Showing papers on "Ideology published in 1984"

The language of ideology

Abstract: Even in a relatively quiet and sober decade, such as the seventies, one can hardly subscribe to Daniel Belt's evidently premature judgment about "the end of ideology". Ideologies may no longer sound so biased, militant and aggressive as in the days of the Cold War, but they still dominate the whole world of politics and culture. Humankind is still divided into ideologically exclusive camps. Many economic, political and ecological problems cannot be solved in optimal ways for ideological reasons. Rather than withering away, ideologies tend to multiply and grow in complexity. In addition to traditional class struggles, new conflicts break out and new social movements have been generated: those of rebellious youth, oppressed races, women, national and religious communities. Each of them tends to create a new ideology: the New Left, feminism, black racism as opposed to white racism, various forms of nationalism, and of (Zionist and Islamic) religious ideology. Philosophy was never able to preserve its purity from various ideological intrusions. On the contrary, it was philosophers who pro vided theoretical foundations for all three of the most important political ideologies of our times: liberalism, Marxism and fascism. And it could be shown that even the most strictly anti-metaphysical, anti-speculative, consequently anti-ideological contemporary trend that of analytical philosophy tacitly assumes some of the basic premises of liberalism. Now when analytical philosophy is opened up for historical study and value judgments, it will even less be able to keep its distance from ideological considerations. And yet philosophy, because of its commitment to unbiased thinking and universal values, is better equipped than any other form of inquiry to provide a critique of ideology and ideological reasoning. The first question we have to discuss is then the following: What is ideology? How can it be distinguished from philosophy, science, and rhetorics? What are the basic logical characteristics of the language of ideology?

Capture and Ideology in the Economic Theory of Politics

Abstract: The economic theory of regulation long ago put public interest theories of politics to rest. These theories have correctly been viewed as normative wishings, rather than explanations of real world phenomena. They have been replaced by models of political behavior that are consistent with the rest of microeconomics (Anthony Downs, 1957; James Buchanan and Gordon Tullock, 1965; George Stigler, 1971; Sam Peltzman, 1976). Recently, however, debate has arisen over whether some version of a public interest theory of regulation will have to be readmitted to our thinking about actions and results in the political arena. What is at issue is the empirical importance of the altruistic, publicly interested goals of rational actors in determining legislative and regulatory outcomes (James Kau and Paul Rubin, 1979; Kalt, 1981; Peltzman, 1982). This study assesses the nature and significance of publicly interested objectives in a particular instance of economic policymaking: U.S. Senate voting on coal strip-mining regulations. The existence of such objectives is, of course, no contradiction of the economic view of human behavior (Kenneth Arrow, 1972; Gary Becker, 1974); and may well be rooted in genetic-biological history (Becker, 1976; Jack Hirshleifer, 1978). Generally, however, individuals' altruistic, publicly interested goals have been given little attention. This reflects the judgment that such goals are so empirically unimportant as to allow the use of Occam's razor in positive models, or well-founded apprehensions that these goals are unusually difficult to identify, measure, and analyze. Notwithstanding the latter problem, we find that approaches which confine themselves to a view of political actors as narrowly egocentric maximizers explain and predict legislative outcomes poorly. The tracking and dissecting of the determinants of voting on coal strip-mining policy suggest that the economic theory of politics has been prematurely closed to a broader conception of political behavior.

Blues, ideology, and Afro-American literature : a vernacular theory

Abstract: Relating the blues to American social and literary history and to Afro-American expressive culture, Houston A. Baker, Jr., offers the basis for a broader study of American culture at its "vernacular" level. He shows how the "blues voice" and its economic undertones are both central to the American narrative and characteristic of the Afro-American way of telling it.

