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Showing papers on "Ideology published in 1977"


Book
01 Jan 1977
TL;DR: The role of ideology in cultural forms and social reproduction has been studied in this paper, where the authors propose a theory of cultural forms, including power, culture, class and institution.
Abstract: Contents: Key to transcripts Introduction. Part I Ethnography: Elements of a culture Class and institutional form of a culture Labour power, culture, class and institution. Part II Analysis: Penetrations Limitations The role of ideology Notes towards a theory of cultural forms and social reproduction Monday morning and the millennium. Index.

4,737 citations


Book
01 Jan 1977
TL;DR: In this paper, Williams extended the theme of Raymond Williams's earlier work in literary and cultural analysis by outlining a theory of "cultural materialism" which integrates Marxist theories of language with literature.
Abstract: This book extends the theme of Raymond Williams's earlier work in literary and cultural analysis. He analyses previous contributions to a Marxist theory of literature from Marx himself to Lukacs, Althusser, and Goldmann, and develops his own approach by outlining a theory of 'cultural materialism' which integrates Marxist theories of language with Marxist theories of literature. Williams moves from a review of the growth of the concepts of literature and idealogy to a redefinition of 'determinism' and 'hegemony'. His incisive discussion of the 'social material process' of cultural activity culminates in a re-examination of the problems of alignment and commitment and of the creative practice in individual authors and wider social groups.

4,655 citations


Book
01 Jan 1977

607 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: The emergence of an ideology which blames the individual for her or his illness is described and it is proposed that, instead of relying on costly and inefficient medical services, the individual should take more responsibility for herself or his health.
Abstract: This article describes the emergence of an ideology which blames the individual for her or his illness and proposes that, instead of relying on costly and inefficient medical services, the individual should take more responsibility for her or his health. At-risk behavior is seen as the problem and changing life-style, through education and/or economic sanctions, as the solution. The emergence of the ideology is explained by the contradictions arising from the threat of high medical costs, popular expectations of medicine along with political pressures for protection or extension of entitlements, and the politicization of environmental and occupational health issues. These contradictions produce a crisis which is at once economic, political and ideological, and which requires responses to destabilizing conditions in each of these spheres. These ideological initiatives, on the one hand, serve to reorder expectations and to justify the retrenchment from rights and entitlements for access to medical services, and, on the other, attempt to divert attention from the social causation of disease in the commercial and industrial sectors.

600 citations


Book
01 Jan 1977

554 citations


Book
01 Jan 1977
TL;DR: Ernesto Laclau is best known for co-authoring Hegemony and Socialist Strategy, with Chantal Mouffe as mentioned in this paper, and for being politically active in the social and student movements of the 1960s.
Abstract: Ernesto Laclau is best known for co-authoring Hegemony and Socialist Strategy, with Chantal Mouffe. Politically active in the social and student movements of the 1960s, and a member of PSIN (Socialist Party of the National Left), Laclau's oeuvre links the working class and new social movements. Rejecting Marxist economic determinism and the notion of class struggle, Laclau instead urged for a radical democracy where antagonisms could be expressed. Frequently described as post-Marxist, Laclau's writings have focused on political movements. Politics and Ideology in Marxist Theory was Laclau's first published work, where readers can trace the early formation of ideas that shaped the twentieth century.

388 citations




Book
01 Jan 1977

148 citations


Book
01 Jan 1977
TL;DR: In this article, the authors describe the early presuppositions of structuralism and semiology which claim to be a materialist theory of language based on Saussure's notion of the sign.
Abstract: First published in 1977, this book presents a comprehensive and lucid guide through the labyrinths of semiology and structuralism — perhaps the most significant systems of study to have been developed in the twentieth century. The authors describe the early presuppositions of structuralism and semiology which claim to be a materialist theory of language based on Saussure’s notion of the sign. They show how these presuppositions have been challenged by work following Althusser’s development of the Marxist theory of ideology, and by Lacan’s re-reading of Freud. The book explains how the encounter of two disciplines — psychoanalysis and Marxism — on the ground of their common problem —language — has produced a new understanding of society and its subjects. It produces a critical re-examination of the traditional Marxist theory of ideology, together with the concepts of sign and identity of the subject.

