Showing papers on "Ideology published in 2000"

Spaces of hope

Abstract: As the twentieth century drew to a close, the rich were getting richer; power was concentrating within huge corporations; vast tracts of the earth were being laid waste; and, three quarters of the earth's population had no control over its destiny and no claim to basic rights. There was nothing new in this. What was new was the virtual absence of any political will to do anything about it. "Spaces of Hope" takes issue with this. David Harvey brings an exciting perspective to two of the principal themes of contemporary social discourse: globalization and the body. Exploring the uneven geographical development of late-twentieth-century capitalism, and placing the working body in relation to this new geography, he finds in Marx's writings a wealth of relevant analysis and theoretical insight. In order to make much-needed changes, Harvey maintains, we need to become the architects of a different living and working environment and to learn to bridge the micro-scale of the body and the personal and the macro-scale of global political economy. Utopian movements have for centuries tried to construct a just society. Harvey looks at their history to ask why they failed and what the ideas behind them might still have to offer. His devastating description of the existing urban environment (Baltimore is his case study) fuels his argument that we can and must use the force of utopian imagining against all who say 'there is no alternative'. He outlines a new kind of utopian thought, which he calls dialectical utopianism, and refocuses our attention on possible designs for a more equitable world of work and living with nature. If any political ideology or plan is to work, he argues, it must take account of our human qualities. Finally, Harvey dares to sketch a very personal utopian vision in an appendix, one that leaves no doubt about his own geography of hope.

Neo-liberalism: policy, ideology, governmentality

Abstract: The term ''neo-liberalism'' denotes new forms of political-economic governance premised on the extension of market relationships. In critical social science literatures, the term has usurped labels referring to specific political projects (Thatcherism, Regeanomics, Rogernomics), and is more widely used than its counterparts including, for example, economic rationalism, monetarism, neo-conservatism, managerialism and contractualism.

Mythicizing and Reification in Entrepreneurial Discourse: Ideology‐Critique of Entrepreneurial Studies

Abstract: This article discusses the effects of ideological control in conventional entrepreneurial discourses and praxis. Following postmodernist, deconstructionist and critical theory traditions, the ideas expressed about the phenomenon of entrepreneurship, and its contiguous notions and concepts, are deconstructed to reveal the dysfunctional effects of ideological control both in research and in praxis. It is shown that the concept of entrepreneurship is discriminatory, gender-biased, ethnocentrically determined and ideologically controlled, sustaining not only prevailing societal biases, but serving as a tapestry for un- examined and contradictory assumptions and knowledge about the reality of entrepreneurs.

Disaffected Democracies: What's Troubling the Trilateral Countries?

Abstract: It is a notable irony that as democracy replaces other forms of governing throughout the world, citizens of the most established and prosperous democracies (the United States and Canada, Western European nations, and Japan) increasingly report dissatisfaction and frustration with their governments. Here, some of the most influential political scientists at work today examine why this is so in a volume unique in both its publication of original data and its conclusion that low public confidence in democratic leaders and institutions is a function of actual performance, changing expectations, and the role of information. The culmination of research projects directed by Robert Putnam through the Trilateral Commission and the American Academy of Arts and Sciences, these papers present new data that allow more direct comparisons across national borders and more detailed pictures of trends within countries than previously possible. They show that citizen disaffection in the Trilateral democracies is not the result of frayed social fabric, economic insecurity, the end of the Cold War, or public cynicism. Rather, the contributors conclude, the trouble lies with governments and politics themselves. The sources of the problem include governments' diminished capacity to act in an interdependent world and a decline in institutional performance, in combination with new public expectations and uses of information that have altered the criteria by which people judge their governments. Although the authors diverge in approach, ideological affinity, and interpretation, they adhere to a unified framework and confine themselves to the last quarter of the twentieth century. This focus--together with the wealth of original research results and the uniform strength of the individual chapters--sets the volume above other efforts to address the important and increasingly international question of public dissatisfaction with democratic governance. This book will have obvious appeal for a broad audience of political scientists, politicians, policy wonks, and that still sizable group of politically minded citizens on both sides of the Atlantic and Pacific.

