Showing papers on "Ideology published in 1973"

Theories of Value and Distribution since Adam Smith: Ideology and Economic Theory

Abstract: 1. Introductory: on ideology 2. Adam Smith 3. David Ricardo 4. The reaction against Ricardo 5. John Stuart Mill 6. Karl Marx 7. 'The 'Jevonian Revolution' 8. Rekindling of debate 9. A decade of high criticism Note to chapter 9 Index.

Ideology and Criminal Justice Policy: Some Current Issues

Abstract: There is currently in the United States a widespread impression that our country is experiencing a major transitional phase-a period in which long-established social arrangements and the moral and conceptual notions that undergird them are undergoing substantial change. Optimists see this process as a transition from one relatively effective social order to another; pessimists see it as a one-way passage to catastrophe. It is hard to judge the validity of these conceptions. Few generations have been free from the conviction that the nation was in the throes of

Elite Accommodation in Canadian Politics

Abstract: Preface Acknowledgements Part I. Political Theory and Political Culture: 1. The theory of elite accommodation 2. The Canadian political culture 3. Theoretical aspects of interest group analysis Part II. Canadian Interest Groups: Structure, Role, Resources, Effectiveness: 4. The structure of interest groups 5. Political resources of interest groups 6. The political role of interest groups 7. The political effectiveness of interest groups Part III. The Structure and Process of Elite Accommodation: 8. Patterns of elite accommodation 9. The structure of elite interaction 10. Socioeconomic bases of elite accommodation 11. Ideological and cognitive and effective continuities 12. The structure of variance Part IV. Interest Groups in the Canadian Political System: 13. The consequences of elite accommodation A methodological note Index.

What is “Politics”

Abstract: l E CONCEPT "POLITICAL SCIENCE" derives its meaning from the interplay of two variables: (1) the state of the organization of knowledge, and (2) the degree of structural differentiation within the framework of human collectivities. With. respect to the first variable, the notion of science makes little sense-or at least no precise sense-unless there exist division and specialization in the cognitive endeavor. Thus, it does not make much sense to speak of political science as long as "science" is indistinguishable from philosophy-ie., as long as any and all scire defines itself as love of wisdom. The notion of science, therefore, achieves precision when scientific knowledge has been weaned from alma mater, from philosophical knowledge. Of course, science is also different from what is commonly called opinion, theory, doctrine, and ideology. But the first and most fundamental distinction is that between science and philosophy.

Japanese Blue Collar: The Changing Tradition

Abstract: The use of Japan for comparative sociology is now extremely fashionable. In industrial sociology, the fall-out from the bomb exploded by Abegglen in 1958 is still noticeable. There appears to be an ever-present demand for articles and books on the peculiarities of Japanese society and culture and 'life-time commitment' is firmly fixed in students' minds as the basis of Japanese institutions. Cole's book has many virtues, but the most outstanding is the fact that it takes the debate beyond generalities and into the details of wage structure, workerlabour union and worker-supervisor relationships in two contrasting plants, a die-cast factory in Tokyo and a car components factory in a rural area in Honshu. The two groups of workers showed sharp contrasts in degrees of independence, union and work group militancy and political attitudes. The contrast lay between the 'sophisticated urban workers' of the Tokyo plant with minds of their own and the 'rural recruits' of the car plant who 'tended to identify uncritically with the fortunes of their company'. It is developed in the book into an argument about the importance of the hammer of social change in Japan. 'The cynicism and scepticism of the urban, high-schooleducated and mobile Tokyo die-cast workers, their willingness to exercise civil rights, their willingness to oppose management, their "consumption fever", their competitiveness and their instrumental use of traditional relationships are characteristics that can hardly be described as tradition bound and they are increasingly common.' Cole emphasizes, however, with some perception that Marxist ideological attitudes among workers are symbiotically related to traditional views of managerial authority. One is unlikely to change without the other. Because of absolute authority in the shop assured by managers, union leaders need the 'moral armour' of

