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Showing papers on "Ideology published in 2017"


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this paper, the authors focus on another part of the hybrid media system and explore how politicians in four countries (AT, CH, IT, UK) use Facebook and Twitter for populist purposes.
Abstract: Populism is a relevant but contested concept in political communication research. It has been well-researched in political manifestos and the mass media. The present study focuses on another part of the hybrid media system and explores how politicians in four countries (AT, CH, IT, UK) use Facebook and Twitter for populist purposes. Five key elements of populism are derived from the literature: emphasizing the sovereignty of the people, advocating for the people, attacking the elite, ostracizing others, and invoking the ‘heartland’. A qualitative text analysis reveals that populism manifests itself in a fragmented form on social media. Populist statements can be found across countries, parties, and politicians’ status levels. While a broad range of politicians advocate for the people, attacks on the economic elite are preferred by left-wing populists. Attacks on the media elite and ostracism of others, however, are predominantly conducted by right-wing speakers. Overall, the paper provides an in-d...

489 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
John T. Jost1
TL;DR: This article found that significant ideological asymmetries exist with respect to dogmatism, cognitive/perceptual rigidity, personal needs for order/structure/closure, integrative complexity, tolerance of ambiguity/uncertainty, need for cognition, cognitive reflection, self-deception, and subjective perceptions of threat.
Abstract: Individuals are not merely passive vessels of whatever beliefs and opinions they have been exposed to; rather, they are attracted to belief systems that resonate with their own psychological needs and interests, including epistemic, existential, and relational needs to attain certainty, security, and social belongingness. Jost, Glaser, Kruglanski, and Sulloway (2003) demonstrated that needs to manage uncertainty and threat were associated with core values of political conservatism, namely respect for tradition and acceptance of inequality. Since 2003 there have been far more studies on the psychology of left-right ideology than in the preceding half century, and their empirical yield helps to address lingering questions and criticisms. We have identified 181 studies of epistemic motivation (involving 130,000 individual participants) and nearly 100 studies of existential motivation (involving 360,000 participants). These databases, which are much larger and more heterogeneous than those used in previous meta-analyses, confirm that significant ideological asymmetries exist with respect to dogmatism, cognitive/perceptual rigidity, personal needs for order/structure/closure, integrative complexity, tolerance of ambiguity/uncertainty, need for cognition, cognitive reflection, self-deception, and subjective perceptions of threat. Exposure to objectively threatening circumstances—such as terrorist attacks, governmental warnings, and shifts in racial demography—contribute to modest “conservative shifts” in public opinion. There are also ideological asymmetries in relational motivation, including the desire to share reality, perceptions of within-group consensus, collective self-efficacy, homogeneity of social networks, and the tendency to trust the government more when one's own political party is in power. Although some object to the very notion that there are meaningful psychological differences between leftists and rightists, the identification of “elective affinities” between cognitive-motivational processes and contents of specific belief systems is essential to the study of political psychology. Political psychologists may contribute to the development of a good society not by downplaying ideological differences or advocating “Swiss-style neutrality” when it comes to human values, but by investigating such phenomena critically, even—or perhaps especially—when there is pressure in society to view them uncritically.

374 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this paper, a color-blind racial ideology has been conceptualized as an ideology wherein race is immaterial, and efforts not to see race insinuate that recognizing race is problematic.
Abstract: Color-blind racial ideology has historically been conceptualized as an ideology wherein race is immaterial. Efforts not to ‘see’ race insinuate that recognizing race is problematic; therefore, scho...

346 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: The authors found that both more extreme and more conservative individuals tend to be more homophilous than more liberal and more moderate ones, and they also found that more extreme individuals seek out the company of those who reaffirm, rather than challenge, their views.
Abstract: We predict that people with different political orientations will exhibit systematically different levels of political homophily, the tendency to associate with others similar to oneself in political ideology. Research on personality differences across the political spectrum finds that both more conservative and more politically extreme individuals tend to exhibit greater orientations towards cognitive stability, clarity, and familiarity. We reason that such a “preference for certainty” may make these individuals more inclined to seek out the company of those who reaffirm, rather than challenge, their views. Since survey studies of political homophily face well-documented methodological challenges, we instead test this proposition on a large sample of politically engaged users of the social-networking platform Twitter, whose ideologies we infer from the politicians and policy nonprofits they follow. As predicted, we find that both more extreme and more conservative individuals tend to be more homophilous than more liberal and more moderate ones.