Not in Our Genes: Biology, Ideology, and Human Nature

Abstract: Genes systematically exposes and dismantles the claims that inequalities class, race, gender are the products of biological, genetic inheritances. 'Informative, entertaining, lucid, forceful, frequently witty never dull should be read and remembered for a long time.' New York Times Book Review. 'The authors argue persuasively that biological explanations for why we act as we do are based on faulty (in some cases, fabricated) data and wild speculation It is debunking at its best.' Psychology Today. Not in Our Genes offers a penetrating critique of certain assumptions we have about how much of who we are is determined by our genetics. This book also examines how our understanding of genetics has been molded by certain ideologies, and perpetuated through deeply flawed studies and misinformation to serve those ideologies. This is an academic work, and the discussions of biological determinism often assume the reader can handle some philosophical terminology the authors don't have space to explain. For Lewontin, Rose, and Kamin, capitalism maintains itself by fostering an ideology that considers itself the only feasible form of social organization, and proclaims at the same time that is it the most fair and just of possible social forms. View Item

The American Ethos: Public Attitudes Toward Capitalism and Democracy

Abstract: Covers Libertarianism, Egalitarianism, the relationship between capitalism and democracy, ideology, and social and political awareness among the American public.

Education and intergroup attitudes: Moral enlightenment, superficial democratic commitment, or ideological refinement?

Abstract: enlightened perspective that is less vulnerable to the narrow appeals of intergroup negativism. Other investigators have argued that education increases commitment to democratic norms, but only at a superficial level. We review the arguments from that debate and then subject them to empirical test with national survey data on the intergroup beliefs, feelings, predispositions for personal contact, and policy orientations of men toward women, of whites toward blacks, and of the nonpoor toward the poor. The results of that comprehensive analysis fail to support the view either that education produces liberation from intergroup negativism or that it produces a superficial democratic commitment. With that ascertained, we depart from the confines of past debate and propose afresh approach that rests on different assumptions about the nature of both intergroup attitudes and educational institutions. We argue that dominant social groups routinely develop ideologies that legitimize and justify the status quo, and the well-educated members of these dominant groups are the most sophisticated practitioners of their group's ideology. We interpret our data from this perspective and suggest that the well educated are but one step ahead of their peers in developing a defense of their interests that rests on qualification, individualism, obfuscation, and symbolic concessions. The large, lasting, and diverse good effects on values found in this study, coupled with the very large, pervasive, and enduring effects in heightening knowledge, receptivity to knowledge, and information-seeking documented in our earlier study, establish that formal education has long been an important force throughout America in molding character as well as intellect. Hyman and Wright, Education's Lasting Influence on Values (1979:61)

The Rich Get Richer and the Poor Get Prison: Ideology, Class, and Criminal Justice

Abstract: Introduction. Criminal Justice through the Looking Glass, or Winning by Losing Chapter 1. Crime Control in America: Nothing Succeeds Like Failure Chapter 2. A Crime by Any Other Name Chapter 3. And the Poor Get Prison Chapter 4. To the Vanquished Belong the Spoils: Who Is Winning the Losing War against Crime? Conclusion. Criminal Justice or Criminal Justice Appendix I. The Marxian Critique of Criminal Justice Appendix II. Between Philosophy and Criminology

