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Showing papers on "Ideology published in 1995"


Book
01 Jan 1995
TL;DR: In this paper, the authors propose a dialectical-relational approach to critical discourse analysis in social research, which is based on the New Sociology of Capitalism and Critical Discourse Analysis.
Abstract: General Introduction: Section A Language, ideology and power Introduction 1. Critical and descriptive goals in discourse analysis 2. Language and ideology 3. Semiosis, mediation and ideology: a dialectical view Section B Discourse and social change Introduction 4. Critical discourse analysis and the marketization of public discourse: the universities 5. Discourse, change and hegemony 6. Ideology and identity change in political television Section C Dialectics of discourse: theoretical developments Introduction 7. Discourse, social theory and social research: the discourse of welfare reform 8. (with R Jessop, A Sayer) Critical realism and semiosis Section D Methodology 9. A dialectical-relational approach to critical discourse analysis in social research 10. (with Eve Chiapello) Understanding the new management ideology. A transdisciplinary contribution from Critical Discourse Analysis and New Sociology of Capitalism 11. Critical Discourse Analysis in researching language in the New Capitalism: overdetermination, transdisciplinarity and textual analysis 12. (with Phil Graham) Marx as a Critical Discourse Analyst: The genesis of a critical method and its relevance to the critique of global capital 13. Critical discourse analysis, organizational discourse, and organizational change Section E Political discourse Introduction 14. New Labour: a language perspective 15. Democracy and the public sphere in critical research on discourse 16. (with Simon Pardoe & Bronislaw Szerszynski) Critical discourse analysis and citizenship 17. Political correctness Section F Globalization and 'transition' Introduction 18. Language and Globalization 19. Global capitalism, terrorism and war: a discourse-analytical perspective 20. Discourse and 'transition' in Central and Eastern Europe Section G Language and education Introduction 21. Critical language awareness and self-identity in education 22. Global capitalism and critical awareness of language References Index

7,012 citations


Book
17 Dec 1995
TL;DR: In this paper, a study of the history and contemporary significance of the cultural assumptions that govern our conception of people with disabilities, Lennard J. Davis at once shows how our current notions about the physically disabled came into being, and argues for a whole new way of thinking about disability.
Abstract: In this study of the history and contemporary significance of the cultural assumptions that govern our conception of people with disabilities, Lennard J. Davis argues that thinking the subject remains trapped inside the discourse of "ableist" ideology. Davis at once shows how our current notions about the physically disabled came into being, and argues for a whole new way of thinking about disability. The book surveys the emergence of a cluster of concepts of "normalcy" as these matured in Western Europe and the United States over the past 250 years. Linking such notions to the concurrent emergence of discourses about the nation, Davis shows how the modern nation-state constructed its identity on the backs, not only of colonized subjects, but of its physically disabled minority. In a chapter on contemporary cultural theory, the book explores the pitfalls of privileging the figure of sight in conceptualizing the nature of textuality. And in a treament of nudes and fragmented bodies in Western art, it shows how the ideal of physical wholeness is both demanded and denied in the classical aesthetics of representation. The book re-configures the boundaries of the conceptual universe, inserting disability into the familiar triad of race, class and gender, with results that can only be welcomed by progressives. Lennard J. Davis is the author of "Factual Fictions" and "Resisting Novels".

1,240 citations


Book
24 Jan 1995
TL;DR: In this article, the authors present a multiperspectival cultural studies: Black Voices From Spike Lee to Rap Part II: Media Culture/Identities/Politics 5. Diagnostic Critique, Deconstruction, and Social Anxiety: Fear and Trembling in the Middle Class and Disaffected Youth 4.
Abstract: Preface and Acknowledgments Part I: Theory/Context/Methods 2. Media Culture, Politics, and Ideology: Hollywood Film in the Age of Media Politics 3. Diagnostic Critique, Deconstruction, and Social Anxiety: Fear and Trembling in the Middle Class and Disaffected Youth 4. For a Multiperspectival Cultural Studies: Black Voices From Spike Lee to Rap Part II: Media Culture/Identities/Politics 5. Reading the Gulf War: Production/Text/Reception 6. Miami Vice, Advertising, and the Construction of Postmodern Identities 8. Mapping the Present From the Future: Baudrillard and Cyberpunk Conclusion