288 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: The eHealth Behavior Management Model combines the Transtheoretical Model, the behavioral intent aspect of the Theory of Planned Behavior, and persuasive communication to assist individuals in negotiating the Web toward stage-specific information.
Abstract: The state of democracy in the Global South is marked by a striking paradox: while liberal democracy has attained an ideologically hegemonic position through two so-called waves of democracy, the qualities of such democracies is increasingly called into question The "old" democracies in the global South like Sri Lanka are weakened Democracy deficits have emerged within constitutional and institutional arrangements as well as in political practices Further, the "third wave of democracy" is over "New" democracies like Indonesia have fostered freedoms, privatisation and decentralisation but continue to suffer from poor governance, representation, and participation Hence there are general signs of decline Vulnerable people are frustrated with lack of actual influence and sustained elitism Politicians winning elections often need to foster ethnic and religious loyalties, clientelism and the abuse of public resources Powerful groups and middle classes with poor ability to win elections tend to opt for privatisation and return partially to authoritarian governance Critical questions are therefore asked about the feasibility of democracy in developing country contexts Some observers say it is only a problem of better crafting of institutions Others contend that "full" democratisation was premature in the first place and that necessary preconditions need to be created beforehand This article argues that both positions are based on a narrow and static understanding of democracy While the core elements of democracy are universal, real world democracies develop (or decline) over time and through contextual dynamics; in processes and contexts of actors, institutions and relations of power Therefore, the crucial task is to analyse the problems and options of expanding the historically "early" freedoms and deficient elements of democracy that fortunately exist in spite of poor socio-economic and political conditions in countries such as Sri Lanka and Indonesia rather than giving up on these freedoms until the other conditions have somehow improved This is to advance towards the universally accepted aim of democracy in terms of popular control of public affairs on the basis of political equality; and to be able to use democracy to handle conflicts and alter unequal and unsustainable development

263 citations


Proceedings ArticleDOI
01 Jul 2017
TL;DR: This study examines users’ political ideology using a seven-point scale which enables it to identify politically moderate and neutral users – groups which are of particular interest to political scientists and pollsters.
Abstract: Automatic political orientation prediction from social media posts has to date proven successful only in distinguishing between publicly declared liberals and conservatives in the US. This study examines users’ political ideology using a seven-point scale which enables us to identify politically moderate and neutral users – groups which are of particular interest to political scientists and pollsters. Using a novel data set with political ideology labels self-reported through surveys, our goal is two-fold: a) to characterize the groups of politically engaged users through language use on Twitter; b) to build a fine-grained model that predicts political ideology of unseen users. Our results identify differences in both political leaning and engagement and the extent to which each group tweets using political keywords. Finally, we demonstrate how to improve ideology prediction accuracy by exploiting the relationships between the user groups.

251 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this paper, the authors introduce the concept of organizational political ideology to explain how political beliefs of organizational members shape corporate advances in CSR, and argue that CSR may also result from the values of the larger population.
Abstract: Research summary: Why do firms vary so much in their stances toward corporate social responsibility (CSR)? Prior research has emphasized the role of external pressures, as well as CEO preferences, while little attention has been paid to the possibility that CSR may also stem from prevailing beliefs among the body politic of the firm. We introduce the concept of organizational political ideology to explain how political beliefs of organizational members shape corporate advances in CSR. Using a novel measure based on the political contributions by employees of Fortune 500 firms, we find that ideology predicts advances in CSR. This effect appears stronger when CSR is rare in the firm's industry, when firms are high in human capital intensity, and when the CEO has had long organizational tenure. Managerial summary: Why do firms vary in their stances toward corporate social responsibility (CSR)? Prior research suggests that companies engage in CSR when under pressure to do so, or when their CEOs have liberal values. We introduce the concept of organizational political ideology, and argue that CSR may also result from the values of the larger employee population. Introducing a novel measure of organizational political ideology, based on employees' donations to the two major political parties in the United States, we find that liberal-leaning companies engage in more CSR than conservative-leaning companies, and even more so when other firms in the industry have weaker CSR records, when the company relies heavily on human resources and when the company's CEO has a long organizational tenure. Copyright © 2016 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.

