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Showing papers on "Ideology published in 1985"


Book
01 Jan 1985
TL;DR: In this article, the traditional state: Bureaucracy, Class, Ideology, Administrative Power, Internal Pacification, Citizenship, and Class, Sovereignty and Citizenship are discussed.
Abstract: Introduction. 1. State, Society and Modern History. 2. The Traditional State: Domination and Military Power. 3. The Traditional State: Bureaucracy, Class, Ideology. 4. The Absolutist State and the Nation--State. 5. Capitalism, Industrialism and Social Transformation. 6. Capitalism and the State: From Absolutism to the Nation--State. 7. Administrative Power, Internal Pacification. 8. Class, Sovereignty and Citizenship. 9. Capitalist Development and the Industrialization of War. 10. Nation--States in the Global State System. 11. Modernity, Totalitarianism and Critical Theory. Notes. Bibliography. Index.

1,351 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: The very relationship between sexual reproduction and social subject-production, the dynamic nineteenth-century topos of feminism-in-imperialism, remains problematic within the limits of Shelley's text and, paradoxically, constitutes its strength as mentioned in this paper.
Abstract: The contemporary writer like Jean Rhys reveals the limitations of Western feminism in the way that the dissenting voice of the colonized woman is silenced through Christophine's 'expulsion' from Wide Sargasso Sea. The very relationship between sexual reproduction and social subject-production, the dynamic nineteenth-century topos of feminism-in-imperialism, remains problematic within the limits of Shelley's text and, paradoxically, constitutes its strength. Frankenstein is not a battleground of male and female individualism articulated in terms of sexual reproduction and social subject-production. A basically isolationist admiration for the literature of the female subject in Europe and Anglo-America establishes the high feminist norm. The battle for female individualism plays itself out within the larger theatre of the establishment of meritocratic individualism, indexed in the aesthetic field by the ideology of the creative imagination. In a reading such as mine, in contrast, the effort is to wrench oneself away from the mesmerizing focus of the 'subject-constitution' of the female individualist.

1,150 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
Stuart Hall1
TL;DR: The authors assesses Althusser's contribution to the reconceptualization of ideology and argue that these gains opened up a new perspective within Marxism, enabling a rethinking of ideology in a significantly different way.
Abstract: This essay attempts to assess Althusser's contribution to the reconceptualization of ideology. Rather than offering a detailed exegesis, the essay provides some general reflections on the theoretical gains flowing from Althusser's break with classical Marxist formulations of ideology. It argues that these gains opened up a new perspective within Marxism, enabling a rethinking of ideology in a significantly different way.

1,035 citations


Book
01 Jan 1985
TL;DR: This chapter discusses Dialectics as a Social Product and the Social Product of Science, the Problem of Lysenkoism, and the Organism as the Subject and Object of Evolution.
Abstract: Introduction 1. On Evolution Evolution as Theory and Ideology Adaptation The Organism as the Subject and Object of Evolution 2. On Analysis The Analysis of Variance and the Analysis of Causes Isidore Nabi on the Tendencies of Motion Dialectics and Reductionism in Ecology 3. Science as a Social Product and the Social Product of Science The Problem of Lysenkoism The Commoditizatjon of Science The Political Economy of Agricultural Research Applied Biology in the Third World The Pesticide System Research Needs for Latin Community Health What Is Human Nature? Conclusion: Dialectics Bibliography Index

979 citations


Book
01 Jan 1985
TL;DR: In this article, the authors present an explanation and dialectical approach to economics and philosophy and economics, with a focus on exploitation, freedom, and justice, and a theory of history.
Abstract: Preface and acknowledgments Introduction 1. Explanation and dialectics Part I. Philosophy and Economics: 2. Philosophical anthropology 3. Economics 4. Exploitation, freedom and justice Part II. Theory of History: 5. Modes of production 6. Classes 7. Politics and the state 8. Ideologies 9. Capitalism, communism and revolution Conclusion references Index of names index of subjects.

