the attitudes and style of respondents from different political generations. In both countries younger politicians are markedly less dogmatic and hostile, but in neither country are they any less “ideological” in their approach to political phenomena and problems of public policy. In the light of these data the “end of ideology” debate is reformulated. The probable causes and consequences of both the decline of partisan hostility and the persistence of ideology are discussed. Finally, some conclusions are drawn concerning the role of ideology in politics and concerning the theoretical promise and methodological problems of studying elite political culture.

The perfectibility of man

Abstract: Beginning with an analytic discussion of the various ways in which perfectibility has been interpreted, Professor Passmore traces its long history from the Greeks to the present day, by way of Christianity, orthodox and heterodox, the Renaissance, the Enlightenment, anarchism, utopias, communism, psychoanalysis, and evolutionary theories of man and society. Both in its broad sweep and in countless supporting reflections, it is a journey through spiritual scenery of the most majestic and exhilarating kind. Thoroughly and elegantly, Passmore explores the history of the idea of perfectibility -- manifest in the ideology of perfectibilism -- and its consequences, which have invariably been catastrophic for individual liberty and responsibility in private, social, economic, and political life.

A Critical Look at Indices Used in the Study of Social Change in Colonial Africa

Abstract: Colonialism imposed the urban order on the indigenous societies of Africa, especially in those areas of southern Africa settled by whites. Many anthropologists have investigated the consequent social changes, called acculturation, using as indices of this acculturation or Westernization "European" clothes (often considered the most important index), occupation, education, and income. Based on the assumption that white settlers were an "elite" to be imitated by Africans, these indices have also been used to describe the formation of status groups and even classes among the urban Africans. Studies utilizing these indices seem to perform a definite ideological function of "vindicating" white cultural supremacy, thus justifying Europe's "civilizing" missions. They make it clear that the anthropologists have not recognized any pre-existing African culture which would enable Africans to synthesize their urban experiences in a meaningful way. In this paper I take issue with some of the assumptions underlying the...

Authority Patterns and Subordinate Behavior in Indian Organizations

Abstract: This paper reviews the literature on authority patterns in Indian organizations in a comparative framework. These patterns are found to be dominated by the parental ideology of authority relations. On the basis of an empirical study, the paper suggests that this ideology, though legitimized by social-cultural factors, may be dysfunctional in having a negative effect on subordinate performance and satisfaction. The results of the empirical study suggest the hypothesis that the effect of social-cultural factors on organizational behavior is better understood through the concept of psychosocial identity, in which the effect of occupational identity is an extremely important factor, rather than through the concept of national character with its implications of cultural relativism in work behavior.

Ideology and Religion in the Turkish Revolution

Abstract: Much of the meaning we commonly attach to the term ‘revolution’ grows out of our image of the French Revolution.1 The social upheavals we associate with the latter have been deeply etched in the history of thought by Taine's accounts of bloodshed and terror, and later generations have only broken the spell with difficulty.

The Political Imagination of the Young Adolescent.

Abstract: The years of early adolescence, twelve to sixteen, are a watershed era in the emergence of political thought. Ordinarily the youngster begins adolescence incapable of complex political discourse? that is, mute on many issues, and when not mute, then simplistic, primitive, subject to fancies, unable to enter fully the realm of political ideas. By the time this period is at an end, a dramatic change is evident; the youngster's grasp of the political world is now recognizably adult. His mind moves with some agility within the terrain of political concepts; he has achieved abstractness, com plexity, and even some delicacy in his sense of political textures; he is on the threshold of ideology, struggling to formulate a morally coherent view of how society is and might and should be arranged. This essay will explore how this transition takes place. It will lean heavily, though not entirely, on the work my colleagues and I have done during the last several years.1 We have conducted in terviews with about 450 adolescents, a varied group, ranging in age from eleven to eighteen, of both sexes, of normal to extremely high intelligence, through the full spectrum of the social classes, and in three nations, the United States, West Germany, and Great Britain. About fifty of these youngsters form a longitudinal sample, having been interviewed first at thirteen and then at fifteen, or first at fifteen and then at eighteen. Our aim was to discover how adolescents of different ages and circumstances construe the world of political action, and how they organize a political philosophy. Our early, informal interviewing had suggested that it would be best to avoid talking to our young sters about current political realities. To do so would obviously make it difficult to compare children in different cultures, but be yond that we found that to do so risked being misled about the child's grasp of the political. The younger adolescent may be in 1013