950 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this article, a survey of political experts in 42 societies to address three questions about the meaning and importance of left-right ideology has been conducted, including: 1) is the language of left and right still widely used, even in recently democratized countries? 2) do there exist secondary dimensions of political conflict that are orthogonal to the left right dimension? 3) what substantive issues define the meaning of left right ideology?
Abstract: The terms `left' and `right' are widely used to organize party competition and to shape connections between citizens and political parties. Recent and dramatic changes in the world, however, raise important questions about the meaning and importance of left-right ideology. Most notably, the collapse of communism has led to the development of a host of new democracies. And in advanced industrial societies, conflict has emerged over issues like the environment and immigration. This paper draws on a survey of political experts in 42 societies to address three questions raised by these changes. First, is the language of left and right still widely used, even in recently democratized countries? Second, do there exist secondary dimensions of political conflict that are orthogonal to the left-right dimension? Third, and most importantly, what substantive issues define the meaning of left-right ideology? In addition to addressing these questions, we present data on the left-right locations of political parties in...

899 citations


Book
01 Feb 1995
TL;DR: Textual Politics: An Introduction Discourse and Social Theory Discourses in Conflict: Heteroglossia and Text Semantics Technical Discourse as discussed by the authors technical discourse and Technocratic ideology The Social Construction of the Material Subject Discourse, Dynamics, and Social Change Critical Praxis: Education, Literacy, Politics Retrospective Postscript: Making Meaning, Making Trouble
Abstract: Textual Politics: An Introduction Discourse and Social Theory Discourses in Conflict: Heteroglossia and Text Semantics Technical Discourse and Technocratic Ideology The Social Construction of the Material Subject Discourse, Dynamics, and Social Change Critical Praxis: Education, Literacy, Politics Retrospective Postscript: Making Meaning, Making Trouble.

796 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
Abstract: A slogan is born the two neighbours Islam the Marxist failure the successful Umma a contrast between the Abrahamic faiths civil society completes the circle Adam Ferguson east is east and west is west political decentralization and economic decentralization ideological pluralism and liberal doublethink, or the end of the enlightenment illusion modular man modular man is nationalist friend or foe? the time zones of Europe the varieties of nationalist experience easternmost zone resumed a note on atomization the end of a moral order from the interstices of a command-admin system the definition of socialism a new positive definition towards a desirable unholy alliance democracy or civil society historical overview future prospects internal problems the range of options validation?

786 citations


Book
01 Jan 1995
TL;DR: In this article, the authors present Communitarian Ideology and Democracy in Singapore, a history of anti-liberal democracy and the government's motives for repackaging cultural heritage into a national ideology of Asian communitarianism.
Abstract: The economic success of Singapore has established the country as a model for other nations. Yet until now the ideas behind this accomplishment have not been critically examined. Communitarian Ideology and Democracy in Singapore fills this gap. The book outlines the policies the ruling party has adopted over the past three decades. It charts the government's move away from Western concepts towards the evolution of 'Asian democracy'. The author analyses this anti-liberal democracy and the government's motives for repackaging cultural heritage into a national ideology of Asian communitarianism. This book avoids the polarization that has tended to characterise texts on Asian governments. It neither concentrates on a history of authoritarian repression nor unequivocally praises the regime but critically examines its political success. As such it provides a new and balanced account to the student of Singapore politics.

553 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this article, a theory of ideology and its relations with discourse is presented, formulated in the broader framework of critical discourse analysis, and examined how semantic structures of discourse (such as topic, focus, propositional structure, local coherence, level of description, implications and macrostructures) are monitored by underlying ideologies.
Abstract: This article presents fragments of a new, multidisciplinary theory of ideology and its relations with discourse, formulated in the broader framework of a critical discourse analysis. Ideologies are defined as basic systems of fundamental social cognitions and organizing the attitudes and other social representations shared by members of groups. They thus indirectly control the mental representations (models) that form the interpretation basis and contextual embeddedness of discourse and its structures. In this framework, it is examined how semantic structures of discourse (such as topic, focus, propositional structure, local coherence, level of description, implications and macrostructures) are monitored by underlying ideologies, as expressed in opinion articles in the New York Times and the Washington Post.