The Origins of the English Novel

Abstract: The aim of Lennard J. Davis's Factual Fictions is to disclose and explain the process whereby the genre of the novel emerged from a prior historical context in which the literary category "the novel," both name and practice, had not existed.' Critical of other studies for an assortment of methodological failures (a deterministic notion of causality, the absence of all notions of causality, the reliance on a strictly literary idea of influence), Lennard Davis proposes an alternative method that will focus on the profound categorial uncertainty that is evident in those authors whom posterity has agreed to call "novelists." "Defoe, Richardson, and Fielding each claim to be beginning a new type of narration, a new species of writing, but since no clear conventions had been determined, and no real terminology had been used to define their attempts, they each had to create crudely the categories into which their works might fall" (p. 161). "The aim here is to find the categories and taxonomies that a reader of the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries might have used-even unconsciously--to divide up the whole range of texts we now call narrative" (p. 8). To this end, "the novel, as such, is seen ... as discoursethat is, in [Michel] Foucault's usage, the ensemble of written texts that constitute the novel (and in so doing define, limit, and describe it). This ensemble by no means includes only novels and literary criticism" (p. 7). Such an approach looks not "for cause and effect, for linear influence, but rather for ruptures and transformations." At the same time, it entails "a rather special kind of historical materialism." "In this view, the novel is seen as a discourse for reinforcing particular ideologies, and its coming into being must be seen as tied to particular power relations" (p. 9). Central to Davis's view of the novel is an "ambivalent reaction-an uncertainty to [sic] the factual or fictional reality of the work-that . . . was one of the major components in the phenomenology of reading during the early eighteenth century and which was largely absent" a hundred years earlier (p. 24). And he sees the origins of the novel as "the history of the . . . division of fact and fiction, news and novel, the movement from untroubled fictionality... to the inherent ambivalence of Defoe, Richardson, Fielding, and later writers" (p. 223). The novel "was presented as an ambiguous form-a factual fiction which denied its fictionality" by insisting, in a variety of ways, on its own historicity (p. 36). It is one issue of "a discourse that is forced to subdivide" over the course of the seventeenth century (p. 44). What Davis calls "the news/novels discourse is a kind of undifferentiated matrix out of which journalism and history will be distinguished from novels-that is factual narratives will be clearly differentiated from fictional ones" (p. 67). What is responsible for this "rupture"? Davis denies the importance of the romance tradition, even as it may have exerted a negative literary influence on the

The New Politics of Science

Abstract: How science "gets done" in today's world has profound political repercussions, since scientific knowledge, through its technical applications, has become an important source of both economic and military power. The increasing dependence of scientific research on funding from business and the military has made questions about the access to and control of scientific knowledge a central issue in today's politics of science. In "The New Politics of Science," David Dickson points out that "the scientific community has its own internal power structures, its elites, its hierarchies, its ideologies, its sanctioned norms of social behavior, and its dissenting groups. And the more that science, as a social practice, forms an integral part of the economic structures of the society in which it is imbedded, the more the boundaries and differences between the two dissolve. Groups inside the scientific community, for example, will use groups outside the community-and vice versa-to achieve their own political ends." In this edition, Dickson has included a new preface commenting on the continuing and increasing influence of industrial and defense interests on American scientific research in the 1980s.

The Proper Lady and the Woman Writer: Ideology as Style in the Works of Mary Wollstonecraft, Mary Shelley, and Jane Austen

Abstract: "A brilliant, original, and powerful book This is the most skillful integration of feminism and Marxist literary criticism that I know of" So writes critic Stephen Greenblatt about "The Proper Lady and the Woman Writer," Mary Poovey's study of the struggle of three prominent writers to accommodate the artist's genius to the late eighteenth- and early nineteenth-century ideal of the modest, self-effacing "proper lady" Interpreting novels, letters, journals, and political tracts in the context of cultural strictures, Poovey makes an important contribution to English social and literary history and to feminist theory "The proper lady was a handy concept for a developing bourgeois patriarchy, since it deprived women of worldly power, relegating them to a sanctified domestic sphere that, in complex ways, nourished and sustained the harsh 'real' world of men With care and subtle intelligence, Poovey examines this 'guardian and nemesis of the female self' through the ways it is implicated in the style and strategies of three very different writers"-Rachel M Brownstein, "The Nation" ""The Proper Lady and the Woman Writer" is a model of creative discovery, providing a well-researched, illuminating history of women writers at the turn of the nineteenth century [Poovey] creates sociologically and psychologically persuasive accounts of the writers: Wollstonecraft, who could never fully transcend the ideology of propriety she attacked; Shelley, who gradually assumed a mask of feminine propriety in her social and literary styles; and Austen, who was neither as critical of propriety as Wollstonecraft nor as accepting as Shelley ultimately became"-Deborah Kaplan, "Novel "