228 citations


Book ChapterDOI
15 May 2017
TL;DR: In this paper, the authors consider some of the concrete themes of Miliband's published work, The State in Capitalist Society, and consider the role of ideology in the functioning of the State apparatus.
Abstract: Ralph Miliband's published work, The State in Capitalist Society, is in many respects of capital importance. Marx concentrated on the economic level of the capitalist mode of production, and did not deal specifically with the other levels such as the State. This chapter considers some of the concrete themes of Miliband's book. The first problem which Miliband discusses, is that of the ruling class, by way of reply to the bourgeois ideologies of managerialism. Another problem that Miliband selects is the of the relation between the ruling class and the State. Indeed in the case of the capitalist State, it can be said that the capitalist State best serves the interests of the capitalist class only when the members of this class do not participate directly in the State apparatus, that is to say when the ruling class is not the politically governing class. One last problem is the role of ideology in the functioning of the State apparatus.

172 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: The authors discuss the growing literature on the impact on established parties’ policies, the policies themselves, and citizens’ behaviour, and future directions for theorizing and research on the populist radical right.
Abstract: This article reviews three strands in the scholarship on the populist radical right (PRR). It covers both political parties and extra-parliamentary mobilization in contemporary European democracies. After definitional issues and case selection, the authors first discuss demand-side approaches to the fortunes of the PRR. Subsequently, supply-side approaches are assessed, namely political opportunity explanations and internal supply-side factors, referring to leadership, organization and ideological positioning. Third, research on the consequences of the emergence and rise of these parties and movements is examined: do they constitute a corrective or a threat to democracy? The authors discuss the growing literature on the impact on established parties’ policies, the policies themselves, and citizens’ behaviour. The review concludes with future directions for theorizing and research.

144 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this paper, the authors propose an empirical definition of political communication style with the aim of identifying characteristics of the populist political communication styles, which are characterized by the presence of populist ideology fragments and traits, but were not strictly related to the leade
Abstract: In the hybrid media system, many processes are reforming political communication: popularisation, disintermediation, personalisation, intimisation and of course populism This study proposes an empirical definition of political communication style with the aim of identifying characteristics of the populist political communication style Between 2015 and 2016, the Twitter timelines of the main political leaders in Italy were analysed for 16 months Applying an MCA allowed us to identify two key factors that characterise the communication styles of leaders: (1) communication mode, comparing negative and positive; and (2) communicative focus, comparing personalisation and political/campaign The intersection of these two factors resulted in four different political communication styles: ‘Engaging’, ‘Intimate’, ‘Champion of the people’ and ‘Man of the street’ The latter two were clearly characterised by the presence of populist ideology fragments and traits, but were not strictly related to the leade

142 citations


Dissertation
17 Jan 2017
TL;DR: The influence of intellectual property rights and proprietary claims surrounding patents are muzzling freedom of thought by corporate interests as discussed by the authors and universities and the freedom of academic researchers to explore their fields have become casualties on this neoliberal battlefield.
Abstract: Academic freedom and freedom of expression are threatened by the corporatised university. As neoliberal policies embed themselves in all aspects of public (if not private) life, freedom of expression and academic freedom are being degraded and denigrated in the university, in the popular press, in the law, and in public life. The influence of intellectual property rights and proprietary claims surrounding patents are muzzling freedom of thought by corporate interests. Universities and the freedom of academic researchers to explore their fields have become casualties on this neoliberal battlefield. This political economy seeks to expose the free market contagion involved with patents, intellectual property, and the university in our postmodern neoliberal era. This is an era that proclaims itself as a new normal: this argument aspires to advance a patently problematic discourse to counter this brave new world and the intellectual pyscho-pharmacology and ideology of neoliberalism.