526 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: Tempered radicals are individuals who identify with and are committed to their organizations, and are also committed to a cause, community, or ideology that is fundamentally different from, and possibly at odds with the dominant culture of their organization.
Abstract: “Tempered Radicals” are individuals who identify with and are committed to their organizations, and are also committed to a cause, community, or ideology that is fundamentally different from, and possibly at odds with the dominant culture of their organization. The ambivalent stance of these individuals creates a number of special challenges and opportunities. Based on interviews, conversations, personal reflections, and archival reports, this paper describes the special circumstances faced by tempered radicals and documents some of the strategies used by these individuals as they try to make change in their organizations and sustain their ambivalent identities.

483 citations


Book
01 Jan 1995
TL;DR: In this article, Gramsci's writings on religion, education, science, philosophy and economic theory are brought together to investigate ideology at its different levels, and the structures which embody and reproduce it.
Abstract: This volume brings together Gramsci's writings on religion, education, science, philosophy and economic theory. The theme that links these writings is the investigation of ideology at its different levels, and the structures which embody and reproduce it. Concepts such as subalternity and corporate consciousness, hegemony and the building of a counter-hegemony necessary for the formation of a new historical bloc, thus recur throughout the book. They complement some of the more overtly political writing published in the 1971 selection from the "Notebooks".

474 citations


DOI
01 Jan 1995
TL;DR: In this article, the authors focus on the expression of ideologies in various structures of text and talk, including pictures, photographs and movies, as well as their reproduction in organizational and institutional contexts.
Abstract: This chapter focuses on the ‘expression’ of ideologies in various structures of text and talk. It is situated within the broader framework of a research project on discourse and ideology which has been conducted at the University of Amsterdam since 1993. The theoretical premise of this study is that ideologies are typically, though not exclusively, expressed and reproduced in discourse and communication, including non-verbal semiotic messages, such as pictures, photographs and movies. Obviously, ideologies are also ‘enacted’ in other forms of action and interaction, and their reproduction is often embedded in organizational and institutional contexts. Thus, racist ideologies may be expressed and reproduced in racist talk, comics or movies in the context of the mass media, but they may also be enacted in many forms of discrimination and institutionalized by racist parties within the context of the mass media or of Western parliamentary democracies. However, among the many forms of reproduction and interaction, discourse plays a prominent role as the preferential site for the explicit, verbal formulation and the persuasive communication of ideological propositions.

Book
01 Jan 1995
TL;DR: Ranciere argues persuasively that realism is itself utopian, and that what has succeeded the polemical forms of class struggle is not the wisdom of a new millennium but the return of old fears, criminality and chaos.
Abstract: It is frequently said that we are living through the end of politics, the end of social upheavals, the end of utopian folly. Consensual realism is the order of the day. But political realists, remarks Jacques Ranciere, are always several steps behind reality, and the only thing which may come to an end with their dominance is democracy. 'We could', he suggests, 'merely smile at the duplicity of the conclusion/suppression of politics which is simultaneously a suppression/conclusion of philosophy.' This is precisely the task which Ranciere undertakes in these subtle and perceptive essays. He argues persuasively that since Plato and Aristotle politics has always constructed itself as the art of ending politics, that realism is itself utopian, and that what has succeeded the polemical forms of class struggle is not the wisdom of a new millennium but the return of old fears, criminality and chaos. Whether he is discussing the confrontation between Mitterrand and Chirac, French working-class discourse after the 1830 revolution, or the ideology of recent student mobilizations, his aim is to restore philosophy to politics and give politics back its original and necessary meaning: the organization of dissent.