Evolutionary Biology and Ideology: Then and Now

Abstract: This paper was presented at a conference on 'The Social Impact of Modern Biology', organized by the British Society for Social Responsibility in Science in London, 26-28 November 1970. It will appe...

The scientific origins of National Socialism

Abstract: Many studies of the origins of National Socialism claim that the vo;lkisch and proto-Nazi movement arose largely as a reaction to the materialistic ideas of nineteenth-century science and especially to the naturalistic philosophy of Ernst Haeckel and the German Monist League. Using hitherto unexplored material, Daniel Gasman calls this generalization into question. Arguing that the importance of science has been relatively neglected in accounts of the intellectual origins of Nazism, he attempts to show that Haeckel's "scientific" Darwinism, and his movement, the German Monist League, were proto-Nazi in character.Contrary to popular belief, Haeckel's type of social Darwinism actually played a critical role in the formation of National Socialist ideology. In his new introduction, Gasman notes that recent research goes far to confirm Haeckel's role as an ideological progenitor of fascist ideology. This is true not only for Germany, but also for the birth of fascist thought in Italy and France. In general, Gasman claims, the history of science plainly reveals how Haeckel's social Darwinism nourished the roots of fascism no less than avant-garde modernism.When The Scientific Origins of National Socialism initially appeared, the Times Literary Supplement called it a "very well-argued thesis... that is completely successful... and leaves the reader to extract his own moral lessons." Medical History, in its review of The Scientific Origins of National Socialism, said, "His book is essential for understanding modern Germany. It has a general message derived from the events in Germany, where scientific data were permitted to take on a mystical signficiance... with ghastly consequences." Bruce Chatwin, in the New York Review of Books, called the book "brilliant." Now available in paperback, with a new introduction by the author, this seminal work will be of interest to intellectual historians, as well as th

The Civil Right We Are Not Ready For: The Right of Free Movement of People on the Face of the Earth

Abstract: We are living in a time when civil rights, meaning basic human rights, are being reformulated, redefined, and extended to new categories of people. The pitched battles in the streets of cities throughout the world that mark our times and occur in the mostas well as the least-developed countries are in one way or another related to ideas people have about basic human rights. So are the guerrilla warfare, la violencia, and the "police actions" that mar the jungles and the countryside. The protesting parties range from isolated tribal groups experiencing the industrial-scientific world for the first time to frustrated dwellers in modern cities. All are speaking at once, it seems and punctuating their remarks with acts of violence lest they be ignored. This phenomenon can be interpreted in many ways-as "the revolution of rising expectations," as striving for economic development, as feedback in a disbalanced ecosystem-depending on one's theoretical focus. The action is political, to be sure. But to treat all these upheavals as mere power politics is to obscure the important point that, at a more general level, people are struggling for and demanding rights which previously they did not demand and which go beyond the ideological stances that stereotype the movements with which they are connected. An analysis of what is meant by the seeking of rights may well benefit our understanding of today's events and suggest new types of solutions to the most pressing world problems. What is a basic human right and what gives it that distinction? What is the connection between the "attitude" called civil rights and ongoing social orders? These questions, once answered in the rhetoric of the history of legal rights, based on definitions by eighteenth-century philosophers and on insights gained in defending extreme cases of the abuse of individual rights, can now be addressed to social scientists who are uniquely