Women: The Longest Revolution

Abstract: The situation of women is different from that of any other social group. This is because they are not one of a number of isolable units, but half a totality: the human species. Women are essential and irreplaceable; they cannot therefore be exploited in the same way as other social groups can. They are fundamental to the human condition, yet in their economic, social and political roles, they are marginal. It is precisely this combination—fundamental and marginal at one and the same time—that has been fatal to them. Within the world of men their position is comparable to that of an oppressed minority: but they also exist outside the world of men. The one state justifies the other and precludes protest. In advanced industrial society, women’s work is only marginal to the total economy. Yet it is through work that man changes natural conditions and thereby produces society. Until there is a revolution in production, the labour situation will prescribe women’s situation within the world of men. But women are offered a universe of their own: the family. Like woman herself, the family appears as a natural object, but it is actually a cultural creation. There is nothing inevitable about the form or role of the family any more than there is about the character or role of women. It is the function of ideology to present these given social types as aspects of Nature itself. Both can be exalted paradoxically, as ideals. The ‘true’ woman and the ‘true’ family are images of peace and plenty: in actuality they may both be sites of violence and despair. The apparently natural condition can be made to appear more attractive than the arduous advance of human beings towards culture. But what Marx wrote about the bourgeois myths of the Golden Ancient World describes precisely women’s realm: ‘. . . in one way the child-like world of the ancients appears to be superior, and this is so, insofar as we seek for closed shape, form and established limitation. The ancients provide a narrow satisfaction, whereas the modern world leaves us unsatisfied or where it appears to be satisfied with itself, is vulgar and mean.’ Women: the Longest Revolution

Ideology, Power and Prehistory

Abstract: The book starts from the premise that methodology has always dominated archaeology to the detriment of broader social theory. The contributions argue that past peoples should be understood as actively manipulating their own material world to represent and misrepresent their own and others' interests. The concepts of power strategies and ideological representations are introduced with reference to both contemporary and historical examples, while the core of the book lies in four detailed case studies taken from European prehistory. The nine papers are abstracted separately.- from Publisher

The Naked Public Square: Religion and Democracy in America

Abstract: The author's "central metaphor, the naked public square, refers to thepublic forum in American life, which is perceived as naked or empty because religion and religious values have been systematically excluded from consideration in the determination of public policy. {He believes that} the enemy that accomplished this, the ideology of secularism, has thus far been successful despite the fact that most Americans, whose ultimate values are deeply religious, never debated or assented to such an exclusion."

School Literacy, Reasoning, and Civility: An Anthropologist’s Perspective

Abstract: This paper takes a perspective on schools, teaching, and learning that places in the foreground the social organization and cultural patterning of people's work in everyday life. In that perspective the notion of literacy, as knowledge and skill taught and learned in school, is not separable from the concrete circumstances of its uses inside and outside school, nor is it easily separable from the situation of its acquisition in the school as a social form and as a way of life. The school can be seen as an arena of political negotiation that embodies individual and group interests and ideologies. It is reasonable to expect that various kinds of literacies might represent a variety of interests and be embedded in a variety of belief systems. We can distinguish analytically between literacy and schooling, or between the arithmetical analog "numeracy," and schooling, or between the latest manifestation, "computer literacy," and schooling. In ordinary usage, however, the distinction between formal knowledge and school is blurred. This may be for good reasons, some of which I will explore in the discussion that follows. Literally, literacy refers to knowledge of letters and of their use in reading and writing, just as the ugly word numeracy refers to knowledge and use of numbers. But to be lettered means more than this, and has done so in the West since the establishment of European schools by the monastic chapters of cathedrals in the early Middle Ages. Literacy, as being lettered, has to do with strategy and prestige. This prestige is partly due to the strategic power that comes from mastery of an information communication system. This prestige also is derived from values of aesthetics and moral virtue which mask the issue of power. Indeed, in 17th century English, to be lewd is not to be sexually unrestrained, but to be unlettered. It is only later in English usage that lewdness took on sexual connotations, which gradually became the main usage. The prestigefulness of schooling also mixes power with the justification of power in morality. One is reminded that in the West, the institution of schooling began in the medieval Church, with literacy justified as a means to specialized knowledge that could be employed in maintaining the intellectual and social structure of the Church, which was seen as a means to collective and individual salvation. The same special knowledge of letters and numbers was also employed in maintaining the rule of secular landholders, whose growth and whose systems for distribution of food enabled the existence of feudal society itself. In colonial New England the institution of public schooling was also justified on moral grounds, with knowledge of letters being the route to individual salvation through reading the Bible, and the same specialized knowledge applying in the development of small freehold agriculture, commerce, and eventually industry. In the comments that follow I do not want to reduce schooling to a set of purely utilitarian functions, nor do I want to do so with literacy. But relationships between the various utilities and moralities of