791 citations


Book
01 Jan 1985
TL;DR: The state-of-the-art work on political history of political thought can be found in this paper, where Tucker on Burke, Locke and Price, and Tucker's analysis of the French Revolution are discussed.
Abstract: 1. Introduction: the state of the art Part I: 2. Virtues, rights and manners: a model for historians of political thought 3. Authority and property: the question of liberal origins 4. 1776: the revolution against parliament Part II: 5. Modes of political and historical time in early eighteenth-century England 6. The mobility of property and the rise of eighteenth-century sociology 7. Hume and the American Revolution: the dying thoughts of a North Briton 8. Gibbon's Decline and Fall and the world view of the late enlightenment 9. Josiah Tucker on Burke, Locke and Price: a study in the varieties of eighteenth-century conservatism 10. The political economy of Burke's analysis of the French Revolution Part III: 11. The varieties of Whiggism from exclusion to reform: a history of ideology and discourse Index.

441 citations


Book
01 Jan 1985
TL;DR: The 1983 General Election as discussed by the authors showed that the decline of class voting was due to the lack of housing and insufficient education and occupation of the working class, and this was the case for the majority of the voters.
Abstract: The 1983 General Election. Class and politics. The decline of class voting? Housing. Education and occupation. Neighbourhood, region and vote. Policies. Ideology. Ideological change in the electorate. Ideological change in the parties. Competence and fairness. Conclusions. Appendices. Index.

425 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: Using sociolinguistic concepts of status and solidarity and empirical evidence from Catalonia and other community studies, the authors argues that the emphasis by reproduction theorists on formal institutions such as the school is misplaced, and that the structuralist representation of dominant, hegemonic ideologies as impenetrable does not capture the reality of working-class and minority community practices.
Abstract: Although the social theory behind sociolinguistics is in need of explicit formulation and critique, basic insights from the field can be of considerable value in addressing current debates concerning social reproduction. Using sociolinguistic concepts of status and solidarity and empirical evidence from Catalonia and other community studies, this paper argues that the emphasis by reproduction theorists on formal institutions such as the school is misplaced, and that the structuralist representation of dominant, hegemonic ideologies as impenetrable does not capture the reality of working-class and minority community practices. Attention to sociolinguistic evidence by social theorists could advance the understanding of hegemonic and oppositional cultural practices in the maintenance of social inequality. [Spain, language variation, sociolinguistic theory, cultural hegemony, social reproduction]

382 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: This paper argued that the orderliness of interactions depends in part upon such naturalized ideologies, and that denaturalization involves showing how social structures determine properties of discourse, and how discourse in turn determines social structures.

377 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this article, a set of estimates of state partisanship and ideology were derived from aggregating CBS News-New York Times polls at the state level using over 76,000 respondents.
Abstract: The study of state politics has suffered because of the lack of good data on major political orientations at the state level. This paper briefly discusses this problem and the need for survey-based measures, and then presents sets of estimates of state partisanship and ideology. These are derived from aggregating CBS News-New York Times polls at the state level. Using fifty-one polls taken from 1974 through 1982, our estimates are based on over 76,000 respondents. The estimates are shown to have good overall validity and reliability, and should prove valuable in studies of comparative state elections and policymaking.

319 citations


Book
01 Jan 1985
TL;DR: In this paper, a collection of closely interrelated essays, Robert Young emphasizes the scope of the nineteenth-century debate on'man's place in nature' at the same time as he engages with the approaches of scholars who write about it.
Abstract: In this collection of closely interrelated essays, Robert Young emphasizes the scope of the nineteenth-century debate on 'man's place in nature' at the same time as he engages with the approaches of scholars who write about it. He is critical of the separation of the writing of history from writing about history, historiography, and of the separation of history from politics and ideology, then or now. Dr Young challenges fellow historians for reimposing the very disciplinary boundaries that the nineteenth-century debate showed were in the service of ideological forces in that culture. Rather, he proposes that the full weight of the contending forces should be made apparent and debated openly so that neither nineteenth-century nor contemporary issues about the role of science in culture should be treated in a narrow perspective.