141 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: A house is a meaningful cultural object as discussed by the authors, it is used to demarcate space, express feelings, ways of thinking, and social processes, and to provide arenas for culturally defined activity as well as to provide physical shelter.
Abstract: -A house is a meaningful cultural object. People-builders who envision the end result, dwellers who inhabit and use its space, observers who seek to understand its cultural role-endow the house with meaning according to their culture’s world view and ethos. As part of an ordered human world, houses are used to demarcate space, to express feelings, ways of thinking, and social processes, and to provide arenas for culturally defined activity as well as to provide physical shelter. Like other parts of the humanly-built environment, houses are not

BookDOI
TL;DR: In this paper, the authors present a case study in the Functioning of Rules for Experimentation in the Scientific Object, and a study of the social conditions and metaphysics divisions leading to David Bohm and John von Neumann Failing to Communicate in Quantum Physics.
Abstract: I: The Institutionalisation of the Sciences: Changing Concepts and Approaches in the History and Sociology of Science.- The Social Construction of Scientific Knowledge.- The Social Construction of Science: Institutionalisation and Definition of Positive Science in the Latter Half of the Seventeenth Century.- Problems of a Historical Study of Science.- Scientific Ideology and Scientific Process: The Natural History of a Conceptual Shift.- II: Social Relations of Cognitive Structures in the Sciences.- Ontological and Epistemological Commitments and Social Relations in the Sciences: The Case of the Arithmomorphic System of Scientific Production.- Cognitive Norms, Knowledge- Interests and the Constitution of the Scientific Object: A Case Study in the Functioning of Rules for Experimentation.- Changes in the Social and Intellectual Organisation of the Sciences: Professionalisation and the Arithmetic Ideal.- What Does a Proof Do If It Does Not Prove? A Study of the Social Conditions and Metaphysical Divisions Leading to David Bohm and John von Neumann Failing to Communicate in Quantum Physics.- III: Social Goals, Political Programmes and Scientific Norms.- The Political Direction of Scientific Development.- Scientific Purity and Nuclear Danger: The Case of Risk-Assessment.- Creation vs Evolution: The Politics of Science Education.

Book
01 Jan 1977
TL;DR: In this article, a study of the traditional relationships that exist in Oman between land and social organisation, and how they have evolved is presented, using the extensive literature of the 1200 year old Ibadi community to supplement his field work.
Abstract: This book is a study of the traditional relationships that exist in Oman between land and social organisation, and how they have evolved. The author starts with the theme of aridity and, using the extensive literature of the 1200 year old Ibadi community to supplement his field work, shows how the techniques of water exploitation have influenced the countrys social organisation and its political ideology. He describes how the settlement organisation has evolved in two stages; the first in the years before Islam when the Persians irrigated the land using aflaj or horizontal water channels; the second after the Arabs had overthrown the Persians and, influenced by Ibadism, established a more democratic society dominated by a strong tribal structure in the villages. The tribal structure is then examined in detail and the author shows how close the links are between the Islamic ideology, land use, and social organisation. As a contribution to the human geography of Oman as well as to general knowledge of the Middle East the book will interest Arabists, Islamic historians and social anthropologists, as well as hydrologists and geographers.


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: The United States' notice of withdrawal from the ILO is to be understood in terms of hegemonic power relations as mentioned in this paper, which is an ideology based upon a dominant historical tendency, namely the emergence of a corporative form of state in both developed and underdeveloped countries.
Abstract: The United States' notice of withdrawal from the ILO is to be understood in terms of hegemonic power relations. “Tripartism” is an ideology based upon a dominant historical tendency, namely the emergence of a corporative form of state in both developed and underdeveloped countries. The AFL-CIO has participated in the construction of the corporative state in the US and has supported its hegemonic role in the world in concert with American business interests and the CIA. Neither the ILO nor international trade union organizations (especially the ICFTU) has enjoyed a stable relationship with the center of hegemonic power in the labor field, since the AFL-CIO has conducted a unilateral foreign policy. The functionalist strategy of executive leadership asserting the autonomy of an international organization through task expansion in technical fields has been almost totally irrelevant to the issue. Nor has the ILO found an alternative counter-hegemonic base of support, e.g., in the Third World. The existing hegemony has reasserted itself through the ILO program and ideology even as the US has withdrawn material support. Hegemony, which no longer operates through majority votes in international organizations, works instead through bureaucratic controls. This structure of power has prevented the ILO from confronting effectively the real social issues of employment-creation, land reform, marginality, and poverty in general. Initiatives that have been taken to deal with such issues have all ultimately been diverted into programs consistent with the hegemonic ideology and power relations.