Authoritarian Governance, Power and the Politics of Rescaling

Abstract: In this paper I critically assess the alleged process of globalisation of the world economy. Five interrelated themes are addressed. First, I argue that the ‘real’ myth of the globalisation discourse is part of an intensifying ideological, political, socioeconomic, and cultural struggle over the organisation of society and the position of the citizen therein. Second, the ‘mythical’ resurrection of the ‘local’ or ‘regional’ scale—both in theory and in practice—is an integral part of the ‘myth’ of globalisation. Third, the preeminence of the ‘global’ in much of the literature and political rhetoric obfuscates, marginalises, and silences an intense and ongoing sociospatial struggle in which the reconfiguration of spatial scales of governance takes a central position. Fourth, the ‘rhetoric’ of globalisation is paralleled by and facilitates the emergence of more authoritarian or at least autocratic forms of governance. Fifth, the proliferation of new modes and forms of resistance to the restless process of det...

The New Institutionalism Contradictory Notions of Change

Abstract: It is suggested that the new institutionalism contains ambiguous and contradictory notions of change. By setting up a model that explains institutional constraints on decision makers, the new institutionalism correctly points out the limits of a rational choice framework of economic decision making. However, by failing to explain the sources and avenues of modifications of those constraints, the new institutionalism is unable to provide a satisfactory explanation of change. Instead, a patchwork of exogenous factors is found, such as technology, culture, and ideology, which feed into institutional change in unclear ways. Those factors for change should be examined directly, rather than through the proxy of institutions.

“I Am Not a Racist But...”: Mapping White College Students' Racial Ideology in the USA:

Abstract: Survey-based research on Whites' racial attitudes in the USA has characterized their views as either `tolerant' or `ambivalent'. We argue that surveys on racial attitudes have systematically underestimated the extent of prejudice in the White population. The legal and normative changes created by the civil rights movement of the 1960s brought a new racial ideology (`color blind racism'), with new topics and a new form. These matters were examined by collecting survey and interview data from college students in three universities. The main findings were that White respondents appear to be more prejudiced in the interviews than in the survey, use a new racetalk to avoid appearing `racist', and that the themes and arguments that they mobilize are congruent with what other analysts have labeled as `laissez faire' or `competitive' racism.

What a Good Idea! Ideologies and Frames in Social Movement Research

Abstract: Frame theory is often credited with "bringing ideas back in" social movement studies, but frames are not the only useful ideational concepts. The older, more politicized concept of ideology needs to be used in its own right and not recast as a frame. Frame theory is rooted in linguistic studies of interaction, and points to the way shared assumptions and meanings shape the interpretation of events. Ideology is rooted in politics and the study of politics, and points to coherent systems of ideas which provide theories of society coupled with value commitments and normative implications for promoting or resisting social change. Ideologies can function as frames, they can embrace frames, but there is more to ideology than framing. Frame theory offers a relatively shallow conception of the transmission of political ideas as marketing and resonating, while a recognition of the complexity and depth of ideology points to the social construction processes of thinking, reasoning, educating, and socializing. Social...

Modernization as Ideology: American Social Science and "Nation Building" in the Kennedy Era

Abstract: Providing new insight on the intellectual and cultural dimensions of the Cold War, Michael Latham reveals how social science theory helped shape American foreign policy during the Kennedy administration. He shows how, in the midst of America's protracted struggle to contain communism in the developing world, the concept of global modernization moved beyond its beginnings in academia to become a motivating ideology behind policy decisions. After tracing the rise of modernization theory in American social science, Latham analyzes the way its core assumptions influenced the Kennedy administration's Alliance for Progress with Latin America, the creation of the Peace Corps, and the strategic hamlet program in Vietnam. But as he demonstrates, modernizers went beyond insisting on the relevance of America's experience to the dilemmas faced by impoverished countries. Seeking to accelerate the movement of foreign societies toward a liberal, democratic, and capitalist modernity, Kennedy and his advisers also reiterated a much deeper sense of their own nation's vital strengths and essential benevolence. At the height of the Cold War, Latham argues, modernization recast older ideologies of Manifest Destiny and imperialism. |Explores how the social science concept of global modernization shaped American foreign policy in the Kennedy administration, from such programs as the Peace Corps and Alliance for Progress to an eventual recasting of Manifest Destiny and imperlalism.