The function of criticism : from the Spectator to post-structuralism

Abstract: This is a brief history and critique of the "critical institution" itself, from Addison and Steele to Barthes and Derrida. The book raises crucial questions about the relations between language, literature and politics. How is it possible that modern criticism, which was born of the struggle against the absolutist state, could be reduced to its current status as part of the public relations branch of the literary industry? How is it that forms of criticism generated in the vibrant context of the 18th-century "public sphere" - of clubs, journals, coffee houses, periodicals - and which embraced free and open discussion of cultural, political and economic questions could degenerate into post-structuralist exercises carried out by academic literary specialists who revel in their own practical impotence? Exercised by these issues, Terry Eagleton - Britain's foremost Marxist critic - traces the birth of criticism in Englightenment England, and its subsequent mutations over time under the pressures of the development of capitalism, the rise of a "counter-public" from below, and the specialization of the intellectual division of labour. In this survey of the last 200 years of cultural criticism, spanning from Joseph Addison, Richard Steele and Samuel Johnson to Matthew Arnold, Leslie Stephen and F.R. Leavis, the book places the modern trends of New Criticism, structuralism and deconstruction in a social and historical perspective. However, Eagleton also makes a case for contemporary criticism to rediscover its original function by reconnecting the cultural and the political, discourse and practice, and thereby to play a role in radical social transformations. Terry Eagleton is the author of "Ideology" "Against the Grain", "Walter Benjamin" and "Criticism and Ideology".

Personal Rule: Theory and Practice in Africa

Abstract: Personal rule has been a compelling facet of politics at least since the time of Machiavelli. It is the image not of a ruler but of a type of rulership.' Personal rule is a dynamic world of political will and activity that is shaped less by institutions or impersonal social forces than by personal authorities and power; it is a world, therefore, of uncertainty, suspicion, rumor, agitation, intrigue, and sometimes fear, as well as of stratagem, diplomacy, conspiracy, dependency, reward, and threat. In other words, personal rule is a distinctive type of political system in which the rivalries and struggles of powerful and wilful men, rather than impersonal institutions, ideologies, public policies, or class interests, are fundamental in shaping political life. Indicators of personal regimes in sub-Saharan Africa are coups, plots, factionalism, purges, rehabilitations, clientelism, corruption, succession maneuvers, and similar activities which have been significant and recurring features of political life during the past two decades. Furthermore, there is no indication that such activities are about to decline in political importance. Whereas these features are usually seen as merely the defects of an otherwise established political orderwhether capitalist, socialist, military, civilian, or whatever-we are inclined to regard them much more as the integral elements of a distinctive political system to which we have given the term "personal rule."2 It is ironic that in the twentieth century a novel form of "presidential monarchy" has appeared in many countries of the Third World. The irony consists in the contradiction of what is perhaps the major tendency in the evolution of the modern state during the past several centuries: the transformation of political legitimacy from the authority of kings to the mandate of the people.3 What has happened in the