BookDOI
TL;DR: Herman as mentioned in this paper explored the political and cultural significance of psychology in post-World War II America and found that psychology has become a voice of great cultural authority, informing everything from family structure to government policy.
Abstract: Psychological insight is the creed of our time. A quiet academic discipline two generations ago, psychology has become a voice of great cultural authority, informing everything from family structure to government policy. How has this fledgling science become the source of contemporary America's most potent ideology? In this groundbreaking book - the first to fully explore the political and cultural significance of psychology in post-World War II America - Ellen Herman tells the story of Americans' love affair with the behavioral sciences. It began during wartime. The atmosphere of crisis sustained from the 1940s through the Cold War gave psychological "experts" an opportunity to prove their social theories and behavioral techniques.Psychologists, sociologists, and anthropologists carved a niche within government and began shaping military, foreign, and domestic policy. Herman examines this marriage of politics and psychology, which continued through the tumultuous 1960s. Psychological professionals' influence also spread among the general public. Drawn by promises of mental health and happiness, people turned to these experts for enlightenment. Their opinions validated postwar social movements from civil rights to feminism and became the basis of a new world view. Fascinating and long overdue, this book illuminates one of the dominant forces in American society.

Book
01 Jan 1995
TL;DR: McAnany's work as discussed by the authors is probably one of the best books ever written about the ancient Maya and certainly one of their most important, and it is a much needed effort to pull together disparate information into a coherent model of ancient Maya society that, without ignoring the elite segment of society, gives due attention to people at the 'grass roots' without whose resources and labor the Maya elite could not have existed.
Abstract: "This is a brilliant book. In fact, it is probably one of the best books ever written about the ancient Maya and certainly one of the most important. . . . The quality and originality of [McAnany's] work have given us a whole new context for consideration and laid the groundwork for a level of discussion unfamiliar to Maya archaeology. I look forward to the exciting dialogs this book will generate." --Journal of Field Archaeology "A much needed effort to pull together disparate information into a coherent model of ancient Maya society that, without ignoring the elite segment of society, gives due attention to people at the 'grass roots' without whose resources and labor the Maya elite could not have existed. It is thus a more holistic account of ancient Maya society than most. . . . This well-written book will repay reading by Mayanists and non-Mayanists alike." --American Anthropologist "A well-developed interpretation of Maya social organization based on the effective integration of diverse sets of data. This volume is a useful addition to the expanding literature on the role of ideology in the development and maintenance of ancient social stratification and centralized authority. [It] also contributes fresh perspectives to discussions of the importance of nonelite strata in Mesoamerican society and related topics, such as the economics of the pre-Hispanic household and the archaeology of domestic structures." --Journal of Anthropological Research

Book
01 Jan 1995
TL;DR: In this article, the authors present an overview of the meaning in motion of the everyday and its relationship with social rules and power, including culture and cultural power, and the active audience.
Abstract: Introduction. 1. Ideology, Consciousness, Hegemony. 2. Social Rules and Power. 3. Culture and Cultural Power. 4. The Active Audience. 5. Meaning in Motion. 6. Itineraries of the Everyday. Notes. Glossary. References. Index.

Book
01 Jan 1995
TL;DR: This article provided an account of the lives of Bhilala adivasis in the Narmada valley who are fighting against displacement by the Sardar Sarovar dam in Western India.
Abstract: This book provides an account of the lives of Bhilala adivasis in the Narmada valley who are fighting against displacement by the Sardar Sarovar dam in Western India On the basis of intensive fieldwork and historical research, this study places the tribal community in the context of its experience of state domination The author challenges current theories of social movements which claim that a cultural critique of the "development" paradigm is writ large in the political actions of those marginalized by "development"--adivasis who lived in harmony with nature, combining reverence for nature with the sustainable management of resources The complexity of adivasi politics cannont be reduced to an opposition between "development" and "resistance" The book forces us to re-examine the politics of representation within the ideology of progressive movements It will be of equal interest to scholars and social activists concerned about development environment, and indigenous peoples