Enlightenment: Britain and the Creation of the Modern World

Abstract: A blind spot? the birth of an ideology clearing away the rubbish print culture nationalising religion the culture of science anatomising human nature the science of politics secularising modernising happiness from good sense to sensibility nature did the mind have a sex? education - a panacea the vulgar the pursuit of wealth reform progress the revolutionary era - "modern philosophy" lasting light?

The coming anarchy shattering the dreams of the post Cold War

Abstract: Our pro forma geopolitical worldview that served for fifty years of the Cold War was thoroughly shattered with the fall of the Berlin Wall and the subsequent collapse of the Soviet Union in 1990 While there is political and ideological discourse about its nature and purpose, it is arguable that the bipolar Cold War world has been replaced by a “new world order” This term is used here descriptively, not prescriptively as some foreign policy gurus might in advocating a particular configuration of power with the United States, or some other power, at its center To describe is not to advocate, and my use of the “new world order,” as is Kaplan’s use of the term “coming anarchy,” is purely descriptive Following my presentation on “the new world order” for faculty at an East African university in the mid-1990s, a faculty member from the university responded He began by stating, “I will have to argue that the current world situation is neither ‘new’ nor ‘worldly’ nor ‘orderly’ Otherwise, I agree with you completely” He went on to suggest that from his East African perspective domination of the international political system by major powers persisted as it had throughout the previous world order, the post-World War II era Change was not “worldly,” ie global, because his part of the world had not seen the profound changes that had transformed first world-second world relationships Finally, with the current disorder in Africa, he concluded that the situation was hardly “orderly” Into this implicit discussion of the nature of the postCold War international system have come several bold descriptions of the nature of the evolving system Three explicit examples were first put forward in journal or magazine articles followed by books that expanded upon the theme (and capitalized upon the substantial intellectual excitement generated by the original publication) First came Francis Fukuyama, formerly of the Reagan State Department and now at James Mason University, with his reassuring

Discourse Theory and Political Analysis Identities, Hegemonies and Social Change

Abstract: 1. Introducing discourse theory and political analysis - David Howarth & Yannis Stavrakakis 2. The political frontiers of the social Argentine politics after Peronism (1955-1973) - Sebastian Barros & Gustavo Castagnola 3. Inter-war French Fascism and the Neo-Socialism of Marcel Deat: The emergence of a 'Third Way' - Steve Bastow 4. New environmental movements and direct action protest: The campaign against Manchester Airport's second runway - Steven Griggs & David Howarth 5. Provisionalism and the (im)possibility of justice in Northern Ireland - Anthony Clohesy 6. The Mexican revolutionary mystique - Rosa Nidia Buenfil Burgos 7. On the emergence of Green ideology: The dislocation factor in Green politics - Yannis Stavrakakis 8. The construction of Romanian social democracy, 1989-1996 - Kevin Adamson 9. Beyond being gay: The proliferation of political identities in Hong Kong - P. Sik-Ying Ho & A. Kat Tat Tsang 10. The secret and the promise: Women's struggles in Chiapas - Neil Harvey & Chris Halverson 11. The difficult emergence of a democratic imaginary: Black consciousness and non-racial democracy in South Africa - David Howarth 12. Democracy as the limit of Kemalist hegemony - Nur Betul Celik 13. Sex and the limits of discourse - Jason Glynos 14. Future trajectories of research in discourse theory: Political frontiers, myths and imaginaries, hegemony - Aletta Norval