Book
11 Sep 2017
TL;DR: The relationship between language and world view is explored in this article, where both spoken and written texts can be seen as the sites where tensions between competing discourses, stemming from different social positions and perspectives, are illustrated.
Abstract: This book discusses and explores the relationship between language and world view. David Lee presents recent research in linguistics, drawing together strands from a number of different areas of the subject: the nature of linguistic and conceptual categories, the role of metaphor in the everyday use of language, gender differentiation and social variation in speech. In this study, David Lee considers a broad range of issues in the light of two contrasting views on language. For much of its history, linguistics has been dominated by a tradition which sees individual languages as uniform, homogenous systems. However, there has always been an opposite view emphasising the complex tensions and cross-currents inherent in linguistic usage. This alternative perspective is explored in the analysis of a wide range of literary and non-literary texts: casual conversations, interviews, newspaper reports, official memoranda, television commercials and extracts from novels. The author describes how both spoken and written texts can be seen as the sites where tensions between "competing discourses", stemming from different social positions and perspectives, are illustrated.

Book
20 Sep 2017
TL;DR: Krzyzanowski and Wodak as mentioned in this paper describe a confluence of racism and xenophobia, and show how that union creates a new kind of racism, called ''syncretic'' racism.
Abstract: In many European countries, the extreme right have refined their electoral programmes under the rubric of nationalist-populist slogans and have adopted subtle forms of racism. The move away from overt neo-fascist discourse has, allowed these parties to expand their electoral support as populist nationalist parties. Paradoxically, this has led to an increase in racist and anti-Semitic discourse. In this on-site analysis, Michal Krzyzanowski and Ruth Wodak describe a confluence of racism and xenophobia, and show how that union creates a new kind of racism.The ""new"" racism differs from the older kinds in that it is usually not expressed in overtly racial terms. Instead, the justifications that are typically employed concern protecting jobs, eliminating abuse of welfare benefits, or cultural incompatibilities. The new racism exploits xenophobia rooted in ethnocentrism, male chauvinism, and ordinary prejudices that are often unconscious or routinized. For these reasons, the new racism can be defined as ""syncretic,"" a mixture of many, sometimes contradictory, racist and xenophobic beliefs and stereotypes.Racism as ideology and practice is alive and well. This important book aims to provide understanding of the many socio-political and historical processes involved in such expressions of institutional and individual racism - processes which are not necessarily evident from more overt or traditional expressions of racism. This is an innovative look at the political study of language as well as new instances of race, ethnicity, and class in present-day Europe.

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: This paper explored the connection between the rise of new types of online uncivil discourses and the recent success of populism and found that these discourses progressively normalized the anti-pluralist views across many European public spheres on a par with nativist and exclusionary views now widely propagated by right-wing populist politics in Europe and beyond.
Abstract: This paper explores the connection between the rise of new types of online uncivil discourses and the recent success of populism. While discussions on the upsurge of populism have centred on institutionalised politics and politicians, only limited attention has been paid to how the success of the former and the latter was propelled by developments outside of the political realm narrowly conceived. Our interest is therefore in the rise of uncivil society, especially on the web, and in its ‘borderline discourse’ at the verge of civil and uncivil ideas, ideologies and norms. Those discourses – showcased here on the example of the language on immigration/refugees in Austria and Sweden – have been using civil-to-uncivil shifts in the discursive representations of society and politics. They have progressively ‘normalised’ the anti-pluralist views across many European public spheres on a par with nativist and exclusionary views now widely propagated by right-wing populist politics in Europe and beyond.

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: The authors report on novel mixed-methods research in the UK to develop and test a series of "narratives" to better engage citizens with right-of-centre political views.
Abstract: Political orientation and ideology are amongst the most significant influences on climate change attitudes and responses. Specifically, those with right-of-centre political views are typically less concerned and more sceptical about climate change. A significant challenge remains to move beyond this ideological impasse and achieve a more open and constructive debate across the political spectrum. This paper reports on novel mixed-methods research in the UK to develop and test a series of ‘narratives’ to better engage citizens with centre-right political views. Qualitative work in Study 1 revealed two particularly promising narratives. The first focused on the idea that saving energy is predicated on the ‘conservative’ principle of avoiding waste; the second focused on the advantages of ‘Great British Energy’ (based on patriotic support for domestic low-carbon technologies). An online experiment in Study 2 with a representative UK sample compared these narratives with a more typically left-of-centre narrative focused on the concept of ‘climate justice’ with a representative sample of the UK public. Results indicate that the first two narratives elicited broad agreement and reduced scepticism amongst centre-right participants, while the ‘climate justice’ narrative (which reflects a common environmental message framing) polarised audiences along political lines. This research offers clear implications for how climate change communicators can move beyond preaching to the converted and initiate constructive dialogue about climate change with traditionally disengaged audiences.