Journal ArticleDOI
Richard Peet1
TL;DR: In this paper, three elements of late nineteenth century society are examined: imperialism as the urgent moment of sociopolitical necessity, Social Darwinism as compelling ideology of an imperial capitalism, and environmental determinism as first version of modern geography.
Abstract: Three elements of late nineteenth century society are examined: imperialism as the urgent moment of sociopolitical necessity, Social Darwinism as compelling ideology of an imperial capitalism, and environmental determinism as first version of modern geography. To legitimate imperial conflict and conquest, sociological principles were derived from biology using the methodological linking device of the organismic analogy. Fundamental differences between humans and the rest of nature could not be comprehended within this methodology. Though aimed at a science of society. Social Darwinism in general and environmental determinism as its geographic version were forced to assume a quasi-scientific form in racism, and nature was given a causal power that could not be scientifically justified. Marxism, by comparison, provides a theoretical basis for scientifically comprehending the relations between nature, production, and society. Following Social Darwinism rather than Marxism prevented geography from ac...

Book
27 Nov 1985
TL;DR: Clark as mentioned in this paper presented a survey of the period between the Glorious Revolution and the Reform Bill to outline some general explanations of England as an ancien-regime state, dominated politically, culturally and ideologically by the three pillars of an early-modern social order: monarchy, aristocracy, and church.
Abstract: This book is the first survey of the period between the Glorious Revolution and the Reform Bill to attempt to outline some general explanations of England as an ancien-regime state, dominated politically, culturally and ideologically by the three pillars of an early-modern social order: monarchy, aristocracy, church. In this schematic study, which stems from his earlier work on party-politics in these years, Dr Jonathan Clark combines techniques of analysis, historiographical review and narrative to produce a new and challenging synthesis of political ideology, religion, psephology, social structure and cultural hegemony. In its major reinterpretations of such diverse subjects as the wider impact of economic growth, the nature of the social hierarchy, Jacobitism, the Church of England, radicalism, Edmund Burke and the Reform Bill, this study has much to offer to students and senior historians alike.


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this article, an alternative to Skocpol's conception of ideology is presented, and demonstrated how this alternative conception can help to illuminate the history of the French Revolution, and concludes with some suggestions for future comparative studies of revolutions.
Abstract: This article was inspired – perhaps I should say provoked – by Theda Skocpol's States and Social Revolutions . I believe that her book deserves the general acclaim it has received as a model of comparative historical analysis and as a brilliant contribution to the sociology of revolutions. But I also believe that Skocpol's treatment of the role of ideology in revolution is inadequate. This article begins by developing an alternative to Skocpol's conception of ideology, then demonstrates how this alternative conception can help to illuminate the history of the French Revolution, and concludes with some suggestions for future comparative studies of revolutions. Skocpol's goal in States and Social Revolutions is to specify, by means of a comparative historical analysis, the causes and the outcomes of the three great social revolutions of modern times: the French, the Russian, and the Chinese. She analyzes revolutions from what she terms a “non-voluntarist, structuralist perspective,” emphasizing three fundamental structural relations: (1) between classes (especially landlords and peasants), (2) between classes and states, and (3) between different states in international relations. To summarize a very complex and subtle argument, Skocpol sees a particular combination of conditions as being conducive to social revolution: (1) well-organized and autonomous peasant communities, (2) a dominant class of absentee agricultural rentiers who are highly dependent on the state, and (3) a semibureaucratized state that falls behind in military competition with rival states.

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: This paper examined the effect of political attributes on the provision of basic human needs, including the size or strength of the national government, the achievement of democratic processes, and the ideological orientation of ruling elites along a left-right dimension.
Abstract: This study examines ways that political processes influence the provision of basic human needs once the effects of aggregate national wealth are removed. Three general explanatory approaches are examined. These are based on the size or strength of the national government, the achievement ofdemocratic processes, and the ideological orientation ofruling elites along a left-right dimension. These three approaches are analyzed by regressing an index of physical well-being, the PQLI, on measures drawn from each perspective for a sample of 1 16 contemporary nations. The findings indicate that political attributes do indeed have an impact on the provision of basic needs even when controlling for aggregate social wealth. Democratic processes are related to positive welfare outcomes irrespective of state strength and ideological norms. For regimes with a roughly centrist ideology, state strength appears to make little noticeable difference one way or another; for those on the left, state strength promotes welfare performance; for those on the right, state strength is found to inhibit the provision of basic needs. How do political processes affect the welfare of individuals? This question in countless variants has motivated students of political economy at least since the advent of the modern nation-state. In its simplest form, the empirical question becomes "What kind of state achieves the highest level of welfare for its citizens?" Although it may seem that there are as many answers as possible dimensions of states, most analyses have centered on one (or more) of three general explanatory approaches. The first focuses on the size or strength of the state apparatus as the essential ingredient in translating productive potential into welfare outcomes. Successful welfare performance hinges on the capability of the state, because the state is considered the one social institution concerned with the material needs of the population as a whole. A second model highlights procedural aspects of the political system rather than the budgetary strength of the state by linking successful welfare outcomes to the relatively even distribution of political power brought about by political democracy. The third approach is distinguished from the other two by its emphasis on the ideological orientation (usually on a left-right continuum) of ruling elites. This model posits welfare