Reinventing India: Liberalization, Hindu Nationalism and Popular Democracy

Abstract: When India was invented as a "modern" country in the years after Independence in 1947 it styled itself as a secular, federal, democratic Republic committed to an ideology of development. Nehru's India never quite fulfilled this promise, but more recently his vision of India has been challenged by two "revolts of the elites": those of economic liberalization and Hindu nationalism. These revolts have been challenged, in turn, by various movements, including those of India's "Backward Classes". These movements have exploited the democratic spaces of India both to challenge for power and to contest prevailing accounts of politics, the state and modernity.Reinventing India offers an analytical account of the history of modern India and of its contemporary reinvention. Part One traces India's transformation under colonial rule, and the ideas and social forces which underlay the deliberations of the Constituent Assembly in 1946 to consider the shaping of the post-colonial state. Part Two then narrates the story of the making and unmaking of this modern India in the period from 1950 to the present day. It pays attention to both economic and political developments, and engages with the interpretations of India's recent history through key writers such as Francine Frankel, Sudipta Kaviraj and Partha Chatterjee. Part Three consists of chapters on the dialectics of economic reform, religion, the politics of Hindu nationalism, and on popular democracy. These chapters articulate a distinct position on the state and society in India at the end of the century, and they allow the authors to engage with the key debates which concern public intellectuals in contemporary India.Reinventing India is a lucid and eminently readable account of the transformations which are shaking India more than fifty years after Independence. It will be welcomed by all students of South Asia, and will be of interest to students of comparative politics and development studies.

After post-development

Abstract: Along with 'anti-development' and 'beyond development', post-de- velopment is a radical reaction to the dilemmas of development. Post-develop- ment focuses on the underlying premises and motives of development; what sets it apart from other critical approaches is that it rejects development. The question is whether this is a tenable and fruitful position. Taken up first in this article are major overt positions of post-development-the problematisation of poverty, the portrayal of development as Westernisation, and the critique of modernism and science. The argument then turns to discourse analysis of development; it is argued that, in post-development, discourse analysis from a methodology turns into an ideology. Next the difference between alternative development and 'alternatives to development' is examined. The reasons why this difference is made out to be so large are, in my interpretation, anti-manage- rialism and dichotomic thinking. The article closes with a discussion of the politics of post-development and a critical assessment.

Imperial Ideology and Provincial Loyalty in the Roman Empire

Abstract: The Roman empire remains unique Although Rome claimed to rule the world, it did not Rather, its uniqueness stems from the culture it created and the loyalty it inspired across an area that stretched from the Tyne to the Euphrates Moreover, the empire created this culture with a bureaucracy smaller than that of a typical late-twentieth-century research university In approaching this problem, Clifford Ando does not ask the ever-fashionable question, Why did the Roman empire fall? Rather, he asks, Why did the empire last so long? "Imperial Ideology and Provincial Loyalty in the Roman Empire" argues that the longevity of the empire rested not on Roman military power but on a gradually realized consensus that Roman rule was justified This consensus was itself the product of a complex conversation between the central government and its far-flung peripheries Ando investigates the mechanisms that sustained this conversation, explores its contribution to the legitimation of Roman power, and reveals as its product the provincial absorption of the forms and content of Roman political and legal discourse Throughout, his sophisticated and subtle reading is informed by current thinking on social formation by theorists such as Max Weber, Jurgen Habermas, and Pierre Bourdieu

An Introduction to African Politics

Abstract: The third edition of An Introduction to African Politics continues to be the ideal textbook for those new to the study of this fascinating continent. It gets to the heart of the politics of this part of the world, tackling questions such as: How is modern Africa still influenced by its colonial past? How do strong ethnic identities on the continent affect government? Why has the military been so influential? Why do African states have such difficulty managing their economies? How does African democracy differ from democracy in the West? The result is a textbook that identifies the essential features of African politics, allowing students to grasp the recurring political patterns that have dominated this continent since independence. Features and benefits of the third edition: Thematically organised, with individual chapters exploring issues such as colonialism, ethnicity, nationalism, religion, social class, ideology, legitimacy, authority, sovereignty and democracy. Identifies key recurrent themes such as the competitive relationships between the African state, its civil society and external interests. Contains useful boxed case studies at the end of each chapter, including: Kenya, Tanzania, Nigeria, Botswana, Cote d’Ivoire, Uganda, Somalia, Ghana, Democratic Republic of the Congo and Zimbabwe. Each chapter concludes with key terms and definitions, as well as questions and advice on further reading. Illustrated throughout with images of important political figures, and key moments in African history. Important terms and concepts are explained in a clear and accessible manner and supported by contemporary examples. This expanded, fully revised and updated edition remains the ideal gateway for students seeking to make sense of the dynamic and diverse political systems that are a feature of this fascinating part of the world.