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this paper, a critical analysis of Kohlberg's stage theory of moral development in the context of an ideology critique is presented, and it is shown that, from this point of view, the stage theory does not hold for all moral development.
Abstract: This article attempts a critical analysis of Kohlberg’s stage theory of moral development in the context of an ideology critique. From this point of view, Kohlberg’s


BookDOI
TL;DR: In this article, historical materialist approaches to urban sociology have been proposed for an experimental study of urban social movements, Manuel Castells An application: the study of the urban protest.
Abstract: 1. Introduction: historical materialist approaches to urban sociology Critique of existing urban sociology 2. Is there an urban sociology? Manuel Castells 3. Theory and ideology in urban sociology, Manuel Castells Historical materialist approaches 4. Property development and the economic foundations of the urban question, Francois Lamarche 5. Contribution to a Marxist theory of capitalist urbanization, Jean Lojkine 6. Theoretical propositions for an experimental study of urban social movements, Manuel Castells An application: the study of urban protest 7. The struggle agains urban renewal in the 'Cite d'Aliarte' ( Paris), Jose Olives 8. On the study of urban social movements, C.G. Pickvance



Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: This article pointed out how the Indian caste system does not fit either in structural form or in ideological content models borrowed from feudal or class systems, and pointed out that such comparisons obscure the essentially religious aspect of Hindu ideology contained in the scheme.
Abstract: TheComplex ranking systems of South Asia and Polynesia offer a special challenge and a special trap to the anthropologist or historian attempting to explain their development. He will inevitably trace the political and economic development of the state and link those to the appearance of new types of power groups and new structures of stratification. The danger lies in identifying and correlating directly the actors' concept of stratification, the distinctions and associations made in the emic system with interest groups identified by analyses of the political or economic structures. This may be done consciously or by implication by translating actors' category terms by words such as ‘nobility’, ‘ruling class’, ‘bourgeoisie’. This is likely to lead to gross ethnocentric assumptions and obscure the specific nature of the ethnographic example. The danger of such an approach has been demonstrated well by Dumont and Pocock for the most complex and the most famous of such hierarchical systems. They point out how the Indian caste system does not fit either in structural form or in ideological content models borrowed from feudal or class systems. Indeed such comparisons obscure the essentially religious aspect of Hindu ideology contained in the scheme (Dumont and Pocock 1958, Dumont 1966). Similar criticisms would also be pertinent to the way the hierarchical systems of Central Madagascar have been analyzed and for very similar reasons.

Book
31 Jan 1977
TL;DR: In this article, the authors examine working-class radicalism in the mid-Victorian period and suggest that after the fading of Chartist militancy the radical tradition was preserved in a working class subculture that enabled working men to resist the full consolidation of middle-class hegemony.
Abstract: Originally published in 1976, Working Class Radicalism in Mid-Victorian England examines working-class radicalism in the mid-Victorian period and suggests that after the fading of Chartist militancy the radical tradition was preserved in a working-class subculture that enabled working men to resist the full consolidation of middle-class hegemony. The book traces the growth of working-class radicalism as it developed dialectically in confrontation with middle-class liberal ideology in the generation after Waterloo. Intellectual forces were of central importance in shaping the character of the working-class Left and the Enlightenment, in particular, as the chief source of ideological weapons that were turned against the established order. The Enlightenment also provided the intellectual foundations of the middle-class ideology that was directed against the incipient threat of popular radicalism. The book notes that the same intellectual forces that entered into the first half of the nineteenth century also shaped the value system that provided the foundations of mid-Victorian urban culture. These forces also contributed to the rapprochement between working-class liberalism, bringing latent affinities to the surface. It is also emphasised, however, that inherited ideas and traditions exercised their influence in interaction with the structure of power and status.

