Showing papers on "Ideology published in 1981"

Women's Time

Abstract: The nation--dream and reality of the nineteenth century-seems to have reached both its apogee and its limits when the 1929 crash and the National-Socialist apocalypse demolished the pillars that, according to Marx, were its essence: economic homogeneity, historical tradition, and linguistic unity.1 It could indeed be demonstrated that World War II, though fought in the name of national values (in the above sense of the term), brought an end to the nation as a reality: It was turned into a mere illusion which, from that point forward, would be preserved only for ideological or strictly political purposes, its social and philosophical coherence having collapsed. To move quickly toward the specific problematic that will occupy us in this article, let us say that the chimera of economic homogeneity gave way to interdependence (when not submission to the economic superpowers), while historical tradition and linguistic unity were recast as a broader and deeper determinant: what might be called a symbolic denominator, defined as the cultural and religious memory forged by the interweaving of history and geography. The variants of this memory produce social territories which then redistribute the cutting up into political parties which is still in use but losing strength. At the same time, this memory or symbolic denominator, common to them all, reveals beyond economic globalization and/or uniformization certain characteristics transcending the nation that sometimes embrace an entire continent. A new social ensemble superior to the nation has thus been

The Origins and Meaning of Liberal/Conservative Self-Identifications.

Abstract: A critical element in the model is the specification of the relationship between ideological labels and self-identifications. The lack of bipolar meaning assumes a special significance when considered in conjunction with individual self-identifications. Turning to the content of meaning, both cognitive factors and political symbols can influence attitudes towards liberals and conservatives, and thus ideological self-identifications. Ideological self-identification was measured in terms of a standard CPS question which focuses on political liberal/conservative identification. Ideological self-identifications, therefore, may serve an important function for the public by providing a symbolic framework which simplifies societal conflicts. Specifically, ideological identifications are found to have largely symbolic meanings, a fact that helps to explain some of the findings concerning the relationship of the liberal/conservative continuum to political perception and behavior. Along similar lines, John D. Holm and John P. Robinson have compared the impact of partisan and ideological identifications on voting behavior.

The Idea of a Critical Theory: Habermas and the Frankfurt School

Abstract: Editors' introduction Preface List of abbreviations Introduction 1. Ideology 2. Interests 3. Critical theory Index.

Rules and Processes: The Cultural Logic of Dispute in an African Context

Abstract: "Rules and Processes" is at once a compelling essay in social theory and a pathbreaking ethnography of dispute in an African society. On the basis of a sensitive study of the Tswana of southern Africa, John Comaroff and Simon Roberts challenge most of the orthodoxies of legal anthropology. They argue that the social world, and the dispute processes that occur within it, are given form and meaning by a dialectical relationship between sociocultural structures and individual experience. The authors explore in a novel way the relations between culture and ideology, system and practice, social action and human intention. They develop a model that lays bare the form and content of "legal" and "political" discourse in all its variations-a model that accounts for the outcome of conflict processes and explains why the Tswana, like people in other cultures, conceive of their world in an apparently contradictory manner-as rule-governed yet inherently open to pragmatic individualism; orderly yet inherently fluid and shifting. "Rules and Processes" offers a fresh and persuasive approach to our understanding of the dialectics of social life. "A work of impressive scholarship in which theoretical sophistication and ethnographic richness are convincingly matched."-Ian Hamnett, "Times Higher Education Supplement."

The Grand Domestic Revolution: A History of Feminist Designs for American Homes, Neighborhoods, and Cities