On the Concept of a Self-Correcting Organization

Abstract: M y purpose here, quite directly, is to defend the principle of scientific management. The basic ground for my effort is the realization, set down by Justice Holmes in a few simple words, that "Every year, if not every day, we have to wager our salvation upon some prophecy based on imperfect knowledge." While one can readily observe an increase in the importance of large-scale formal organization (LSFO), and while this form of organization is the distinguishing structural property of modern society (having achieved such prominence in the last 50 years as to have become the paradigm for the management of task environments), it is equally discernible that bureaucracy-technical and professional, rational and scientific-has become a socially problematic entity. Indeed, it is now seen as a profound threat, a spectre that haunts democracy and the spirit of humanism. This feeling, however widespread, is not new. At various stages of its development, bureaucracy has been denounced as an alien "continental nuisance," tainted with the stamp of a Prussian boot, and branded as an enemy of the people. In lighter moments, it becomes a "wonderland" which alone of all social institutions can call into existence such roles as the "Associate Assistant Administrator in the Office of Assistant Administrator for Administration." Parkinson did not discover this one; it was found by The New Yorker. Still, and despite our general apprehensions, all modern nations have seen in this social artifact an invention of such compelling power-problem-solving power-as to have made it their primary instrument of social control. Given the endurance of bureaucracy, and despite a classical tradition that suspects size, fears centralization, and exalts personality, one might be tempted to dismiss contemporary protest as an ideological residue that makes itself evident every now and again, only to pass into history. *Public bureaucracies are inflexible and inadequate problem solvers because they are not scientific enough. The proper application of scientific principles to management reinforces the Weberian concept of bureaucratic administration as the exercise of control on the basis of knowledge. Within this perspective, the cardinal function of bureaucratic administration is to prevent and correct errors. Accordingly, they must be concerned with rules of adequate solution, not rituals of authority. Two classic devices in public administration, the pre-audit and the post-audit, are represented here as analytic instruments capable of error detection with respect to policy making, planning, and programming. Policies are reinterpreted as the equivalent of theories; plans as models; programs as experiments in the interest of displacing rationalization by verification, and establishing the spirit of criticism as the essential property of a scientifically managed organization.

Order or Movement?: The Literature of Political Development as Ideology

Abstract: The term “political development” originated during the cold war. After World War II, the prevalent attitude in the United States toward the Third World resembled that toward Europe: Unless economic progress and political stability were encouraged by the United States, these areas would turn Communist. Underlying foreign aid was the sober calculation that communism would lose its appeal once men's bellies were full. Robert Packenham reports that when AID officials were asked in the mid-sixties how they viewed development, “one of the most common responses was, in effect, that political development is anti-Communist, pro-American political stability.”

Intergroup Conflict and British Colonial Policy: The Case of Cyprus

Abstract: Nation-states are sustained through a multiplicity of institutional arrangements and through individual and group behavior appropriate to the framework of nationhood.' Fundamentally, these are grounded in a cognitive structure and a system of norms and values that define the what and how of reality in such a way that an international order composed of sovereign nation-states is perceived as "natural" and normal. In turn, sovereign political authority is viewed as legitimate when its jurisdiction extends over and is restricted to those of one nationality. Thus, the rulers and the ruled are one and the same; government is of and for the people; the proper concern of government is the public welfare; and the national interest coincides with the interests of the members of the body politic. The universalization of the ideology of nationalism and the concomitant efforts to create a social order founded on its precepts are the most striking features of the post-World War II era. The processes of modernization,2 including the formation of a nation-state, are com-

The economics of mental retardation

Abstract: infinite universe. The white mind seems to serve similar emotional needs for many nonblacks in modern America. In fact, dehumanizing people, standardizing them, and dividing them into easily identifiable blacks and whites is frighteningly similar to industrial packaging. I had hoped that Beyond Black and White would discuss American cultural diversity as a possible source of moral strength for nonblacks to draw upon to expand the limits of “whiteness” in their minds. Beyond Black and White left me equally concerned with how to define “black.” A nonblack hesitates to enter into a discussion of this topic, not having shared that group’s particular experience of historical and personal oppression. And yet, it seems even more important here to go clearly beyond definitions constricted by slave laws, social oppression, and uniform notions of culture. Comer’s book would have proved more useful had it more deeply explored some of the insights of blacks as a diverse group with shared cultural expressions. Black resilience, after all, must amount to more than merely a dialectic of oppression. The human race probably originated in Africa and spread around the world 40,000 years ago. Serial culture, biological inbreeding, and crossfertilization have been the rule of human history since then, not the exception. North America was populated by outside peoples only in recent times. In a real sense, most of the hard-won cultures of mankind mingle in our barely formed new world. Each culture limits the world view of its members, yet can contribute to that of others. Community, expressiveness, and artistic insights have been highly developed among American blacks, equally with survival skills. The modern world, deeply steeped in European ideologies and insecurities, sorely needs Afro-American traits. As a question of emphasis, this reader looks toward black writers to swing the balance from standardization toward beauty, variety, and contrast, personally and in culture. These perspectives could help us all go beyond a world reducible to black and white.