Globalizations and Social Movements: Culture, Power, and the Transnational Public Sphere

Abstract: Globalization is a set of processes that are weakening national boundaries. Both transnational and local social movements develop to resist the processes of globalization--migration, economic interdependence, global media coverage of events and issues, and intergovernmental relations. Globalization not only spurs the creation of social movements, but affects the way many social movements are structured and work. The essays in this volume illuminate how globalization is caught up in social movement processes and question the boundaries of social movement theory.The book builds on the modern theory of social movements that focuses upon political process and opportunity, resource mobilization and mobilization structure, and the cultural framing of grievances, utopias, ideologies, and options. Some of the essays deal with the structure of international campaigns, while others are focused upon conflicts and movements in less developed countries that have strong international components. The fourteen essays are written by both well established senior scholars and younger scholars in anthropology, political science, sociology, and history. The essays cover a range of time periods and regions of the world.This book is relevant for anyone interested in the politics and social change processes related to globalization as well as social-movement theory.Mayer Zald is Professor of Sociology, University of Michigan. Michael Kennedy is Vice Provost for International Programs, Associate Professor of Sociology, and Director of the Center for Russian and East European Affairs, University of Michigan. John Guidry is Assistant Professor of Political Science, Augustana College.

Cultural Power and Social Movements

Abstract: In several ways, Swidler provides a more developed analysis of the relationship between culture and social movements than does McAdam. First, she focuses on the ways culture shapes individual beliefs and desires. Thus, culture provides a means by which people make sense of the world. Second, Swidler examines the ways culture provides repertoires of public symbols that structure the kinds of expected responses that individuals develop from their social interactions. A handshake on first meeting a person could be seen as such a symbol: Failure to shake hands once another has been extended is a deliberate insult. Thus, once they have offered it, most people expect that their hand will be shaken. Such an expectation represents cultural knowledge that exists even when no handshake is ongoing. Such assumptions may shape how a social movement acts even if its members are ideologically divided and its contention with the broader society sharp. Third, Swidler pays attention to the ways social institutions shape movement activities: If official organizations and others try to integrate or co-opt a group, for example, the movement is likely to behave differently than if it faces aggressive, perhaps violent, repression. Culture, then, is more than just the private beliefs of individual group members, and it is more than a set of broad principles that can be used for group purposes. It involves a dynamic interaction that shapes private and public acts together.

Ideologically Structured Action: An Enlarged Agenda for Social Movement Research

Abstract: The conceptual definitions we use in social science often need adjusting to allow scholars to hone in on issues that are obscured under other definitions and to open research agendas. Here it is argued that a focus upon social movements as ideologically structured action accomplishes two objectives. First, it allows us to incorporate cultural/cognitive components of action into our core definition. Second, it helps us to broaden our research agenda to include a deeper and fuller view of socialization to social movement ideology and to social movement-related action that takes place in a variety of institutional arenas, including electoral competition, legislative processes, bureaucratic agencies, and executive ojfces.

Guide to the Study of Religion

Abstract: Part I Descriptions: definition classification comparison interpretation. Part II Explanations: structure exchange social formations rationality cognition origin myth ritual gender sacred manifestation world building body projection depravation stratification intellect ethnicity experience. Part III Locations: modernism romanticism nationalism colonialism postmodernism culture discourse ideology.

What a Good Idea! Frames and Ideologies in Social Movement Research

Abstract: Frame theory is often credited with “bringing ideas back in” to the study of social movements, but frames are not the only useful ideational concepts. In particular, the older, more politicized concept of ideology needs to be used in its own right and not recast as a frame. Frame theory is rooted in linguistic studies of interaction, and points to the way shared assumptions and meanings shape the interpretation of any particular event. Ideology theory is rooted in politics and the study of politics, and points to coherent systems of ideas which provide theories of society coupled with value commitments and normative implications for promoting or resisting social change. Ideologies can function as frames, but there is more to ideology than framing. Frame theory offers a relatively shallow conception of the transmission of political ideas as marketing and resonating, while a recognition of the complexity and depth of ideology points to the social construction processes of thinking, reasoning, educating, and socializing. Social movements can only be understood by genuinely linking social psychological and political sociology concepts and traditions, not by trying to rename one group in the language of the other.