Book
09 Nov 1995
TL;DR: The distinction between nationalism and patriotism has been discussed by Viroli as discussed by the authors, who concludes that it is morally unacceptable to be a nationalist to defend the values that nationalists hold dear.
Abstract: Nationalism and patriotism are two of the most powerful forces shaping world history. Though seen by many as two sides of the same coin, they have come to have widely different connotations. Nationalism is increasingly seen as destructive, and at the root of the world's bloodiest conflicts; patriotism seems something more benign, a political virtue. How are we to mark the distinction between these two phenomena? How can we rescue patriotism from the tainted grasp of nationalism? Reconstructing the historical the meaning of the terms, Maurizio Viroli shows how the two concepts have been used within specific cultural and ideological contexts. He reviews the political though of Italy, England, and Germany and shows how patriotism and nationalism have fundamentally different roots. Professor Viroli concludes that it is morally unacceptable, and indeed unnecessary, to be a nationalist to defend the values that nationalists hold dear. Patriotism, however, is a valuable source of civic responsibility.

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: The authors argue that cultural geography would be better served by following the 'new cultural geography' to its logical conclusion: a recognition that there is no such (ontological) thing as culture.
Abstract: The reconceptualization of 'culture' in the 'new cultural geography' has been important for turning attention to processes, politics and interrelationships with other 'spheres' of social life. But for all the important theoretical and empirical advances this reconceptualization has induced, cultural geography still reifies 'culture' and assigns it an ontological and explanatory status. In this paper I argue that such a reification is a fallacy and that cultural geography would be better served by following the 'new cultural geography' to its logical conclusion: a recognition that there is no such (ontological) thing as culture. I argue instead for a focus on the material development of the idea (or ideology) of culture. Such a further reconceptualization of the object of study in cultural geography may be undertaken in many ways but, by way of example, in this paper I suggest only one: how the idea of culture functions within systems of production and reproduction in the contemporary city. Through this example and the discussion that precedes it, I show that the recognition that there is no such thing as culture allows us better to theorize the workings of power in systems of social reproduction.

Book
17 Jan 1995
TL;DR: Peasant and Nation as discussed by the authors is a major new statement on the making of national politics in Mexico and Peru, comparing the popular political cultures and discourses of post-colonizing Mexico and Perú, Florencia Mallon provides a groundbreaking analysis of their effect on the evolution of these nation states.
Abstract: Peasant and Nation offers a major new statement on the making of national politics. Comparing the popular political cultures and discourses of postcolonial Mexico and Peru, Florencia Mallon provides a groundbreaking analysis of their effect on the evolution of these nation states. As political history from a variety of subaltern perspectives, the book takes seriously the history of peasant thought and action and the complexity of community politics. It reveals the hierarchy and the heroism, the solidarity and the surveillance, the exploitation and the reciprocity, that coexist in popular political struggle. With this book Mallon not only forges a new path for Latin American history but challenges the very concept of nationalism. Placing it squarely within the struggles for power between colonized and colonizing peoples, she argues that nationalism must be seen not as an integrated ideology that puts the interest of the nation above all other loyalties, but as a project for collective identity over which many political groups and coalitions have struggled. Ambitious and bold, Peasant and Nation both draws on monumental archival research in two countries and enters into spirited dialogue with the literatures of post-colonial studies, gender studies, and peasant studies.

Journal ArticleDOI
Robert Brightman1
TL;DR: The authors examine the defects of the culture construct as currently represented in anthropological writing, and discuss in somewhat more detail the characteristics of three critiques of the concept (by James Clifford, Lila Abu-Lughod, and Pierre Bourdieu), and finally reflect on the essentialist ideology at play in the current disciplinary self-consciousness of paradigmatic transition or emancipation.
Abstract: In his article "How Many Revolutions Can a Linguist Live Through?" Hill (1980:74) thus reflected on one by-product of the generativist revolution in linguistics, the critique of the taxonomic phoneme. Hill's lament exhibits a certain topicality for anthropology during a period in which culture, the discipline's longstanding darling, is increasingly embattled. The utility, not to mention the integrity, of the construct of culture-as expounded by Tylor, relativized by Boas, and thereafter refracted through diverse functionalist, ecological, cognitive, transactionalist, structuralist, Marxian, and hermeneutic perspectives-is increasingly being challenged. These recent objections to culture receive both absolutist and historically relativist phrasings, the former holding that the culture concept has been flawed from its inception and the latter that culture-viable enough as a device in earlier historical moments-can no longer engage a world in which social identities, practices, and ideologies are increasingly incongruent and volatile. What I propose to do here, in brief compass, is to examine the defects of the culture construct as currently represented in anthropological writing, to discuss in somewhat more detail the characteristics of three critiques of the concept (by James Clifford, Lila Abu-Lughod, and Pierre Bourdieu), and finally to reflect on the essentialist ideology at play in the current disciplinary self-consciousness of paradigmatic transition or emancipation. The objective is neither to defend the received culture concept from its critics (indeed, most of the criticisms are well founded) nor to articulate a version of the fatigued message that no new critical perspectives exist in the profession today, that "it's all been said" earlier and better. Rather, my purpose is to indicate how