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: Garrison's interpretation of the politics of the English Revolution can be found in the first modern history of Parliament as discussed by the authors, where the author concluded that the system by which politics operated was an oppositional one and that those who composed the contending camps did so on the basis of a single, consistent set of principlesan ideology.
Abstract: Groups, factions, parties: the perplexing categories of political organization. War party, peace party, middle group, Presbyterians, Independents, PresbyterianIndependents, Royal Independents, revolutionaries, conformists, moderates, radicals, probable latent moderates, core radical/fringe moderates: the astounding nomenclature of political participation. Since Samuel Rawson Gardiner completed the first modern history of the politics of the English Revolution, historians have struggled to define the nature and composition of Long Parliament political alignments. For Gardiner, as for his age, it was all straightforward enough. Politics was structured into parties with contrasting ideologies, adherents of peace or war in the early years and of Presbyterianism or Independency once the first civil war had ended. Politicians who argued for peace were overwhelmingly Presbyterians, while those who urged all-out war were by and large Independents. Ideology was an amalgam of religious and political beliefs, a temperamental consistency which was maintained despite the increasing complexity of issues which confronted the men at Westminster. Thus Gardiner held to two static notions of political participation: that the system by which politics operated was an oppositional one and that those who composed the contending camps did so on the basis of a single, consistent set of principlesan ideology. The forceful revisions of Gardiner's interpretation have been largely successful in demonstrating the inadequacy of his political groupings, but they have done little to test his assumptions about political structure-his belief that parliamentary politics was oppositional politics. From J. H. Hexter's "middle-group" to J. R. MacCormack's moderates and radicals, a unitary concept of political structure has prevailed. Prosopographic research has succeeded only in eroding the solid phalanges that Gardiner labeled party, shuffling individuals, clientage groups, and localist connections from one category to another with such cheerful abandon that Hexter, who initiated the inquiry, has been forced to conclude "that politics is a

Journal Article
TL;DR: In this paper, the authors argue that social justice can be guaranteed when state intervention is on a scale which is small enough to checkmate the concentration of power; economic efficiency, freedom and growth can be ensured if the units in the economy, while animated by social conscience, can compete with each other.
Abstract: its demographic compulsions and democratic commitment can ill afford to turn away from social justice and equality and thrust for freedom. And for that very reason it is not possible on the one hand to pursue a policy of "let the hounds run", under which the private enterprise can dictate the course of economic development, and on the other hand, to permit the existing state apparatus, with its insensitive bureaucracy and power and patronage-prone politicians, to have a stranglehold over the economic system. Social justice can be guaranteed when State intervention is on a scale which is small enough to checkmate the concentration of power; economic efficiency, freedom and growth can be ensured if the units in the economy, while animated by social conscience, can compete with each other. It is just this balance which is likely to be attained if India could have numerous small states with better communication with the people in each state. If it is a communist or a socialist ideology it will have its full sway in a smaller unit; if it is the free enterprise approach, it may be experimented within a small area. If any of the alternative succeeds, it would then affect other states, without the failure of any one of them doing irreparable and irreversible damage. Social purposiveness can. then be dovetailed with the imperatives of economic efficiency and democratic commitment.


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: The prevailing ideologies inherent in the major works on female criminality are outlined and it is hoped that more critical interest in this area will be generated so that female criminality will not remain of such marginal interest to the new schools of thought that are developing inside criminology as it has been to the traditional schools.
Abstract: Classical and contemporary criminology has largely overlooked female criminality. This neglect has produced a situation in which analyses of this phenomenon have met no theoretically informed body of criticism and ideologically informed studies have become 'leading' works by default. The ideological underpinnings of these studies are based upon common-sense, uncritical understandings offemale behaviour and upon a belief that deviant behaviour is caused by individual pathology. The combination of these factors has had certain implications for our present knowledge and understanding of female criminality and for the 'treatment' of female offenders. In particular the transformation of Holloway Prison into a secure psychiatric hospital is symbolic of social attitudes towards female offenders who are presumed to be 'sick' and who need help to re-adjust to their appropriate, traditional role. This paper attempts to outline the prevailing ideologies inherent in the major works on female criminality and to point to their implications. By so doing it is hoped that more critical interest in this area will be generated so that female criminality will not remain of such marginal interest to the new schools of thought that are developing inside criminology as it has been to the traditional schools. Criminological tlleories have rarely been concerned with the analysis of female criminality. Typically criminologists have either been content to subsume discussion of women offenders under 'general' theories, that is to say they have implicitly assumed the female is dealt with in discussing the male, or they have dealt with them exceptionally briefly in the way that other 'marginal' or 'special' categories are treated. The reason offered for this overwhelming lack of interest is that within the population of known offenders, female offenders constitute a statistically much smaller proportion than male offenders. With the exception of offences like shoplifting and soliciting, the number of female offenders nowhere exceed the numbers of male offenders known to the police. But this statistical 'insigniScance' alone cannot fully explain why so little work has been attempted in this area. Rather the relative absence