From Karl Mannheim

Abstract: Karl Mannheim's thought cuts across much of twentieth-century sociology, politics, history, philosophy, and psychology. This enlarged anthology convincingly demonstrates his centrality to present-day interpetive social and political theory. The posthumous publication of Structures of Thinking and the full text of Conservatism have made From Karl Mannheim more relevant than ever. This volume demonstrates Mannheim's self-awareness and self-critical rhetoric, his sensitivity to cultural contexts, his experimental approach to systems of ideology, his recognition of multiple modes of knowing, and other features of his unfinished theorizing. There is a strong affinity between Mannheim and contemporary interest in problems of cultural interpretation. New sensitivity to the issue of relativism in both social and cultural studies also depends heavily on Mannheim. The recent demise of communism in Eastern Europe and Russia has focused attention once more on relations between intellectuals in politics, and Mannheim is arguably the most influential thinker who placed this relationship at the center of informed discussion. The range and variety of the articles in this volume reveal him, once again, as a formidable experimental and innovative thinker. This expanded edition includes Mannheim's brilliant essay "The Problem of Generations." In a new substantial introduction, Volker Meja and David Kettler analyze previously unpublished writings by Mannheim. From Karl Mannheim is essential reading for social and political theorists, as well as for psychologists. As Emory S. Bogardus noted: "Mannheim's life-work is seen as an important, far-reaching and thoughtful complement to the work of sociologists who concentrate then- research in terms of behavioral science."

Decolonializing Applied Social Sciences (includes comments and author's reply)

Abstract: The radical critique questions the theoretical conceptions implicit in much current social scientific activity. It implies not only that a measure of ideology is inseparable from professional practice (contrary to hollow claims to a "value-free" social science), but also requires the development of adequate theory capable of explaining, even when not testable empirically, what society is all about (particularly those societies or parts thereof where applied social scientists generally exercise their profession). A second imperative refers to the problem of communications: how can research findings best be made available to those most in need of social knowledge yet usually least capable of acquiring it; who also happen to be precisely those groups most commonly studied by social scientists. A critical and committed social science must also turn from the traditional study of the underdog to that of the dominant elites and the system of domination itself. Ideological commitment by the social scientist to th...

The Critical Path: An Essay on the Social context of Literary Criticism

Abstract: This philosophic inquiry into fundamental problems of literature and society is an immensely important addition to the canon of one of America's most original and distinguished critics. What is the function of poetry? Of criticism? In what sense does the poet "know"? What is the relationship between a society and its art? Northrop Frye conducts us on an illuminating survey of these and other broad philosophic issues and offers many incidental insights into specific cultural phenomena as well. Such matters as Marxist aesthetics, Renaissance humanism, the relation of poetry to religion, the idea of progress, and the challenge of our contemporary youth culture are among the dozen interesting topics that engage his attention along the way. Mr. Frye identifies two predominating ideologies in Western culture which he designates as the "myth of concern" and the "myth of freedom." A fully developed myth of concern, he writes, "compromises everything that it most concerns a society to know." Its purpose is to hold society together, hence its deeply conservative character. The "myth of freedom," on the other hand, embodies the "liberal" attitudes of objectivity and respect for the individual. The author traces the relative importance of these two myths from Homeric Greece to the present, relating them to the types of art and government they foster, the roles of the poet and critic, and many other topics. The final thesis of the two myths: "To maintain a free and mature society we have to become aware of the tension between concern and freedom, and the necessity of preserving them both." In relating literature to this dialect, Mr. Frye ranges through the entire history of Western philosophy and literature-from Plato to Heidegger, from Sir Philip Sydney to Bob Dylan-showing us that his inquiring mind has once again gone beyond the field of literature, narrowly conceived, into the wider region of the history of ideas. He regards the artist and critic in generous terms-as persons not insulated from society but involved in it in the most profound sense and so provides a unique study informed by intelligence, broad learning, and grace and precision of style.

Behind the Veil of Economics: Essays in the Worldly Philosophy

Abstract: What lies behind the veil of economics? Power and ideology, answers Robert Heilbroner-the power of our economic involvement in society to shape the ways we think about it; the visions and values that add unsuspected ideological color to our economic beliefs about it. Most important, Heilbroner shows why economics has become the reigning form of social inquiry and how we might penetrate its mystique.