Journal ArticleDOI
John Coopey1
TL;DR: In this paper, it is argued that the learning organization is badly flawed because of its proponents' apolitical assumptions, which leads them to neglect the political activity likely to be encountered in a learning organization, activity which will tend to frustrate the learning aims.
Abstract: Three main criticisms of the 'learning organization' are developed in this paper. First, it is argued that the concept is badly flawed because of its proponents' apolitical assumptions. This leads them to neglect the political activity likely to be encountered in a learning organization, activity which will tend to frustrate the learning aims. Second, while their model allows for greater employee empowerment the amount will probably be relatively modest in real terms. On the other hand, the power of managers, especially those at the apex of the organization, is likely to be enhanced by their privileged access to any extra informational and symbolic resources that are created by individual and collective learning processes. The third, and potentially the most damning, criticism is that the concept of the 'learning organization' is expressed in ways that provide raw material for managerial ideology, potentially constraining the meanings and actions of other employees so that they support the interests of th...

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this article, the authors argue for the usefulness of approaching social movement ideology as a set of cultural resources that can be understood in many of the same ways as are conventional structural resources.
Abstract: This essay argues for the usefulness of approaching social movement ideology as a set of “cultural resources” that can be understood in many of the same ways as are conventional structural resources. One important type of cultural resource is the rhetorical frame with which movements make public political claims. Using a specific substantive example of a cultural resource — rhetoric about the “public good” — I focus on the linkages between collective action frames and the wider cultural repertoire from which movements adapt their meanings. Three ideal-typical versions of public good rhetoric appear: the covenant; the contract; and the stewardshi

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: The caning for vandalism last year of American high school student Michael Fay by the Singaporean authorities underscored the challenge now being put forth by Asian societies to the United States and other Western democracies as mentioned in this paper.
Abstract: The caning for vandalism last year of American high-school student Michael Fay by the Singaporean authorities underscored the challenge now being put forth by Asian societies to the United States and other Western democracies. The issue was not simply whether Singapore, as a sovereign state, had the right to subject an American expatriate to its laws and legal procedures, but a much more fundamental one. In effect, the Singaporeans used the case of Michael Fay to argue in favor of their brand of authoritarianism, charging that American democracy, with its rampant social problems and general disorder, could not be regarded as a model for an Asian society. This claim forms part of a larger argument that Singaporeans, beginning with former prime minister Lee Kuan Yew, have been making for some time now to the effect that Western-style democracy is incompatible with Confucianism, and that the latter constitutes a much more coherent ideological basis for a well-ordered Asian society than Western notions of individual liberty. 1 While Singaporeans have been the most outspoken proponents of this view, many people in other Asian societies, from Thailand to Japan, have come to share their beliefs. The standing of the United States in Asia has already been affected: on the issue of using trade policy to pressure China into bettering its human rights record, Washington had few allies in the region, and it was forced to back down on its threat of withdrawing China's most-favored-nation (MFN) status. Are Confucianism and Western-style democracy fundamentally [End Page 20] incompatible? Will Asia formulate a new kind of political-economic order that is different in principle from Western capitalist democracy? The fact is that there are fewer points of incompatibility between Confucianism and democracy than many people in both Asia and the West believe. The essence of postwar "modernization theory" is correct: Economic development tends to be followed by political liberalization. 2 If the rapid economic development that Asia has experienced in recent years is sustained, the region's democratization will continue as well. In the end, however, the contours of Asian democracy may be very different from those of contemporary American democracy, which has experienced serious problems of its own in reconciling individual rights with the interests of the larger community.