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: This paper examined the effects of partisanship, ideological identification and policy preferences on the presidential vote in 1980 within the "levels of conceptualization" and concluded that when ideological sentiment is supported by the level of sophistication required to merit classification as an "ideologue" it has a substantial impact on candidate choice.
Abstract: The debate over the extent of ideological awareness in the American electorate has been characterized as an argument over whether the "ideology glass" is half empty or half full. This characterization results from the fact that analyses to date have employed various alternative indicators of ideology in isolation from each other. This paper presents an integrated assessment of ideological thinking in the American electorate. Specifically, it examines the effects of partisanship, ideological identification and policy preferences on the presidential vote in 1980 within the "levels of conceptualization." It concludes that when ideological sentiment is supported by the level of sophistication required to merit classification as an "ideologue" it has a substantial impact on candidate choice. Under all other conditions its impact is marginal, at best.


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: The authors compare class, partisan, and ideological schemata in terms of cognitive content and utility in discriminating among political policies and President Reagan's positions on the issues, and find that rich-poor class schema provides most respondents with a mechanism for dealing effectively with "spend-save" type issues, while both the "Republican-Democrat" partisan schema and the "liberal-conservative" ideological schema provide sophisticated respondents with an effective cognitive framework for dealing with both spend-save issues and the more abstract noneconomic policies.
Abstract: Given the complexity and ambiguity ofthings political, there are many ways to think about government and politics. The authors compare class, partisan, and ideological schemata in terms of cognitive content and utility in discriminating among political policies and President Reagan's positions on the issues. The "rich-poor" class schema is found to provide most respondents with a mechanism for dealing effectively with "spend-save" type issues, while both the "Republican-Democrat" partisan schema and the "liberal-conservative" ideological schema provide sophisticated respondents with an effective cognitive framework for dealing with both spend-save issues and the more abstract noneconomic policies. It is fast becoming an article of faith in the groves of academe that God so loved physicists She gave them all the simple problems, leaving the rest of us with what are called "interesting questions," the hallmarks of which are disagreements over concepts, disputes about measures, and counterarguments to every interpretation. Nowhere is the controversial nature of political science more evident than in the literature on belief systems, in particular the role of ideology. Although the conceptual and methodological problems with ideological belief systems are serious enough for Bennett (1977) to have called for a moratorium on empirical research pending the

Book
01 Nov 1985
TL;DR: McDonald as mentioned in this paper reconstructs the intellectual world of the Founding Fathers including their understanding of law, history political philosophy, and political economy, and their firsthand experience in public affairs and analyzes their behavior in the Constitutional Convention of 1787 in light of that world.
Abstract: This is the first major interpretation of the framing of the Constitution to appear in more than two decades. Forrest McDonald, widely considered one of the foremost historians of the Constitution and of the early national period, reconstructs the intellectual world of the Founding Fathers including their understanding of law, history political philosophy, and political economy, and their firsthand experience in public affairs and then analyzes their behavior in the Constitutional Convention of 1787 in light of that world. No one has attempted to do so on such a scale before. McDonald's principal conclusion is that, though the Framers brought a variety of ideological and philosophical positions to bear upon their task of building a "new order of the ages," they were guided primarily by their own experience, their wisdom, and their common sense. "A witty and energetic study of the ideas and passions of the Framers." "New York Times Book Review" "Bristles with wit and intellectual energy." "Christian Science Monitor" "A masterpiece. McDonald's status as an interpreter of the Constitution is unequalled magisterial." "National Review""