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: The authors investigated the relationship between environmental concern and political party affiliation and political ideology and found that political affiliation had a substantial association with environmental concern, as was political ideology (ρ = 0.22) and both relationships could also be corrected for error of measurement and restriction in range.

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this article, the authors introduce experimental research design to the study of policy diffusion in order to better understand how political ideology affects policymakers' willingness to learn from one another's experiences.
Abstract: We introduce experimental research design to the study of policy diffusion in order to better understand how political ideology affects policymakers’ willingness to learn from one another's experiences. Our two experiments–embedded in national surveys of U.S. municipal officials–expose local policymakers to vignettes describing the zoning and home foreclosure policies of other cities, offering opportunities to learn more. We find that: (1) policymakers who are ideologically predisposed against the described policy are relatively unwilling to learn from others, but (2) such ideological biases can be overcome with an emphasis on the policy's success or on its adoption by co-partisans in other communities. We also find a similar partisan-based bias among traditional ideological supporters, who are less willing to learn from those in the opposing party. The experimental approach offered here provides numerous new opportunities for scholars of policy diffusion.

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: This article found substantial variability in individual-level moral foundations across time, and little evidence that these changes account for changes in political attitudes, and they also found no evidence that moral foundations are heritable.
Abstract: Originally developed to explain cultural variation in moral judgments, moral foundations theory (MFT) has become widely adopted as a theory of political ideology. MFT posits that political attitudes are rooted in instinctual evaluations generated by innate psychological modules evolved to solve social dilemmas. If this is correct, moral foundations must be relatively stable dispositional traits, changes in moral foundations should systematically predict consequent changes in political orientations, and, at least in part, moral foundations must be heritable. We test these hypotheses and find substantial variability in individual-level moral foundations across time, and little evidence that these changes account for changes in political attitudes. We also find little evidence that moral foundations are heritable. These findings raise questions about the future of MFT as a theory of ideology.

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: There is evidence that race affects students' learning experiences in mathematics, a subject typically thought of as "race-neutral" and "culture-free" as mentioned in this paper, and there are studies that show that race negatively affects students learning experience in mathematics.
Abstract: Background/ContextThere is evidence that race affects students’ learning experiences in mathematics, a subject typically thought of as “race-neutral” and “culture-free.” Research in psychology and ...

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: For example, this paper found that conservative consumers are less likely than liberal consumers to report complaints and less likely to dispute complaint resolutions, while being more likely to engage in system justification.
Abstract: Political ideology plays a pivotal role in shaping individuals’ attitudes, opinions, and behaviors. However, apart from a handful of studies, little is known about how consumers’ political ideology affects their marketplace behavior. The authors used three large consumer complaint databases from the Consumer Financial Protection Bureau, National Highway Traffic Safety Administration, and Federal Communication Committee in conjunction with a county-level indicator of political ideology (the 2012 US presidential election results) to demonstrate that conservative consumers are not only less likely than liberal consumers to report complaints but also less likely to dispute complaint resolutions. A survey also sheds light on the relationship between political ideology and complaint/dispute behavior. Due to stronger motivations to engage in “system justification,” conservative (as opposed to liberal) consumers are less likely to complain or dispute. The present research offers a useful means of identifying those consumers most and least likely to complain and dispute, given that political ideology is more observable than most psychological factors and more stable than most situational factors. Furthermore, this research and its theoretical framework open opportunities for future research examining the influence of political ideology on other marketplace behaviors.