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: This paper examined the ways in which ethnic and institutional relations of power overlap or crosscut, forming constraints which have paradoxical effects, and how individuals use language choices and code-switching to collaborate with or resist these arrangements.
Abstract: The study of language choice and code-switching can illuminate the ways in which, through language, social institutions with ethnolinguistically diverse staff and clients exercise symbolic domination. Using the example of French-language minority education in Ontario (Canada), this article examines the ways in which ethnic and institutional relations of power overlap or crosscut, forming constraints which have paradoxical effects. In an analysis of two classrooms, it is shown how an ideology of institutional monolingualism is supported or undermined by program structure, curriculum content, and the social organization of turntaking, and how individuals use language choices and code-switching to collaborate with or resist these arrangements. The effect of these processes is to contain paradoxes and to produce new relations of power

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this article, the authors use an historical in-depth case study to examine how and why women mobilized against the state in Chile and suggest that the manner in which ideology and cultural themes are framed may provide opportunities for protest, especially in the authoritarian context.
Abstract: While transitions to democracy have been hailed as the most important phenomena of this century, few scholars understand the role that women have played in these metamorphoses. This article uses an historical in-depth case study to examine how and why women mobilized against the state in Chile. Previous social movement theories have not attended adequately to cultural and ideational elements (e.g., gender ideology), much less these factors in the Third World and authoritarian context. In contrast, the present study modifies and extends the concepts of political opportunity structure and collective action frames, suggesting that the manner in which ideology and cultural themes are framed may provide opportunities for protest, especially in the authoritarian context. Specifically, the rise and fall of broader mobilizational frames or master frames shapes how movement-specific frames compete, decay, and transform, as some master frames create space for certain ideas (e.g., feminism) while others do not. New hypotheses regarding the use of collective action frames in a nondemocratic setting are offered.

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: The authors found that political conservatives tend to interpret policy issues in less complex ways than do liberals and moderates, and that ideological preference in that work was systematically confounded with decision makers' status in the groups to which they belonged.
Abstract: Prior studies of integrative complexity indicate that political conservatives tend to interpret policy issues in less complex ways than do liberals and moderates. However, ideological preference in that work was systematically confounded with decision makers' status in the groups to which they belonged. The study reported here varied both factors independently in a content analysis of Supreme Court opinions. In contrast to previous conclusions, results supported a status-contingency model, which predicts higher levels of complexity among members of majority factions than among members of either minority factions or unanimous groups independently of the ideological content of their views

Book
11 Apr 1995
TL;DR: Juteau as mentioned in this paper constructed the categories of race and sex and defined the specific characteristics of racist ideology, including the specific characteristics of Racist Ideology 2. The Practice of Power and Belief in Nature: Part I The Appropriation of Women Part III 10.
Abstract: Preface Introduction: (Re)constructing the Categories of 'Race' and 'Sex': The Work of a Precursor - Danielle Juteau Part I 1. The Specific Characteristics of Racist Ideology 2. The Idea of Race and its Elevation to Autonomous Scientific and Legal Status 3. 'I know it's not nice, but...': The Changing Face of 'Race' 4. 'Wildcat' Immigration 5. The Rapacious Hands of Destiny Part II 6. Race and Nature: the System of Marks 7. Women and Theories about Society: the Effects on Theory of the Anger of the Oppressed 8. Sexism, a Right-wing Constant of any Discourse: a Theoretical Note 9. The Practice of Power and Belief in Nature: Part I The Appropriation of Women Part III 10. The Practice of Power and Belief in Nature: Part II The Naturalist Discourse 11. The Question of Difference 12. Herrings and Tigers: Animal Behaviour and Human Society 13. History, Nature and 'Materialism'