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: Archaeologists, as explorers and discoverers, have maintained the myth of objective research far longer than have researchers in other social science disciplines as discussed by the authors and are becoming aware that our notions of the past, our epistemologies, our research emphases, the methods we employ in our research, and the interpretations we bring to and distill from our investigations, are far from value-neutral.
Abstract: Archaeologists, as explorers and discoverers, have maintained the myth of objective research far longer than have researchers in other social science disciplines. Focused on action, the “cowboys of science” (Alaskan bumper sticker 1981) have dabbled little in self-reflective criticism. Now at 50, however, the discipline is becoming aware that our notions of the past, our epistemologies, our research emphases, the methods we employ in our research, and the interpretations we bring to and distill from our investigations, are far from value-neutral.

Book
01 Jan 1985
TL;DR: Democracy and anthropology the seven families community authority the two forms of individualism endogamy asymmetry asymmetry anomie African systems as discussed by the authors, and the seven family community authority.
Abstract: Democracy and anthropology the seven families community authority the two forms of individualism endogamy asymmetry anomie African systems.


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: This paper used exchange theory to explain the conflict between family ideology and structural conditions: in general, black women fail to marry or remain married when the costs outweigh the benefits of the relationship.
Abstract: The family ideology of black Americans is compared with actualfamily arrangements and lifestyles. Dissonance between the two is explained by the intervention of structural conditions that prevent the fulfillment of normative familial roles by black males. Exchange theory is used to explain the conflict between family ideology and structural conditions: in general, black women fail to marry or remain married when the costs outweigh the benefits

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this article, the authors consider a two-player game between Lenin and the Tsar, who compete for support of coalitions of the population, and the payoff is the probability of revolution, which Lenin seeks to maximize and Tsar seeks to minimize.
Abstract: Revolution is viewed as a two person game, between Lenin and the Tsar, who compete for support of coalitions of the population. The payoff is the probability of revolution, which Lenin seeks to maximize and the Tsar to minimize. Lenin's strategies are income distribution proposals; the Tsar's strategies are lists of penalties which members of the population will pay should they join Lenin and their bid for revolution fail. The probabilities of revolution depend on the strategies which the two revolutionary entrepreneurs propose. There is an equilibrium pair of strategies; the task is to study what properties it has. In particular, it is shown that various "tyrannical" aspects of the Tsar's strategy, and "progressive" aspects of Lenin's strategy need not flow from ideological precommitments, but are simply good optimizing behavior, given their respective goals in this game. Thus apparently ideological positions of Lenin and the Tsar are provided with microfoundations of a sort. The paper thus aims to: (i) study revolutions as strategic games, and more generally to (ii) be a case study of the rational evolution of apparently ideological behavior. 1. INTROI)UCTION REVOLUTIONS HAVE BEEN VIEWED by social scientists and historians, for the most part, as largely inexplicable events. According to the "logic of collective action" (Olson [4]) the free rider problem should prevent each participant from joining in a revolutionary struggle. The side payments which might overcome such self-interested behavior are generally not offered in revolutionary situations. Rosa Luxemburg wrote of the psychology of the mass strike which made revolutionary events possible (Luxemburg [2]): contemporary students of rational action might characterize that psychology as the adoption, by the participants, of assurance game preferences in contrast to prisoner dilemma game preferences (Sen [7]). In the assurance game, an agent would rather "cooperate" (in this case "revolt") if others do, rather than take a free ride. Economists, when they consider revolutions at all, view them as exogenous events, perhaps because they are so difficult to explain from rational self-interested behavior. Sociologists and political scientists have described which classes tend to be revolutionary (as opposed to reformist) in historical situations (for instance, Paige [6]), Skocpol [8], Stinchcombe [9]); these works show that any understanding of the "formation of revolutionary preferences" must be deeply rooted in the specifics of how the people involved earn their livelihood and how they interact. The present paper does not study these sociological aspects of the revolutionary situation; indeed, the sociology is taken as given and is embedded in various probability functions which are postulated. Nor do different production classes exist here, in the sense of groups of agents relating differently to the means of production. (I will, however, refer to different income classes in the paper.) Revolution is treated here as an allocation problem, a redistribution problem. The key actors upon whom attention will be focused are not the masses of people,