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this article, the authors assess some of the empirical links between police legitimacy, political ideology (right-wing authoritarianism and sociability), and public support for police use of force.
Abstract: Under what conditions do people support police use of force? In this paper we assess some of the empirical links between police legitimacy, political ideology (right-wing authoritarianism and socia...

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this paper, the authors explore the emancipatory potential of social entrepreneurship as a means to disengage individuals enthralled to ideology and trapped by their own past behavior, and study two former religious-based terrorists from Indonesia and their social enterprise, a cafe chain, which has successfully emancipated 10 ex-terrorists.

Journal ArticleDOI
John T. Jost1
TL;DR: For instance, the authors concluded that the theory and practice of consumer psychology will be enriched by taking into account ideological asymmetries and the ways in which human behavior both reflects and gives rise to left-right divergence in political orientation.

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this paper, an account of political realism as a form of ideology critique is presented, and the authors defend the normative edge of this critical-theoretic project against the common charge that there is a problematic trade-off between a theory's groundedness in facts about the political status quo and its ability to envisage radical departures from the status quo.
Abstract: This paper outlines an account of political realism as a form of ideology critique. We defend the normative edge of this critical-theoretic project against the common charge that there is a problematic trade-off between a theory’s groundedness in facts about the political status quo and its ability to envisage radical departures from the status quo. To overcome that problem, we combine insights from theories of legitimacy by Bernard Williams and other realists, Critical Theory, and analytic epistemological and metaphysical theories of cognitive bias, ideology and social construction. The upshot is an account of realism as empirically informed critique of social and political phenomena. We reject a sharp divide between descriptive and normative theory, and so provide an alternative to the anti-empiricism of some approaches to Critical Theory as well as to the complacency towards existing power structures found within liberal realism, let alone mainstream normative political philosophy, liberal or otherwise.

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: This paper examined the contribution of right-left (or conservative-liberal) ideology to voting, as well as the extent to which basic values account for ideological orientation in 16 countries from 5 continents (Europe, North America, South America, Asia, and Oceania), most of which have been neglected by previous studies.
Abstract: The current study examines the contribution of right-left (or conservative-liberal) ideology to voting, as well as the extent to which basic values account for ideological orientation. Analyses were conducted in 16 countries from 5 continents (Europe, North-America, South-America, Asia, and Oceania), most of which have been neglected by previous studies. Results showed that left-right (or liberal-conservative) ideology predicted voting in all countries except Ukraine. Basic values exerted a considerable effect in predicting ideology in most countries, especially in established democracies like Australia, Finland, Italy, UK, and Germany. Pattern of relations with the whole set of ten values revealed that the critical trade-off underlying ideology is between values concerned with tolerance and protection for the welfare of all people (universalism) versus values concerned with preserving the social order and status quo (security). A noteworthy exception was found in European post-communist countries, where relations of values with ideology were small (Poland) or near to zero (Ukraine, Slovakia).

Book
Joshua Simon1
31 May 2017
TL;DR: The American and Latin American independence movements emerged from distinctive settings and produced divergent results, but they were animated by similar ideas Patriotic political theorists throughout the Americas offered analogous critiques of imperial rule, designed comparable constitutions, and expressed common ambitions for their new nations' future relations with one another and the rest of the world as discussed by the authors.
Abstract: The American and Latin American independence movements emerged from distinctive settings and produced divergent results, but they were animated by similar ideas Patriotic political theorists throughout the Americas offered analogous critiques of imperial rule, designed comparable constitutions, and expressed common ambitions for their new nations' future relations with one another and the rest of the world This book adopts a hemispheric perspective on the revolutions that liberated the United States and Spanish America, offering a new interpretation of their most important political ideas Simon argues that the many points of agreement among various revolutionary political theorists across the Americas can be attributed to the problems they encountered in common as Creoles - that is, as the descendants of European settlers born in the Americas He illustrates this by comparing the political thought of three Creole revolutionaries: Alexander Hamilton of the United States, Simon Bolivar of Venezuela, and Lucas Alaman of Mexico