Ideology, politics and language policies : focus on English

Abstract: 1. Preface 2. List of Contributors 3. Ideology, Politics and Language Policies: Introduction (by Ricento, Thomas) 4. Historical and Theoretical Perspectives in Language Policy and Planning (by Ricento, Thomas) 5. Language Policies as Virtual Realities: Two Australian Examples (by Moore, Helen) 6. Language, Ideology and Hindsight: Lessons from Colonial Language Policies (by Pennycook, Alastair) 7. Continuity and Change in the Function of Language Ideologies in the United States (by Wiley, Terrence G.) 8. English in the New World Order: Variations on a Theme of Linguistic Imperialism and "World" English (by Phillipson, Robert) 9. English, Politics, Ideology: From Colonial Celebration to Postcolonial Performativity (by Pennycook, Alastair) 10. Negotiating Ideologies through English: Strategies from the Periphery (by Canagarajah, Suresh) 11. Ideology and Policy in the Politics of the English Language in North India (by Sonntag, Selma K.) 12. Mixed Motives: Ideological Elements in the Support for English in South Africa (by Ridge, Stanley G.M.) 13. References 14. Index

Prophets, Purifiers and Prolocutors Towards a Theory on the Emergence of New Parties

Abstract: The foundation and electoral success of a new party can be attributed mainly to three factors: (1) its political project, which should address problems considered urgent by substantial sections of the electorate; (2) its resources: members, money, management and mass media exposure; and (3) the political opportunity structure: positions of other relevant parties as well as institutional, socio-economic and cultural conditions. These factors, however, affect different types of new parties differently. `Prophetic' parties, which articulate a new ideology, are successful if the ideology can be linked to latent or `subterranean' traditions, provided they can mobilize sufficient resources. `Purifiers', which refer to an ideology that has been betrayed or diluted by established parties, and prolocutors, which represent interests neglected by established parties, depend mainly on the political opportunity structure and specifically the position of established parties with respect to salient cleavages and issues,...

Public pedagogy as cultural politics: stuart hall and the crisis of culture

Abstract: This article argues that Stuart Hall's work provides an important theoretical framework for developing an expanded notion of public pedagogy, for making the pedagogical central to any understanding of political agency, and for addressing the primacy of public pedagogy and cultural politics in any viable theory of social change. Hall's work becomes particularly important not only in making education crucial to the practice of cultural studies, but also in providing a theoretical and political corrective to recent attacks on cultural politics, which cut across ideological lines and include theorists as politically diverse as Harold Bloom, Richard Rorty and Todd Gitlin.

Dare the School Build a New Social Order

Abstract: "Dare the school build a new social order?," George Counts (1932) once asked in the title of his call to educational justice-advocacy. "Yes," Benjamin Barber (1999) once responded to a similar question at a service-learning conference, "but not so bluntly." Barber agreed that the service-learning movement, to achieve its oft-stated goals of social improvement, needed to have something of an activist or advocacy edge, but he argued that such a stance could not be pursued too openly nor aggressively, for fear of losing service-learning's institutional support and academic integrity. Edward Zlotkowski (1996) expresses a similar fear that excessive attention to the ideological aims of justice-advocacy and inculcating moral and civic values in youth will harm the ability to institutionalize service-learning among a broad range of faculty, many of whom look to service-learning as a tool to enhancing classroom learning, pure and simple, without associated concerns for "justice-advocacy" or "inculcating civic morality" (especially those in the less political disciplines, such as biology or engineering). Zlotkowski (1996) argues that service-learning advocates spend excessive energy debating whether service-learning should follow a "charity" model, a "citizenship" model, or even a "justice-advocacy" model, and too little energy on how to make service-learning applicable to a wider range of disciplines. "Unless service-learning advocates become far more comfortable seeing 'enhanced learning' as the horse pulling the cart of 'moral and civic values,' and not vice versa," he fears, "service-learning will continue to remain less visible--and less important--to the higher education community than is good for its own survival" (p. 4). Zlotkowski (1996) further posits that service-learning advocates face some fundamental choices: Do they represent a movement of socially and morally concerned activists operating from an academic base or a movement of socially, morally, and pedagogically concerned academicians? What ultimately takes priority in their discussions and writings: the suitability of moral and civic concepts such as 'charity,' 'citizenship,' and 'justice,' or the pedagogical rationales that allow engineers and dancers as well as sociologists and political scientists to see service-learning as directly relevant to their work? (p. 7) I share Zlotkowski's conclusion that a politically-charged service-learning movement is unlikely to attract the support of a wide range of faculty or to find enduring institutional support. However, considering the depth of the social and political challenge that confronts us, the high purpose of the university to set forth a vision of human improvement, and the educative benefits that will result, it is still vital to push for an activist-oriented, service-learning movement. We must push as hard as possible, while it is possible, for we indeed may expect just what Zlotkowski predicts: an ultimate repeating of the "periodic mortality" that has ended similar social change movements of the past (e.g., the 1900's, the 1930s, the 1960s). The dominant academic culture simply will not adopt the "social activist" bent of much of the service-learning movement, Zlotkowski correctly notes. "I know my faculty colleagues well enough to assert that marching across campus beating even a big drum will not induce most of them to drop what they're doing to join a parade" (1996, p. 26). This is all too true; as before, this kind of reform movement will surely pass. But the most must be made of it while it lasts. A vital task is to push the extant service-learning movement into ever more activist political engagement and courageous social stands. The question should be how to build on the service-learning movement to catalyze a broad educational and social reform movement, how to reassert the role of the university as a source of social critique and progress, and how to educate citizen-students who are able and willing to critically engage a society deeply in need of reform. …