Africentric Social Sciences for Human Liberation

Abstract: Social science represents as much an expression of a people's ideology as it does a defense of that ideology (Asante, 1980). The extent to which that ideology contains elements of implicit oppression is the extent to which that particular social science is in fact an instrument of oppression. Nobles (1978a) discusses the fact that "Western Science, particularly social science, like the economic and political institutions has become an instrument designed to reflect the culture of the oppressor and to allow for the more efficient domination and oppression of African peoples." Consequently, the uncritical acceptance of the assumptions of Western science by African people is to participate in our own domination and oppression. Nobles, in the same discussion, goes on to justify the need for a social science system reflective of our cultural reality. Our objective in this discussion is to identify some characteristics of Western social science and to suggest some alternative assumptions for the establishment of an African social science. African social scientists have failed to come to grips with the fact that the tools that they have acquired in the course of their training in the Western social science tradition have illequipped them to deal with the fundamental task of liberating

Gender Politics: From Consciousness to Mass Politics

Abstract: With dramatic suddenness, the feminist movement emerged on the social scene in the late 1960s, and by 1980 it was a political force to be reckoned with. This ground-breaking study combs a wealth of public opinion surveys and census data to discover why women have become politically active and what it means to public policy. The book focuses on two compelling questions: What are the common concerns that mobilize women, and how do these concerns shape political activism? Ethel Klein finds that a trend toward redefining women's lives has been present since the turn of the century. She examines the erosion of traditional patterns in women's roles brought about by rising divorce rates, fuller participation in the workforce, and longer lives. Klein argues that the elements required for revolutionary change--such as grievances, leaders, organization, and resources--were evident long before the 1960s. What was missing was a constituency to support feminist demands. She explores in detail how the public approval of women's rights finally caught up with the need for reform. As group consciousness grew, so did public support. The two factors coalesced in the rise of activism and a full-blown women's movement. Klein tests her hypotheses on the elections of 1972, 1976, and 1980, with surprising results. She finds from election polls that men are no less feminist than women, but that women's support comes from group consciousness while men's comes from a liberal ideology. At the individual level she reveals how support of feminism affects people's political decisions--their approval of protest, their preference for collective forms of activism, and, when real alternatives are present, thevotes they cast for President.

Government and Politics in Africa

Abstract: Preface - Changes in Country Names - Introduction: African Politics since Independence - Colonialism and the Colinial Impact - Nationalism and the Transfer of Power - State and Society - Political Parties - Administration - The Military - Revolutionary Movements and Revolutionary Regimes - Regional Groups, The OAU and the South African Issue - Conclusions: Ideology, the Post-Colonial State and Development - Suggestions for Further Reading - Bibliography - Index