Psychological Sources of Political Belief: Self-Esteem and Isolationist Attitudes

Abstract: Research has shown that political attitudes spring from diverse sources This paper focuses on isolationism, a set of beliefs that can stem from social factors (eg, economic deprivation, poor education, social or geographic isolation) and from psychological factors (eg, n aggression, inflexibility and low self-esteem) The purpose is not to demonstrate again that there is a connection between personality and political belief Instead, the authors ask whether or not it matters if a political attitude—in the present case, isolationism—stems from personality influences rather than from some other sources, for example, education, group memberships, or ideology Isolationists low in self-esteem are shown to differ from those high in self-esteem on a range of values and beliefs: liberalism-conservatism, extreme political values, and specific foreign policy questions Thus, those who hold common beliefs on one set of issues are likely to differ in the opinions they hold on other political questions depending on whether they owe their convictions to their personality characteristics or to some other influence

Cuban Education and the Revolutionary Ideology

Abstract: The rapid transformation of society in revolutionary Cuba vitally involves education. The author argues that school and society are always closely linked; in pre-revolutionary Cuba, schooling helped reproduce the class structure of economy and society from one generation to the next. In Cuba today education is attempting to serve the four major objectives of the revolution: economic growth; escape from the economic, political, and cultural hegemony of the United States; attainment of an egalitarian society; and the transformation of work into a creative activity for a new socialist man. The campaign against illiteracy, the general expansion of schooling, and the extension of education to the fields and factories are among the facets of the educational program described. Professor Bowles concludes with a discussion of dilemmas in Cuban education.

Ideology and Inconsistency: The “Cross-Pressured” Nigerian Worker

Abstract: After the nationwide general strike of June 1964, workers in Nigeria gained unprecedented political prominence. The timing of the strike had much to do with this, for only five months hence the Federal elections of December 1964 were to be held and Nigerian politicians became keenly aware of the labor movement. Two kinds of politicians began to compete for the labor vote. On the one hand, there were politically oriented labor leaders who wanted to take the opportunity of the strike and of the elections to form a Nigerian Labor party. They made their appeals to the class-consciousness and self-interest of Nigerian workers defined as workers, not as members of this or that ethnic group. On the other hand there were the politicians of the major political parties who made their appeals to the ethnic loyalties of the workers.2 Thus between June and December 1964, and for some months after, workers were crosspressured between their labor and their ethnic loyalties.3 Working against the effect of the

British Scientists and 'Outsider' Politics, 1931- 1945:

Abstract: Much has been written in recent years about the political activities of natural scientists in Great Britain during the I930s.1 For the most part, such literature has concerned itself with certain ideological affinities which encouraged an alliance between 'moderate' and 'left-wing' elements within the scientific community. In this paper, however, emphasis will be placed on important ideological divisions between the leaders of the Science and Society Movement. The fact that a scientists' 'popular front' was achieved will be explained in terms both of the low status accorded their profession by the nation's political and intellectual elites up until I939, and of the subsequent demand for scientific expertise during the Second World War. As political 'outsiders', it was therefore natural that at least some British scientists attempted to influence public policy through the formation of pressure groups independent of both the Government and party politics.2 After discussing the development and decline of the alliance of socially conscious researchers, the paper will conclude with a brief comparison between the scientists' movements of the Thirties and those of the present day.