The Radical Aesthetic

Abstract: Introduction: A Case for Rethinking the Category of the Aesthetic. Part I: The Hermeneutics of Suspicion and the 'Problem' of the Aesthetic:. 1. Cultural Materialism and Culturalism. 2. The Aesthetic and the Polis: Marxist Deconstruction. 3. Writing from the Broken Middle - Post Structuralist Deconstruction. Part II: The Poetics of Emotion:. 4. Textual Harassment: the ideology of close reading, or how close is close?. 5. Thinking Affect. Part III: Cultural Capital, Value and a Democratic Aesthetics:. 6. Beyond the Pricing Principle. 7. And Beauty? A Dialogue. Part IV: Feminism and Aesthetic Practice:. 8. Debating Feminisms. 9. Women's Space: Echo, Caesura, Echo. Bibliography.

The Normal American Family as an interpretive structure of family life among grown children of Korean and Vietnamese immigrants

Abstract: This article examines the ways that children of Korean and Vietnamese immigrants describe growing up in their families and their plans for filial care. Based on an analysis of 73 in-depth interviews, this study finds that respondents repeatedly invoked a monolithic image of the "Normal American Family" as an interpretive framework in giving meaning to their own family life. The Family served as a contrast structure in respondents' accounts of parents-and Asian parents in general-as overly strict, emotionally distant, and deficient. However, when discussing plans for filial care, respondents relied on favorable images of the close family ties associated with Asian immigrants, such as those depicted in "model minority" stereotypes. In so doing they generated positive descriptions of their families, particularly in contrast to mainstream American families. The findings suggest that narrow and ethnocentric images of the Family promulgated throughout mainstream culture compose an ideological template that can shape the desires, disappointments, and subjective realities of children of immigrant minorities. Key Words: family ideology, immigrant families, intergenerational relations, Korean Americans, Vietnamese Americans. The use of monolithic images of the "Normal American Family" as a stick against which all families are measured is pervasive in the family wars currently raging in political and scholarly discourses (Holstein & Gubrium, 1995). The hotly contested nature of these images-consisting almost exclusively of White middle-class heterosexualsattests to their importance as resources in national debates. Many scholars express concern that hegemonic images of the Normal American Family are ethnocentric and that they denigrate the styles and beliefs of racial-ethnic, immigrant, gay-lesbian, and single-parent families while encouraging negative self-images among those who do not come from the ideal family type (Bernades, 1993; Dilworth-Anderson, Burton, & Turner, 1993; Smith, 1993; Stacey, 1998; Zinn, 1994). Yet we still know little about how the Family ideology shapes the consciousness and expectations of those growing up in the margins of the mainstream. This study examines the accounts that grown children of Korean and Vietnamese immigrants provide of their family life and filial obligations. The findings suggest that public images of the Normal American Family constitute an ideological template that shapes respondents' familial perspectives and desires as new racial-ethnic Americans. FAMILY IDEOLOGY AS AN INTERPRETIVE STRUCTURE Images of the Normal American Family (also referred to as the Family) are pervasive in the dominant culture-part of a " 'large-scale' public rhetoric" (Holstein & Miller, 1993, p. 152). They are found in the discourse of politicians, social commentators, and moral leaders; in the talk of everyday interactions; and in movies, television shows, and books. Smith (1993, p. 63) describes these ubiquitous images as an "ideological code" that subtly "inserts an implicit evaluation into accounts of ways of living together." Such images serve as instruments of control, prescribing how families ought to look and behave (Bernades, 1985). Most scholarly concern centers on how this ideology glorifies and presents as normative that family headed by a breadwinning husband with a wife who, even if she works for pay, is devoted primarily to the care of the home and children. The concern is that families of diverse structural forms, most notably divorced and female-headed families, are comparatively viewed as deficient and dysfunctional (Fineman, 1995; Kurz, 1995; Stacey, 1998). Scholars concerned about the impact of such images point to those who blame family structures that deviate from this norm for many of society's problems and who suggest policies that ignore or punish families that don't fit the construct (e.g., Blankenhorn, 1995; Popenoe, 1993, 1996). In addition to prescribing the structure of families, the Family ideal contains notions about the appropriate values, norms, and beliefs that guide the way family members relate to one another. …