Book
17 Apr 1995
TL;DR: FEMINIST Theory and Law as mentioned in this paper is an approach to Criminology with a focus on women and women's empowerment in the field of law, where women's power, the Sexed Body and Feminist Discourse are discussed.
Abstract: Introduction PART ONE: CRIMINOLOGY Introduction Criminological Theory Its Ideology and Implications Concerning Women Feminist Approaches to Criminology, or Postmodern Woman Meets Atavistic Man PART TWO: SEXUALITY Introduction Legal Subjects and Sexual Objects Ideology, Law and Female Sexuality Law's Power, the Sexed Body and Feminist Discourse Unquestionably a Moral Issue Rhetorical Devices and Regulatory Imperatives Law, Feminism and Sexuality From Essence to Ethics? PART THREE: FEMINIST THEORY AND LAW Introduction Legal Regulation or Male Control? Feminism and the Law Some Problems of Analysis and Strategy Feminist Jurisprudence The Woman of Legal Discourse Proscription, Prescription and the Desire for Certainty? Feminist Theory in the Field of Law Postscript of the 1990s, or 'Still Angry After all These Years'

Book
01 Jan 1995
TL;DR: Langland as mentioned in this paper explores a complex image of femininity in Victorian culture and traces the implications of a profound contradiction: although the home was popularly depicted as a private moral haven, running the middle-class household was in fact an exercise in class management.
Abstract: Victoria's accession to the throne in 1837 coincided with the birth of a now notorious gender stereotype-the "Angel in the House." Comparing the position of real women-from the Queen of England to middle-class housewives-with their status as household angels, Elizabeth Langland explores a complex image of femininity in Victorian culture. Langland offers provocative readings of nineteenth-century fiction as well as a rare glimpse into etiquette guides, home management manuals, and cookbooks. She traces the implications of a profound contradiction: although the home was popularly depicted as a private moral haven, running the middle-class household-which included at least one servant-was in fact an exercise in class management. Drawing on the work of Foucault, Benjamin, and Bourdieu, and of recent feminist theorists, Langland considers novels by Dickens, Gaskell, Oliphant. and Eliot, as well as the memoirs of Hannah Cullwick, a former domestic servant who married a middle-class man. Langland discovers that the middle-class wife assumed a more complex and important function than has previously been recognized. With her substantial power veiled in myth, the Victorian angel mastered skills that enabled her to support a rigid class system; at the same time, however, her achievements unobtrusively set the stage for a feminist revolution. Nobody's Angels reconstructs a disturbing picture of social change that depended as much on protecting class inequity as on promoting gender equality.

BookDOI
TL;DR: In German Nationalism and Religious Conflict as mentioned in this paper, Helmut Walser Smith offers the first social, cultural, and political history of this division, illuminating for the first time the history of the Protestant League as well as the dilemmas involved in Catholic integration into a national culture defined primarily by Protestantism.
Abstract: The German Empire of 1871, although unified politically, remained deeply divided along religious lines. In German Nationalism and Religious Conflict, Helmut Walser Smith offers the first social, cultural, and political history of this division. He argues that Protestants and Catholics lived in different worlds, separated by an "invisible boundary" of culture, defined as a community of meaning. As these worlds came into contact, they also came into conflict. Smith explores the local as well as the national dimensions of this conflict, illuminating for the first time the history of the Protestant League as well as the dilemmas involved in Catholic integration into a national culture defined primarily by Protestantism. The author places religious conflict within the wider context of nation-building and nationalism. The ongoing conflict, conditioned by a long history of mutual intolerance, was an integral part of the jagged and complex process by which Germany became a modern, secular, increasingly integrated nation. Consequently, religious conflict also influenced the construction of German national identity and the expression of German nationalism. Smith contends that in this religiously divided society, German nationalism did not simply smooth over tensions between two religious groups, but rather provided them with a new vocabulary for articulating their differences. Nationalism, therefore, served as much to divide as to unite German society. Originally published in 1995. The Princeton Legacy Library uses the latest print-on-demand technology to again make available previously out-of-print books from the distinguished backlist of Princeton University Press. These editions preserve the original texts of these important books while presenting them in durable paperback and hardcover editions. The goal of the Princeton Legacy Library is to vastly increase access to the rich scholarly heritage found in the thousands of books published by Princeton University Press since its founding in 1905.