Abstract: "This is a book that is full of things I have never seen before, and full of new things to say about things I thought I knew well. It is a book about houses and about culture and about how each affects the other, and it must stand as one of the major works on the history of modern housing." - Paul Goldberger, The New York Times Book Review Long before Betty Friedan wrote about "the problem that had no name" in The Feminine Mystique, a group of American feminists whose leaders included Melusina Fay Peirce, Mary Livermore, and Charlotte Perkins Gilman campaigned against women's isolation in the home and confinement to domestic life as the basic cause of their unequal position in society.The Grand Domestic Revolution reveals the innovative plans and visionary strategies of these persistent women, who developed the theory and practice of what Hayden calls "material feminism" in pursuit of economic independence and social equality. The material feminists' ambitious goals of socialized housework and child care meant revolutionizing the American home and creating community services. They raised fundamental questions about the relationship of men, women, and children in industrial society. Hayden analyzes the utopian and pragmatic sources of the feminists' programs for domestic reorganization and the conflicts over class, race, and gender they encountered. This history of a little-known intellectual tradition challenging patriarchal notions of "women's place" and "women's work" offers a new interpretation of the history of American feminism and a new interpretation of the history of American housing and urban design. Hayden shows how the material feminists' political ideology led them to design physical space to create housewives' cooperatives, kitchenless houses, day-care centers, public kitchens, and community dining halls. In their insistence that women be paid for domestic labor, the material feminists won the support of many suffragists and of novelists such as Edward Bellamy and William Dean Howells, who helped popularize their cause. Ebenezer Howard, Rudolph Schindler, and Lewis Mumford were among the many progressive architects and planners who promoted the reorganization of housing and neighborhoods around the needs of employed women. In reevaluating these early feminist plans for the environmental and economic transformation of American society and in recording the vigorous and many-sided arguments that evolved around the issues they raised, Hayden brings to light basic economic and spacial contradictions which outdated forms of housing and inadequate community services still create for American women and for their families.

Codes, modalities, and the process of cultural reproduction: A model

Abstract: “Class relations” will be taken to refer to inequalities in the distribution of power and in principles of control between social groups, which are realized in the creation, distribution, reproduction, and legitimation of physical and symbolic values that have their source in the social division of labor. In terms of the particular problems of the relationships between class and the process of its cultural reproduction, as developed in this thesis, what has to be shown is how class regulation of the distribution of power and of principles of control generates, distributes, reproduces, and legitimates dominating and dominated principles regulating the relationships within and between social groups and so forms of consciousness. What we are asking here is how the distribution of power and principles of control are transformed, at the level of the subject, into different, invidiously related, organizing principles, in such a way as both to position subjects and to create the possibility of change in such positioning. The broad answer given by this thesis is that class relations generate, distribute, reproduce, and legitimate distinctive forms of communication, which transmit dominating and dominated codes, and that subjects are differentially positioned by these codes in the process of their acquisition. “Positioning” is used here to refer to the establishing of a specific relation to other subjects and to the creating of specific relationships within subjects. In general, from this point of view, codes are culturally determined positioning devices. More specifically, class regulated codes position subjects with respect to dominating and dominated form of communication and to the relationships between them. Ideology is constituted through and in such positioning. From this perspective, ideology inheres in and regulates modes of relation. Ideology is not so much a content as a mode of relation for the realizing of contents.

Ideology, culture & the process of schooling

Abstract: Preface Introduction 1. Schooling and the Culture of Positivism: Notes on the Death of History 2. Beyond the Limits of Radical Educational Reform: Toward a Critical Theory of Education 3. Beyond the Correspondence Theory: Notes on the Dynamics of Educational Reproduction and Transformation 4. Dialects and the Development of Curriculum Theory 5. Paulo Freire's Approach to Radical Educational Theory and Practice 6. Teacher Education and the Ideology of Social Control Index

Athleticism in the Victorian and Edwardian Public School: The Emergence and Consolidation of an Educational Ideology

Abstract: Prologue Part I: The growth of the ideology 1. Reformation, indifference and liberty 2. Licence, antidote and emulation 3. Idealism, idealists and rejection 4. Compulsion, conformity and allegiance Part II: The forces of ideological consolidation 5. Conspicuous resources, anti-intellectualism and sporting pedagogues 6. Oxbridge fashions, complacent parents and imperialism 7. Fez, 'blood' and hunting crop: the symbols and rituals of a Spartan culture 8. Play up and play the game: the rhetoric of cohesion, identity, patriotism and morality Epilogue.