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: The authors argued that clinical psychology cannot claim scientific or moral respectability as long as it continues to take an uncritical position on Apartheid, which adversely affects mental well-being of most South Africans through its generation of stress situations unique to this society.
Abstract: Clinical psychology in South Africa, with few exceptions, has been unresponsive to its socio-political context. Attempts by certain authors to make their work relevant to the South African context are examined. Their adherence to a non-critical, conservative ideology is suggested as a reason for the lack of a more powerful critical focus. It is argued that Apartheid (or the policy of racial segregation) adversely affects the mental well-being of most South Africans through its generation of stress situations unique to this society. It is further argued that clinical psychology cannot claim scientific or moral respectability as long as it continues to take an uncritical position. South African clinical psychologists can begin to remedy this situation through the development of appropriate research and training, as well as public pronouncement through their professional associations.

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: Sewell as discussed by the authors argues that the notion of ideology as deliberate blueprints for change leaves untouched many of the ways in which ideas may affect the course of revolutions and proposes a much more robust conception of ideology that treats ideology as anonymous, collective, and constitutive of social order.
Abstract: It is a rare pleasure in intellectual life to have one's work confronted in a simultaneously appreciative and challenging fashion I am indebted to William Sewell for offering an analytically sophisticated and historically grounded critique of the way States and Social Revolutions addresses the problem of ideology' He rightly points out that I treated the issues too cursorily and relied upon a notion of ideologies as deliberate blueprints for change that leaves untouched many of the ways in which ideas may affect the course of revolutions Sewell offers instead "a much more robust conception of ideology that treats ideology as anonymous, collective, and constitutive of social order"2 According to Sewell, this way of understanding ideology is consonant with the overall structural analysis of States and Social Revolutions, and it can guide us toward wise questions and answers about the role of ideological transformations in the French Revolution and beyond If States and Social Revolutions "provoked" Sewell to write the preceding article, his able discussion has in turn encouraged me to think through more carefully how the analysis of ideologies should-and should not-be incorporated into future historical and comparative work on revolutions Perhaps surprisingly, given my reputation for "structural determinism," I shall suggest that we need a less "anonymous" approach than Sewell advocates I certainly agree with Sewell that culture is "transpersonal," but I want to register profound reservations about the use of anthropological conceptions of cultural systems in analyzing the contributions made by cultural idioms and ideological activities to revolutionary transformations

Book
01 Jan 1985
TL;DR: In this article, the authors present a study of American literary naturalism as a genre and argue for a redefinition of the form which allows it to be seen as an immanent ideology responding to a specific historical situation.
Abstract: Examining the novels of Frank Norris, Theodore Dreiser, Jack London, and other writers, June Howard presents a study of American literary naturalism as a genre. Naturalism, she states, is a way of imagining the world and the relation of the self to the world, a way of making sense -- and making narrative -- out of the comforts and discomforts of its historical moment.Howard believes that naturalism accomodates the sense of perilousness, uncertainty, and disorder that many Americans felt in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. She argues for a redefinition of the form which allows it to be seen as an immanent ideology responding to a specific historical situation. Working both from accepted definitions of naturalism and from close analysis of the literary texts themselves, Howard consructs a new description of the genre in terms of its thematic antinomies, patterns of characterization, and narrative strategies. She defines a range of historical and cultural reference for the ideas and images of American naturalism and suggests that the form has affinities with such contemporary ideologies as political progressivism and criminal anthropology. In the process, she demonstrates that genre criticism and historical analysis can be combined to create a powerful method for writing literary history.Throughout Howard's study, the concept of genre is used not as a prescriptive straitjacket but as a category allowing the perception of significant similarities and differences among literary works and the coordination of textual analysis with the history of literary and social forces. For Howard, naturalism is a dynamic solution to the problem of generating narrative from the particular historical and cultural materials available to the authors.Originally published in 1985.A UNC Press Enduring Edition -- UNC Press Enduring Editions use the latest in digital technology to make available again books from our distinguished backlist that were previously out of print. These editions are published unaltered from the original, and are presented in affordable paperback formats, bringing readers both historical and cultural value.