The Public Accounting Profession: Organization, Ideology, and Social Power

Abstract: Although it is among the oldest and largest of the major professions in the United States, accounting is the least known. The nature of the accountant’s work does not bear directly on those human relationships with high visibility or those that take place on a face-to-face level with large segments of the population. The balancing of books, the confirmation of receivables, or the observation of inventories does not produce the Patrick Henrys or the Nathan Hales, the Perry Masons or the Ben Caseys. The image of the accountant as someone perched on a high stool with green eyeshade, poring over long columns of figures, is still held by some. He is the conscience of the businessman, the policeman of industry-hardly a dramatic role. As Elbert Hubbard describes him, he is unimpassioned, conservative, and with eyes like a codfish-minus passion, bowels, and a sense of humor. Even some financially sophisticated people are unaware of the major division of labor in accounting-that between accountant and certified public accountant. Whereas the noncertified accoun-

Leader and Vanguard in Mass Society: A Study of Peronist Argentina

Abstract: The Argentine political system constitutes a type of traditional Latin politics under conditions of mass society. This book examines the mix of advanced industrial technology, regime instability, military and mass participation, and "personalismo" that characterizes contemporary Argentine politics. It suggests that this mix of traditional and new, of democratic and autocratic elements may become increasingly common as technological advances are achieved in societies with an autocratic political tradition.The Peronist movement is identified by the author as a particularly clear-cut embodiment of this pattern of politics. A Caesarist movement in a technologically advanced society, Peron, the Peronist vanguard, and the working-class mass base are important for Argentine politics and relevant to a number of broadly influential hypotheses concerning political movements and political development.Both the micro and the macro levels of Argentine politics are examined. An interaction model derived from past and present political practices is presented, and the underlying political culture is explored. Using data from a stratified national sample, the author examines the perspectives--identifications, expectations, and demands--of Argentines generally and of Juan Peron's mass following in particular. The Peronist world is described, its size and social composition delineated. Three chapters are devoted to analyzing Peronists' perspectives on the functions and influence of such groups as the military, the Church, landowners, and the trade unions; Peronists' perceptions of government and their relationship to it; and the political demands of the movement. In each of these chapters, Peronists' orientations are related to those of other Argentines.Several important conclusions are presented in the book's last chapter. For instance, the author finds that the Peronist movement was well within the national political culture and asserts that, although it dealt with the concrete "bread-and-butter" issues of daily life and shared a common ideology between leaders and masses, it lacked the radical impulse for destroying the traditional order and, as such, was not an alienated mass movement. In an epilogue, Professor Kirkpatrick comments on developments in Argentina under General Ongania and observes that the chronic instability of Argentine governments results from elite rivalries rather than from deep divisions in mass opinion.This is the 12th volume in the MIT Comparative Politics Series.

Consensus or Conflict? Political Behavior in the State Legislatures during the Jacksonian Era

Abstract: IN The Age of Jackson, Arthur M. Schlesinger, Jr., fashioned a brilliant interpretation of party battles in the Jacksonian era.' Utilizing the work of progressive historians and his own research, he depicted a dynamic struggle between "conservative" and "liberal" forces representing the interest of certain economic groups, acting through the Whig and Democratic parties. Subsequently, students of the period have challenged many aspects of Schlesinger's work, but a bitter debate continues between those who, like Schlesinger, stress social cleavage and ideological differences,2 and those who emphasize an ideological consensus. The latter agree with Richard McCormick who said, "American parties are above all electoral machines, engaged in nominating and electing candidates, rather than, as Edmund Burke put it, being 'a body of men united for promoting by their joint endeavours the national interest upon some particular principle in which they are all agreed... " Although studies of congressional voting behavior

The Soviet Political Mind: Stalinism and Post-Stalin Change

Abstract: In his treatment of internal and foreign policies, the Soviet period and the Russian historical past, the political elite and the ordinary man, Robert C. Tucker focuses upon the thought patterns and ideological factors that, together, constituted the Soviet political mind. His concern is with the problem of change in the Soviet system and in Soviet policy. Affirming the reality and significance of post-Stalin change, he analyzes and explains this phenomenon within the broad framework of Russia's political development before and after 1917. In constructing this concept, he has evolved an interpretation of Stalinism as a special Soviet pattern whose dynamics were determined in part by the psychopathology of Stalin's personality. Thus, beyond its obvious contribution to the field of Soviet studies, this appraisal of the influence of personality factors on the political development of a country contributes significantly to the theory of dictatorship and authoritarianism.