Sport and political ideology

Abstract: * Acknowledgments *1. Sport in the Age of Ideology * Sport and Ideology * The Symbolic Power of Sport * Sport and Ideological Differentiation * Blood Sport as an Ideological Variable * A Postscript on Ideology and American Sport *2. The Labor-Leisure Dialectic and the Origins of Ideology * The Problem of Origins * The Marxists and Prehistory * The Marxists on Labor and Play * The Conservatives and Prehistory * Johan Huizinga and Josef Pieper versus the Marxists * The Metaphysical Roots of the Quarrel *3. The Body as an Ideological Variable: Sportive Imagery of Leadership and the State * Theoretical Introduction * Narcissistic Types of Body Display * Sportive Imagery and the Leader: The Fascist Political Athlete * Sportive Imagery and the Leader: Marxism's Renunciation of the Political Athlete * Sportive Images of the State: Toward a Fascist Style * Marxism's Renunciation of the Sportive (Organic) State *4. The Political Psychologies of the Sportive and Antisportive Temperaments * Fascism and the Sportive Temperament * Nietzsche and the Authority of the Body * Fascist Style and Sportive Manhood * Sport and the Left Intellectuals * Virility and the Left * What Marx Did Not Know *5. From Amateurism to Nihilism: Sport, Cultural Conservatism, and the Critique of Modernity * Sport and the Intellectuals * An Early Sociology of Sport * Ambivalent Liberalism: Sport and Rational Planning * Radical Disillusion: Sport and the Spiritual Vacuum *"Christian Fatalism": Sport and the Decline of Values * Aristocratic Vitalism: Culture and the Sportive Style of Life * The Critique of the Spectator *6. Nazi Sport Theory: Racial Heroism and the Critique of Sport * The Doctrine of the Body * The Nazi Critique of Sport * A Comparative Perspective *7. The Origins of Socialist Sport: Marxist Sport Culture in the Years of Innocence * Early Soviet Sport Ideology * The Workers' Sport Movement in Germany, 1893-1933 *8. Sport in the Soviet Union: Stalinization and the New Soviet Athlete * Sport, Labor, and the New Soviet Man * The New Stakhanovites * The Soviet Critique of Sport *9. The Sport Culture of East Germany: Optimism and the Rationalization of the Body * The Origins of East German Sport Culture * Sport, Play, and the Labor-Leisure Dialectic * The Technological Human of the Future * The Role of Tradition * The Critique of Capitalist Sport *10. Purism and the Flight from the Superman: The Rise and Fall of Maoist Sport * The Origins of Maoist Sport * Maoist Sport Ideology * The End of Maoist Sport *11. Toward the Abolition of "Sport": Neo-Marxist Sport Theory * Historical Background * The Neo-Marxist Critique of Sport * The Frankfurt School on Sport and the Body * Notes * Bibliography * Index

Sport and political ideology.

Abstract: * Acknowledgments *1. Sport in the Age of Ideology * Sport and Ideology * The Symbolic Power of Sport * Sport and Ideological Differentiation * Blood Sport as an Ideological Variable * A Postscript on Ideology and American Sport *2. The Labor-Leisure Dialectic and the Origins of Ideology * The Problem of Origins * The Marxists and Prehistory * The Marxists on Labor and Play * The Conservatives and Prehistory * Johan Huizinga and Josef Pieper versus the Marxists * The Metaphysical Roots of the Quarrel *3. The Body as an Ideological Variable: Sportive Imagery of Leadership and the State * Theoretical Introduction * Narcissistic Types of Body Display * Sportive Imagery and the Leader: The Fascist Political Athlete * Sportive Imagery and the Leader: Marxism's Renunciation of the Political Athlete * Sportive Images of the State: Toward a Fascist Style * Marxism's Renunciation of the Sportive (Organic) State *4. The Political Psychologies of the Sportive and Antisportive Temperaments * Fascism and the Sportive Temperament * Nietzsche and the Authority of the Body * Fascist Style and Sportive Manhood * Sport and the Left Intellectuals * Virility and the Left * What Marx Did Not Know *5. From Amateurism to Nihilism: Sport, Cultural Conservatism, and the Critique of Modernity * Sport and the Intellectuals * An Early Sociology of Sport * Ambivalent Liberalism: Sport and Rational Planning * Radical Disillusion: Sport and the Spiritual Vacuum *"Christian Fatalism": Sport and the Decline of Values * Aristocratic Vitalism: Culture and the Sportive Style of Life * The Critique of the Spectator *6. Nazi Sport Theory: Racial Heroism and the Critique of Sport * The Doctrine of the Body * The Nazi Critique of Sport * A Comparative Perspective *7. The Origins of Socialist Sport: Marxist Sport Culture in the Years of Innocence * Early Soviet Sport Ideology * The Workers' Sport Movement in Germany, 1893-1933 *8. Sport in the Soviet Union: Stalinization and the New Soviet Athlete * Sport, Labor, and the New Soviet Man * The New Stakhanovites * The Soviet Critique of Sport *9. The Sport Culture of East Germany: Optimism and the Rationalization of the Body * The Origins of East German Sport Culture * Sport, Play, and the Labor-Leisure Dialectic * The Technological Human of the Future * The Role of Tradition * The Critique of Capitalist Sport *10. Purism and the Flight from the Superman: The Rise and Fall of Maoist Sport * The Origins of Maoist Sport * Maoist Sport Ideology * The End of Maoist Sport *11. Toward the Abolition of "Sport": Neo-Marxist Sport Theory * Historical Background * The Neo-Marxist Critique of Sport * The Frankfurt School on Sport and the Body * Notes * Bibliography * Index