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: Papers furnishing a review and critique of past work in women's history are combined with selections delineating new approaches to the study of women in history and empirical studies considering ideological and class factors.
Abstract: Papers furnishing a review and critique of past work in women's history are combined with selections delineating new approaches to the study of women in history and empirical studies considering ideological and class factors.


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In Tocqueville's observation, Americans had a penchant for abstract words because only by using a vocabulary lacking specificity could they communicate radical ideas that destroyed a conventional style as mentioned in this paper.
Abstract: ed from their restrictive, deferential context came to mean something else. In Tocqueville's observation, Americans had a penchant for abstract words because only by using a vocabulary lacking specificity could they communicate radical ideas that destroyed a conventional style. "An abstract word," Tocqueville noted, "is like a box with a false bottom; you may put in it what ideas you please and take them out again unobserved."" The "country" publicists did not provide the textbook of revolution, so much as a lexicon of revolution, the meaning of which could be grasped only within a persuasion that celebrated the sovereignty of the new political audience. "Jonathan Edwards, The Distinguishing Marks of a Work of the Spirit of God . .. (174I), in Bushman, ed., Great Awakening, I23. On Edwards's use of language see Harold P. Simonson, Jonathan Edwards: Theologian of the Heart (Grand Rapids, Mich., I974), 9i-ii8. 80 Alexis de Tocqueville, Democracy in America, eds. J. P. Mayer and Max Lerner (New York, i966), 482. See also Robert E. Shalhope, "Toward a Republican Synthesis: The Emergence of an Understanding of Republicanism in American Historiography," WAVIQ, XXIX (1972), 72-73. This content downloaded from 157.55.39.112 on Wed, 07 Sep 2016 04:37:39 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: The long-run tendency toward expansion of government that has dominated social developments in the Western democracies for many years is attracting increasing attention from an array of social science scholars in search of a systematic explanation.
Abstract: The long-run tendency toward expansion of government that has dominated social developments in the Western democracies for many years is attracting increasing attention from an array of social science scholars in search of a systematic explanation. This paper is an attempt to contribute a small fragment to that discussion. It addresses the rationale underlying conflicting views about the role, range and function of government. Alternative intellectual approaches to the "limits of government" appear to us to be critically influenced by the models of man employed by the various discussants.1 The set of characteristics with which man is endowed in the development of social science theory inevitably controls the body of theory that is forthcoming. What is less frequently recognized is the impact that views about the nature of man have on the evaluation of political and market institutions.2 *The paper has been influenced by many discussions with Allan H. Meltzer and Michael Jensen. We also gratefully acknowledge valuable comments offered by William Dewald on a first draft. lNormative views about the role of government are also conditioned by the conception of justice employed. An enquiry into the impact of alternative views of justice on political and social ideas is postponed to another occasion. 2Professional articulators usually explain the dispute between advocates of severely limited government and the proponents of large and not clearly limited government in terms of different ideological commitments. This is a rather shallow and unrevealing answer. It is easily understandable, however, in terms of the characteristics of the "market for words" conditioning the intelligentsia's behavior. Of course, ideological dimensions enter all our intellectual endeavors. The occurrence of these ideological components does not justify per se the rejection of any hypothesis or theory. Whatever the ideological influences at work, the informative value of a hypothesis can only be judged by appropriate cognitive procedure.s.