The Three Worlds, or the Division of Social Scientific Labor, circa 1950–1975

Abstract: Our ideas of tradition, culture, and ideology found their places in the social scientific discourse of the 1950s and 1960s as part of modernization theory. This supposed theory was heir to ancient occidental habits of mythological thinking about history, as is well known.1 But the reorientation of these ideas in the postwar years was guided more specifically by the novel division of the globe into three conceptual “worlds” in response to the Cold War.

Subjective understanding, computer models of belief systems

Abstract: : Modeling human understanding of natural language requires a model of the processes underlying human thought. No two people think exactly alike; different people subscribe to different beliefs and are motivated by different goals in their activities. A theory of subjective understanding has been proposed to account for subjectively-motivated human thinking ranging from ideological belief to human discourse and personality traits. A process-model embodying this theory has been implemented in a computer system, POLITICS. POLITICS models human ideological reasoning in understanding the natural language text of international political events. POLITICS can model either liberal or conservative ideologies. Each ideology produces a different interpretation of the input event. POLITICS demonstrates its understanding by answering questions in natural language question-answer dialogs.

Old Mistresses: Women, Art and Ideology

Abstract: Looking at the work of women artists and the history of art, the authors trace the development of the feminine stereotype and its role in structuring the ideology of the discipline of art history. The separation of art and craft, its effect on the way that work by women is seen and valued, and the response of women artists are also analyzed. Circa 150 bibl. ref.

Ideology in Interpersonal Communication: Off the Couch and into the World

Abstract: (1981). Ideology in Interpersonal Communication: Off the Couch and into the World. Annals of the International Communication Association: Vol. 5, Communication Yearbook 5, pp. 79-107.

Beliefs about Stratification

Abstract: Since stratification is a basic aspect of society, beliefs about stratification are necessarily related to beliefs about society in general. Consideration of the determinants of beliefs about stratification necessitates attention to the effects of culture and subculture, technology, occupational conditions, class, and economic position. A review of the consequences of beliefs re­ quires consideration of political ideology and political behavior. We limit this review in two ways. First, we focus on beliefs about economic inequality. Thus, we do not review work directly related to be­ liefs about racial or sexual inequality; both of these topics have substan­ tial literatures of their own, which are best reviewed in the context of the broader study of race and sex inequality. We also exclude the substantial literature on occupational status or prestige. Although certain aspects of this literature are relevant to stratification beliefs (Goldthorpe & Hope 1974; Villemez 1974), much of the work in this area has attempted to use occupational position to establish a general measure of position in a soci­ etal inequality hierarchy (Treiman 1977), and this effort is largely irrele­ vant to our present concern. Second, we limit our attention primarily to recent American research and secondarily to recent British work on strati­ fication beliefs. These two countries have produced most of the recent empirical studies of stratification beliefs in English.

What are the questions

Abstract: THE 1930's have been described as the years of high theory, but all the great mass of work that has been done since and the proliferation of academic economic teaching has been very little illuminated by the ideas that emerged at that time, and there are no consistent and accepted answers to the questions that were then raised. One reason for this lack of progress is connected with the origin of the new ideas themselves. George Shackle [35, 1967] treated "high theory" as a purely intellectual movement, but in fact it arose out of the actual situation of the 'thirties-the breakdown of the world market economy in the great slump. Kalecki, Keynes, and Myrdal were trying to find an explanation for unemployment; the exploration of imperfect and monopolistic competition set afoot by the challenge, from opposite directions, of Piero Sraffa [37, 1926] and Allyn Young [40, 1928] to the orthodox theory of value, though it proved to be a blind alley, arose from the observation that, in a general buyer's market, it could not be true that prices are equal to marginal costs. The movement of the 'thirties was an attempt to bring analysis to bear on actual problems. Discussion of an actual problem cannot avoid the question of what should be done about it; questions of policy involve politics (laissez-faire is just as much a policy as any other). Politics involve ideology; there is no such thing as a "purely economic" problem that can be settled by purelv economic logic; political interests and political prejudice are involved in every discussion of actual questions. The participants in every controversy divide into schools-conservative or radical-and ideology is apt to seep into logic. In economics, arguments are largely devoted, as in theology, to supporting doctrines rather than testing hypotheses. Here, the radicals have the easier case to make. They have only to point to the discrepancy between the operation of a modern economy and the ideals by which it is supposed to be judged, while the conservatives have the well-nigh impossible task of demonstrating that this is the best of all possible worlds. For the same reason, however, the conservatives are compensated by occupying positions of power, which they can use to keep criticism in check. Benjamin Ward observes:

Moral Judgment The Influence of Ethical Ideology

Abstract: In order to determine when ethical ideology influences judgments of morality, individuals who endorsed an absolutist, exceptionist, subjectivist, or situationist ideology morally evaluated an actor linked, at varying levels of responsibility, to positive or negative outcomes. As predicted, absolutists judged the actor more harshly than exceptionists, but only when the described actor has foreseen or intended to produce a highly negative consequence.

A Programmatic Attempt at an Anthropology of Knowledge

Abstract: Traditionally, the main preoccupations of philosophy of science were the justification or refutation of the conclusions of science; critical study of methodology; the pursuit of truth presupposing the quest for certainty; search for absolutes and universals; discarding the ‘merely’ psychological or merely sociological. Reason in philosophy of science was epistemic reason. History of science, while in an historiographies turmoil for decades, was mainly preoccupied with the history of Western science, and especially (though not exclusively) its successes; it was either a Marxist influenced analysis of ideas following socio-economic needs or a history of disembodied ideas. The latter presupposed that only ideas beget ideas and that an idea, once conceived, can be taken up or dropped, used or abused by an ‘external’ factor like society, with its political ideology and technical needs.

False Consciousness and Ideology in Marxist Theory

Abstract: The article discusses the concepts of false consciousness and ideology and the relation between them as they have been used in the development of a particular aspect of Marxist theory. I trace the development from the writings of Marx and Engels to the early Frankfurt School. My aim is to underline a separation and a distinction between the use of the concepts that emerges in this movement from classical to cntical Marxism. I pro pose no firm conclusions, but rather focus on conceptual analysis and discussion.

Differentiation and Integration: Two Dimensions of Political Thinking.

Abstract: Conceptual differentiation refers to the number of discrete elements of political information individuals utilize in their evaluation of political issues. In contrast with the more commonly used textbookish political knowledge indices, this measure corresponds more closely to knowledge-in-use. Conceptual integration is defined as the spontaneous and explicit organization of ideas and information in terms of abstract or ideological constructs and represents an expansion of Philip Converse's research on levels of ideological thinking in mass publics. These two related dimensions of political information processing emerge from a detailed content analysis of depth interview transcripts. The analysis reveals substantial variation in the way citizens relate the condition of their own lives to those of their fellow citizens and to political authorities. As expected, education plays a central role in explaning these patterns, but there are some surprising interactive linkages between education and patterns of pol...

The Diplomacy of Ideas: U.S. Foreign Policy and Cultural Relations, 1938–1950

Abstract: Preface Introduction 1. Philanthropic origins of cultural policy 2. Wartime departures from tradition 3. Planning the liberal ecumene 4. The failure of internationalism 5. The politics of institutionalization 6. The transformation of cultural internationalism Conclusion: freedom, ideology, and culture Epilogue Notes Bibliography Index.