Puritanism, Arminianism and Counter-Revolution

Abstract: Historians of the English Civil War all agree that Puritanism had a role to play in its origins. Beyond this however agreement ceases. For some, particularly the Marxists, Puritanism was the ideology of the newly emergent middle classes or bourgeosie, as they are sometimes called. Puritan ideas, it is argued, complemented and encouraged the capitalist activities of ‘progressive’ gentry, merchants and artisans alike. On the assumption, again made by those most under the influence of Marxism, that the English Civil War was a ‘bourgeois revolution’ the Puritans are naturally to be found fighting against King Charles and his old-world followers. An alternative and widely held interpretation sees Puritanism as a religious fifth column within the Church of England, and one whose numbers dramatically increased during the first decades of the seventeenth century; by the early 1640s, with the collapse of the central government and its repressive system of church courts, the Puritans were thus able to take over at least in the religious sphere. These two schools of thought, the Marxist and the fifth-columnist, are best represented by the writings respectively of Dr. Christopher Hill and Professor William Haller.

Protestant Ideology and Politics in Ulster

Abstract: In a deeply divided society such as Northern Ireland, where two religious communities coexist in relative physical and spiritual isolation from one another: yet where both communities are highly preoccupied with the presence of each other, one community's ‘knowledge’ of the other is comprised very largely of indirect experience and socialized teachings, rather than of first hand experience. The ideologies of one community are therefore relatively ‘autonomous’, in the sense that they are partially immune to empirical tests in day to day life. Ideology tends to structure experience rather than the other way round.

Encounter with Anthropology

Abstract: This volume is at once an introduction to anthropology, an account of a personal odyssey, and a call for action. Acknowledged as one of anthropology's most brilliant practitioners, Robin Fox shows in a series of linked essays on such topics as race, evolution, sex, marriage, language, and witchcraft, and the range, potential, and inheritent weaknesses of anthropology as a science. The author offers a view of the human side of anthropology, as well as its ruthlessly professional side--a side he characterizes as so obsessed with field work and obsolete ideology that it is failing its task of exploring human nature.

Class Domination and Ideological Hegemony

Abstract: Sociological theory poses the issue of whether ideational or coercive factors provide the central basis of social order. The former view maintains (and requires) that a value consensus exist in the empirical world; the latter assumes the existence of a ruling class which dominates the ideational institutions of the society. A preliminary scrutiny of available evidence suggests that: (1) a value consensus does not exist, and (2) there is a high concentration of wealth and economic control which appears to extend into vital political and ideological areas, thereby implying the existence of a dominant or ruling class. Based upon these conclusions, the concept of ideological hegemony is introduced as a significant component of a Marxist view of social order. The hegemonic process is described and available evidence is examined in the areas of political socialization and mass media. A pattern in which debate and discussion are circumscribed while alternative values and world views are ignored or suppressed was found to characterize these two areas. This pattern was seen to provide further support for the Marxist view that an ideological hegemony imposed by the dominant class is the ideational manifestation of a social order based upon coercion. THE PROBLEM of social order has been of persistent interest to social and political theorists. The most fundamental issue in the theoretical debates has been whether coercive or ideational forces provide the more central basis for social order. Two well-defined positions have emerged: 1) Following Durkheim, Parsons and his followers have asserted that ideational factors (e.g., cultural values) provide the bedrock of social order; 2) the Marxist position has held that the ideological superstructure emerges in response to the existing social structure defined in terms of coercive economic and political social relations. In the latter view, the dominant class in the society is able to reinforce its material control through the successful extension of that control to the ideational arena, specifically within the institutions of civil society (cf., Marx and Engels, 1947:39).

Ideology, Social Science, and Revolution

Abstract: I. Ideology and Positivism: The Setting of the Problem This article will begin by posing a set of questions of some difficulty. I shall move toward framing them by considering an argument between two characters who can be thought of either as ideal types or straw men, according to predilection. I shall call one of them "the positivist," the other "the theorist of ideology." The positivist 1 believes that objective scientific inquiry will yield knowledge of society in the same way that it yields knowledge of nature. The theorist of ideology 2 charges that the positivist is under an illusion, since our knowledge of society is inevitably contaminated by the beliefs and concepts which express the interests of the dominant social group. On first statement these two views appear to be sharply opposed. But a moment's consideration reveals that things are quite otherwise. For the theorist of ideology to make good his claim about the positivist, he must presumably be prepared to claim also that he, the theorist of ideology, is able to discriminate those elements in the positivist's theories that are due to ideological contamination and those that have the status of genuine knowledge. If he cannot identify these two elements in positivist theorizing, how can he make good his initial claim? If he is able to identify and discriminate these two elements, then he