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: A historical contextualization of Corporate Social Responsibility (CSR) and its political role is presented in this article, which shows that the frontier between economy and polity has always been blurry and shifting and that firms played a political role for a very long time.
Abstract: This article provides a historical contextualization of Corporate Social Responsibility (CSR) and its political role. CSR, we propose, is one form of business–society interactions reflecting a unique ideological framing. To make that argument, we compare contemporary CSR with two historical ideal-types. We explore in turn paternalism in nineteenth century Europe and managerial trusteeship in early twentieth century US. We outline how the political responsibilities of business were constructed, negotiated, and practiced in both cases. This historical contextualization shows that the frontier between economy and polity has always been blurry and shifting and that firms have played a political role for a very long time. It also allows us to show how the nature, extent, and impact of that political role changed through history and co-evolved in particular with shifts in dominant ideologies. Globalization, in that context, is not the driver of the political role of the firm but a moderating phenomenon contributing significantly to the dynamics of this shift. The comparison between paternalism, trusteeship, and contemporary CSR points to what can be seen as functional equivalents—alternative patterns of business–society interactions that each correspond, historically, to unique and distinct ideological frames. We conclude by drawing implications for future theorizing on (political) CSR and stakeholder democracy.

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this paper, the authors present the first assessment of how the five-factor model of personality and political ideology are associated across the world, using the most recent wave of the World Value Survey and analyzes the relationship comparatively in 21 countries from all continents.
Abstract: This article presents the first assessment of how the five‐factor model of personality and political ideology are associated across the world. Personality traits become more and more important in the study of political behavior. And the relationship with ideology virtually parallels the history of this line of research. Yet, many existing studies are limited to single, highly developed countries and mostly draw on nonrandom or nonrepresentative samples. Our study, in contrasts, makes use of the most recent wave of the World Value Survey and analyzes the relationship comparatively in 21 countries from all continents. Results corroborate the most prominent findings about personality and ideology. However, effects of personality traits cannot be generalized easily across the world as effects vary considerably from country to country. Therefore, we additionally analyze specific preferences concerning social and economic policies on the one side. On the other, we theorize as well as model the moderating role of the country context by introducing cross‐level interaction effects.

Journal ArticleDOI
03 Feb 2017
TL;DR: The authors argue that racism is more than just bad attitudes; after all, such injustice involves unfair distributions of goods and resources, and attitudes play a role in racism, but even the cognitive/affective component of ideologies should include culturally shared habits of mind and action.
Abstract: Racism, sexism, and other forms of injustice are more than just bad attitudes; after all, such injustice involves unfair distributions of goods and resources. But attitudes play a role. How central is that role? Tommie Shelby, among others, argues that racism is an ideology and takes a cognitivist approach suggesting that ideologies consist in false beliefs that arise out of and serve pernicious social conditions. In this paper I argue that racism is better understood as a set of practices, attitudes, social meanings, and material conditions, that systematically reinforce one another. Attitudes play a role, but even the cognitive/affective component of ideologies should include culturally shared habits of mind and action. These habits of mind distort, obscure, and occlude important facts about subordinated groups and result in a failure to recognize their interests. How do we disrupt such practices to achieve greater justice? I argue that this is sometimes, but not always, best achieved by argument or challenging false beliefs, so social movements legitimately seek other means.

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: This paper explored the different affective, sentimental and ideational roles that various kinds of nostalgia practice perform, and highlighted the particular importance of forms of political argument that accuse opponents of nostalgia while simultaneously employing some of its prevalent modalities and motifs.
Abstract: Nostalgia is regularly depicted as an indication of a flawed political argument or allegiance, and framed as a virus more likely to take hold in places that are ‘left behind’. Its prevalence has been linked to the rise of populism in Western politics, the vote for Brexit and the election of Donald Trump. This paper seeks to challenge the normative depiction of nostalgia as an alien presence within ‘normal’ political discourse, and critically evaluates theoretical attempts to distinguish between positive and negative forms of it. Instead, it sets out to explore some of the different affective, sentimental and ideational roles that various kinds of nostalgia practice perform, and highlights the particular importance of forms of political argument that accuse opponents of nostalgia while simultaneously employing some of its prevalent modalities and motifs. The paper finishes by exploring these themes in relation to the career and ideas of the iconoclastic and populist British politician, Enoch Powell.