The Machiavellian Moment Revisited: A Study in History and Ideology

Abstract: Since its publication in 1975, a book subtitled "Florentine political thought and the Atlantic republican tradition" has proved its capacity to enter some previously-existing thickets of controversy and further the growth of some new ones; and the I am glad to have this opportunity to review the historiographical contexts which the work has been found to occupy and to say something about its present status and apparent future. The opportunity has been offered, first by the kindness of the editorial board of the Societa Editrice I1 Mulino, the scholarly publishing house in Bologna; second, by that of the editors of the Journal of Modern History, who have commissioned this revised version of an essay written to accompany an Italian translation of The Machiavellian Moment.' That book seems in retrospect to bear special relationships with the work of three outstanding and controversial historians: Hans Baron, J. H. Plumb, and Bernard Bailyn (a statement which should be enough to clear it of the charge of belonging to any one school). The magisterial work of the first of these, taking authoritative shape in The Crisis of the Early Italian Renaissance (1966)2, established among Anglophone historians the crucial importance of what is variously named "civic humanism" or "classical republicanism" -Felix Gilbert has indicated a preference for the second of these terms-which the work of Gilbert himself,3 of Marvin Becker4, and of Rudolf von Albertini has served to confirm. It was the realization that classical republicanism took a Whig form and had an American significance which led Bernard Bailyn to write The Ideological Origins of the American Revolution (1967), The Origins of American Politics (1970), and The Ordeal of Thomas Hutchinson (1974)5. These studies revealed the profound importance of this form of republicanism, and of the alternatives to it, in the

Curricular form and the Logic of Technical Control

Abstract: Because of the current crisis in the accumulation process, within the last few years there have been significant attempts in many industrialized countries to influence the educational process directly in ways that will meet the needs of capital accumulation. However, while such overt attempts at capitalist intrusion into education are important, the logic and ideology of capital have entered into schools in more subtle ways. This article analyzes the ways the commodification process has acted on the form which curricula take in schools, ways which reinforce the system of technical control of the labour process, culture, and the state. It argues that a complex process of deskilling and reskilling exists at the level of day-to-day practice in schools today. This can signify important changes in the school's role as a site of ideological reproduction. Given the contradictory class position of teachers, and given the history of class, gender, and race resistances to the logic of capital, these changes will ha...

Philosophy and Ideology in Hume's Political Thought

Abstract: This book was written with three aims in mind. The first was to provide a reasonably concise account of Hume's social and political thought that might help students coming to it for the first time. The second aim was to say something about the relationship between philosophy and politics, with explicit attention to Hume, but implicit reference to a general issue. The third is to offer an integrated account of Hume's thought. The book accounts for the varying interpretation of the conservative and liberalist traditions by arguing that the distinction between liberalism and conservatism had little application in mid-18th-century Britain. Hume's ideology contained elements that we should now identify as conservative and liberal respectively, and so by selective emphasis it is possible to make him seem a thoroughbred conservative or liberal according to choice. These two problems the relationship between Hume's philosophy and his politics, and the ideological character of his thought are pursued through the first and second parts of the book respectively.

What's Wrong with Exploitation?

Abstract: The aim of this paper is mainly expository. It attempts to elucidate Karl Marx's conception of exploitation and to state clearly what is morally objectionable about exploitation as Marx understands it. This task is not as straightforward as it sounds, for two connected reasons: (1) Marx's normative views on exploitation are densely intertwined with empirical economic hypotheses, particularly the labor theory of value; and (2) partly out of a misplaced confidence that his substantive ethical positions are noncontroversial except for those who have a distinct motive of selfinterest for misperceiving plain truth, Marx for the most part eschews any attempt at justification or even clear description of those ethical positions. The posture he adopts is that of the disinterested scientific observer standing among apologists for capital. ' Marx's ethics intrude on his analysis by implication and sometimes by innuendo. In order to exhibit the basic ethical premises that indicate what troubles Marx about the phenomenon he identifies as "exploitation," the commentator has to reconstruct the premises from Marx's suggestive hints, from his tone and style, from his side comments, parenthetical remarks, and wisecracks. Not surprisingly, there is wide disagreement as to what ethical view, if any, to ascribe to Marx. Toward the end of this essay I try to defend the interpretation I develop against objections based on a very different general sense about what Marx is up to. One objection is that Marx thinks justice an ideologically suspect notion and so does not base his critique of capitalism on its lapses on the score of distributive justice; another is that Marx places little emphasis on the distributional side of the economy and is much more concerned for the quality of productive life. Finally, I try to state simply what are the main morally controversial aspects of Marx's ethical beliefs about exploitation.

Reconsidering Ideological Lines: Beliefs about Poverty in America*

Abstract: Our nation's policy to reduce poverty reflects the belief that poverty is caused by institutional discrimination. This study first identifies the ideological and political nature of this position i...