Social and Political Movements

Abstract: The use of the word "movement" to refer to social and political phenomena first appeared in English in the early nineteenth century. The large-scale social changes and new forms of human distress that came with early industrialism were accom­ panied by a semantic reevaluation of such terms as "capitalism," "ideology," "masses," "culture," "revolutionary," and many more (Williams 44, pp. 16-17). "Movement" came to be used to describe group responses to the social and cultural . crises produced by the conditions of factory labor and urban life during the indus­ trial revolution. There were, of course, recognizable movements in preindustrial societies. The archetypal movements in Western cultural tradition are the great Biblical ones: the movement of the Jews out of Egypt, led by Moses, and their return to the Promised Land; and the spread of early Christianity. These ancient movements have provided persistent paradigms for movements in the West and have been made available to other cultural traditions by Christian missionaries and European colonialism, by the expansion of Islam, and by the diaspora of the Jews. Thus, many of the recurrent features of movements-patterns of prophecy and eschatology-have a common cultural origin. These constant features, however, are imbedded in a wide variety of unique ideological formulations. Each ideology expresses the unique situation of a people whose life has been unalterably changed, makes this change intelligible, and prescribes action appropriate to the changed world.

The Mindful Peasant: Sketches for a Study of Rebellion

Abstract: pEASANTS have confused us. We have in our discussions of them, imposed a 1 structure on their lives, defined their behavior and denied their consciousness. We believe their actions to be predictable, but their irruptions and the extent of their violence inexplicable. Bound by tradition, tied to their village, loyal to their lords, they seem to us simultaneously irreverent, rude, ribald and lacking in respect. We find them shrewd in their economic judgments, but incapable of knowing their own real interests. Though they appear responsive to social and economic change, they also seem bound by symbols and ideologies that tie them to the past. They are never at home no matter where they move. Committed to their own interests, they are nevertheless tricked and cheated by city slickers, seigneurs and nobles. In the perception of historians and history, peasants are more acted upon than actors; they have had to respond rather than create. Lacking political symbols, they possess no self-consciousness, and thus no political awareness of themselves as a group. Structuralism, the mode most often used to analyze peasant and primitive alike, seems as much a normative determination of what peasants should be as a description of what they are. Bound, limited, led, rustic and unaware, words that describe, type, and set the worth of the peasant. Shrewd, pious and practical, market-oriented, economically sound, words that also describe the same peasant. Marx in the nineteenth century and Weber in the twentieth both saw the limits of peasants as actors. To Marx they are a class, but in terms that seem to have resounded throughout scholarship ever since, they are less than one because they do not understand that they are a class, and that they share interests and goals with others like them. To Weber, they are forever bound to tradition and ingrained habit, their culture to that of the practice of cultivation. Ever susceptible to direction, in Arcadian time and time of crisis, they are forever led. Awaiting leadership in time of trouble, Elie Halevy tells us, they take the direction that their betters give-in France from the ideologues and in England from the Methodists. To the peasant mind, we are informed, the doctrines presented are identical, both satisfying the peasant's need for spiritual guidance and an elite leadership. Intellectuals and historians have been concerned with the peasants as doctors are with disease. The peasants' presence is an omnipresence, their outbursts pathological and without mediation of mind or thought. Yet, they can not be ignored by the historian. They have been involved with every revolution in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries, and yet consistently they have been seen more as a natural force than a historical one. To explain their influence they have been

Toward a Reexamination of the Economic History of Tokugawa Japan, 1600–1867

Abstract: Increasing our knowledge of Tokugawa economic history is important for a better understanding of the causes of the rapid Japanese industrialization which followed, but as yet no attempt has been made to provide a theoretical framework with which to analyze the Tokugawa economy. The cost of neglecting to work out a new economic history of Tokugawa Japan is high. Many Western historians, economic as well as others, continue to make use of findings and interpretations provided by Japanese economic historians, most of whom are Marxist in their ideological and methodological orientations. Presented with the force of ideological conviction and repeated in book after book, the Marxist view of Tokugawa economic history is so deeply rooted in Japanese literature that it can claim many followers who make use of its interpretations and views without suspecting the ideological and methodological framework upon which they rest. Another increasingly serious cost is that many of the research findings contributed recently by a few Western scholars and a small group of Japanese economic historians continue to remain disjointed findings in search of an analytical framework which can accommodate them into a meaningful whole.

Class and ideology in the nineteenth century

Abstract: First published in 1972, this collection of essays by R. S. Neale focuses on authority, and the responses and challenges to it made by men and women throughout the nineteenth century. Employing a more sociologically-minded approach to history and specifically using a ‘five-class’ model, the book explores features of class and ideology in Britain and its Empire. It includes a range of case studies such as the Bath radicals, the members of executive councils in the Australian colonies, and the social strata in the women’s movements in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. This book will be of interest to those studying Victorian history and sociology.