First Nations? Second Thoughts

Abstract: Controversial and thought-provoking, Tom Flanagan's First Nations? Second Thoughts dissects the prevailing orthodoxy that determines public policy towards Canada's Aboriginal peoples. Flanagan argues that this orthodoxy enriches and empowers a small elite of activists, politicians, administrators, middlemen, and well-connected entrepreneurs, while bringing further misery to the very people it is supposed to help. Over the last thirty years Canadian policy on Aboriginal issues has come to be dominated by an ideology that sees Aboriginal peoples as "nations" entitled to specific rights. Indians and Inuit now enjoy a cornucopia of legal privileges, including rights to self-government beyond federal and provincial jurisdiction, immunity from taxation, court decisions reopening treaty issues settled long ago, the right to hunt and fish without legal limits, and free housing, education, and medical care as well as other economic benefits. Underpinning these privileges is what Flanagan describes as Aboriginal orthodoxy - a set of beliefs that hold that prior residence in North America is an entitlement to special treatment; that Aboriginal peoples are part of sovereign nations endowed with an inherent right to self-government; that Aboriginals must have collective rather than individual property rights; that all treaties must be renegotiated on a "nation-to-nation" basis; and that Native people should be encouraged to build prosperous "Aboriginal economies" through money, land, and natural resources transferred from other Canadians. In First Nations? Second Thoughts Flanagan combines conceptual analysis with historical and empirical information to show that the Aboriginal orthodoxy is both unworkable and ultimately destructive to the people it is supposed to help.

Just schooling : explorations in the cultural politics of teaching

Abstract: How are classroom relations influenced by the language that teachers use and the stories they tell about their students? Just Schooling is an exercise in the cultural politics of teaching. It invites teachers and interested others to rethink what they know about social justice and to rework how they engage in the practices of teaching (what they say and do), particularly in relation to how these influence the lives of students. Informed by a recognitive view of social justice, Just Schooling analyses the various discourses and ideologies mobilized in classrooms that implicitly and explicitly determine what is understood by (i) the nature and centrality of language, (ii) the purposes and meaning of education, and (iii) the diversity of students, particularly with respect to their gender, race and social class but also their learning dis/abilities. Throughout, the authors argue for a democratization of classroom relations, beginning with students' and teachers' personal lives and connecting these with wider contexts, as a way of addressing the advantages and disadvantages traditionally reproduced by schooling.

The visible evidence of cultural producers

Abstract: This review discusses anthropological research that analyzes the practices through which individuals and groups produce music, video, film, visual arts, and theater, and the ideological and institutional frameworks within which these processes occur. Viewing these media and popular culture forms as arenas in which social actors struggle over social meanings and as visible evidence of social processes and social relations, this research addresses the social, political, and aesthetic dimensions of these productions.