Field Experience, Ideology, and the Development of Critical Reflectivity:

Abstract: A paradox currently exists for many programs of teacher preparation because of two apparently oppositional tendencies. First, within programs which prepare future teachers, there is an increasing amount of attention being given to field work of various types, as appropriate training for those about to enter the profession of teaching; second, there has been a growing commitment to provide more than a vocational training experience for prospective teachers, so that students in teacher preparation programs may be encouraged to examine educational issues, ideas, and practices from a critical, foundational perspective (Beyer & Zeichner, 1982). We will explore in this paper: a) how these tendencies conflict; b) the educational and ideological parameters of such conflicts and why these are important ; and c) how the tendencies which form the basis for this paradox may be realigned so that a critically oriented, reflective approach to teacher preparation may be enhanced.

Sport, Culture and Ideology

Abstract: Sport, Culture and Ideology (RLE Sports Studies)-Jennifer Hargreaves 2014-04-24 Sport celebrates basic human values of freedom, justice and courage. This collection of essays probes beneath those assumptions in order to illuminate how sport is intimately related to power and domination. Topics include the media treatment of sport, drug-taking in sport and the controversial and problematic relationship between sport and politics in Russia and South Africa.

Media Hegemony: A Failure of Perspective

Abstract: Numerous studies of TV news have been published since Gans's (1972) call for more research on the mass media. A central issue underlying much of this research is control and dominance of the news process. This essay analyzes the logical and empirical adequacy of media hegemony as an explanation of ideological dominance. Analysis of recent research shows that some researchers have uncritically adapted the "dominant ideology thesis" of media hegemony to studies of TV news and have overlooked findings which challenge their claims about (1) the socialization and ideology of journalists, (2) whether news reports perpetuate the status quo, and (3) the nature and extent of international news coverage. Despite the shortcomings of the concept of media hegemony, efforts should continue to develop an empirically sound theoretical perspective for locating the news process in a broader societal context. David L. Altheide is Professor in the Center for the Study of Justice, Arizona State University, and Field Research Director, Center for Urban Studies. The author gratefully acknowledges the comments of John M. Johnson, Kurt Lang, and anonymous reviewers. Another version of this paper was presented at the Annual Meeting of the American Sociological Association, San Francisco, September 1982. Public Opinion Quarterly Vol. 48:476-490 ?) 1984 by the Trustees of Columbia University Published by Elsevier Science Publishing Co., Inc 0033-362X/84/0048-476/$2.50 This content downloaded from 207.46.13.117 on Sun, 23 Oct 2016 04:28:52 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms MEDIA HEGEMONY: A FAILURE OF PERSPECTIVE 477 systematically supported. Data will be presented to indicate that (1) journalists are not uniformly socialized into the dominant ideology, nor are most elite journalists supportive of conservative values and ideology; (2) journalistic reports do not routinely perpetuate the status quo, but have been agents of change in a number of instances; and (3) foreign affairs reporting on television is more extensive than has been assumed, and many of these reports are sympathetic with Third World movements as well as critical of the role the United States has played in these countries. Hegemony and Critical Theory As recently articulated by Antonio Gramsci (1971), media hegemony refers to the dominance of a certain way of life and thought and to the way in which that dominant concept of reality is diffused throughout public as 'well as private dimensions of social life. The contemporary definition of hegemony is conceptually rooted in the Marxist view of the economic foundations of a society as the most important shapers of culture, values, and ideology; the ruling classes who control the economic structures and institutions of society also control its political and primary ideological institutions (Marx and