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Showing papers on "International relations published in 1968"


Book
01 Jan 1968
TL;DR: This now-classic examination of the development of viable political institutions in emerging nations is a major and enduring contribution to modern political analysis as mentioned in this paper, and its Foreword, Francis Fukuyama assesses Huntington's achievement, examining the context of the original publication as well as its lasting importance.
Abstract: This now-classic examination of the development of viable political institutions in emerging nations is a major and enduring contribution to modern political analysis. In a new Foreword, Francis Fukuyama assesses Huntington's achievement, examining the context of the book's original publication as well as its lasting importance. "This pioneering volume, examining as it does the relation between development and stability, is an interesting and exciting addition to the literature."--American Political Science Review "'Must' reading for all those interested in comparative politics or in the study of development."--Dankwart A. Rustow, Journal of International Affairs

6,601 citations


Book
01 Jan 1968
TL;DR: In this paper, the authors propose to spend a few moment to read a book even only few pages, even if it is not obligation and force for everybody, and they also suggest that reading a book becomes a choice of your different characteristics.
Abstract: Spend your few moment to read a book even only few pages. Reading book is not obligation and force for everybody. When you don't want to read, you can get punishment from the publisher. Read a book becomes a choice of your different characteristics. Many people with reading habit will always be enjoyable to read, or on the contrary. For some reasons, this analysis of international relations tends to be the representative book in this website.

345 citations




Book
01 Jan 1968

117 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: The study of the processes by which foreign policy is formed has been in the embarrassing position of falling between two academic chairs as mentioned in this paper, where students of international affairs have displayed considerable reluctance to delve into the domestic factors that distinguish one nation's policies from another's.
Abstract: The study of the processes by which foreign policy is formed has been in the embarrassing position of falling between two academic chairs. On the one hand, students of international affairs have displayed considerable reluctance to delve into the domestic factors that distinguish one nation's policies from another's. On the other hand, scholars of comparative politics, with their knowledge of political institutions and processes, have rarely considered the effect of various political arrangements on foreign policy.

90 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
Bruce Russett1
TL;DR: In this paper, the authors outline an approach to the construction of such a comprehensive theory, suggesting some of the definitions and propositions that would be central to the effort, as well as some research obstacles.
Abstract: Explaining or predicting patterns of alliance among nations has long been a central concern in the study of international politics and organization. There is, however, no satisfactory theory to indicate what nations will ally with what others in the system. This article is intended to outline an approach to the construction of such a comprehensive theory, suggesting some of the definitions and propositions that would be central to the effort, as well as some of the research obstacles that would be faced. First, we shall indicate the context of the problem: (1) There are three or more nations. (2) The situation is at least partly competitive; i.e., there is no single outcome that will maximize the gains of each of the participants. (3) No single nation is either in a dominant position-it can win without allying itself with any other nation-or in a position of potential veto-it must be included in any winning coalition. (4) There is the possibility of a decision,

68 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: The international political system is currently undergoing changes that are both rapid and extensive as mentioned in this paper, and these indications of change and flux have engendered a substantial debate concerning appropriate concepts for the analysis of the international system.
Abstract: The international political system is currently undergoing changes that are both rapid and extensive. Especially since the early sixties, a number of trends have manifested themselves and become interrelated in such a way that, taken together, they are substantially altering the fundamental postwar patterns of international politics. These indications of change and flux have engendered a substantial debate concerning appropriate concepts for the analysis of the international system.

40 citations


Book
01 Jan 1968

26 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: For example, the authors states that international agreements are a principal tool of diplomacy and the aim of most negotiations and that they are an essential mode of guidance and regulation in international relations, helping to shape decisions and claims sometimes even in the course of armed conflicts.
Abstract: INTERNATIONAL agreements perform functions worthy of the closest attention of the student of international affairs. They are a principal tool of diplomacy and the aim of most negotiations. Many such agreements are not intended to create legal relationships, and the demarcation line between legally binding agreements and other consensual relationships is correspondingly hazy and uncertain. International agreements have not, however, received in recent times nearly the degree of attention devoted in international studies to "force" and "power." This is so despite the fact that they generally reflect the participants' power calculations and shared expectations. They are an essential mode of guidance and regulation in international relations, helping to shape decisions and claims sometimes even in the course of armed conflicts. International agreements loom large in the actual experience of statesmen, jurists, and military men-their conclusion, their application, and their breach represent complex political decisions with frequently serious outcomes leading to shifts in power relationships. The need to restate these truisms is in itself significant and reflects the inadequate concern with "nonobjective" considerations in modern approaches to international relations. International legal relations, however, are predominantly governed by international agreements. Indeed, in the Soviet view they are exclusively so determined. The law of international agreements is largely concerned with their conclusion, application, breach, and termination. It is law about agreements. The publication of The Interpretation of Agreements and World Public Order by McDougal, Lasswell, and Miller is a major event in the annals of modern legal scholarship.' It adds another cyclopean

24 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this article, the authors try to translate what America means to a MuKongo, the ordinary inhabitant of the province of Kongo Central in the Democratic Republic of Congo.
Abstract: In this article, I try to translate what America means to a MuKongo, the ordinary inhabitant of the province of Kongo Central in the Democratic Republic of Congo. The subject has the advantage of being to some extent marginal among Kongo beliefs, and therefore more readily isolable, but it is not without relevance to international affairs.

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: The line taken in this paper lies between these two extremes and incorporates Master's (1964) suggestion of the formulation of structural typologies, and deals only with a single element of structure, the role, and with only three variables, differentiation, articulation and relative centrality.
Abstract: Political scientists have developed a wide assortment of approaches to the analysis of international relations, ranging from the descriptions of the historicists to the models of the game theorists. The line taken in this paper lies somewhere between these two extremes and incorporates Master's (1964) suggestion of the formulation of structural typologies. We deal only with a single element of structure, the role, and with only three variables, differentiation, articulation, and relative centrality.2 Recent work in sociology has taken this structural approach at the family, community, urban, national, and most recently

Book
01 Jan 1968
TL;DR: The role of belief systems: Ideology, Nationalism, and Religious Fundamentalism as discussed by the authors is discussed in the context of cooperative global politics, and the role of beliefs in government and policy making.
Abstract: Introduction: Changing Frame of Analysis. 1. The Nature of Foreign Policy. 2. Government and Policy Making. 3. Capability in Action. 4. The Implementation of Decisions. 5. Traditional Ideas and Patterns of Global Politics. 6. New Conditions of Global Politics. 7. Conflict and Conflict Resolution. 8. Limitations on State Action. 9. War and Arms Control. 10. The Role of Belief Systems: Ideology, Nationalism, and Religious Fundamentalism. 11. Humankind, Technology, and the Ecosystem. 12. Integration, Interdependence, North-South Relations and Development. 13. The World Economy and the Multinational Corporation. 14. Ethnicity, Terrorism, and Non-Violence. 15. Human Rights. Conclusion: Toward Cooperative Global Politics.



Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: The importance of the quality of leadership in the balancing act of federalism is discussed in this paper, where Oakeshott's view of politics in general is expressed as 'in political activity, men sail a boat'.
Abstract: shape the whole book. It is here that we become vividly aware of the delicacy of the federal device, the uncertain direction of a federal system—and hence the crucial influence of what is called 'the quality of leadership', which we may take more broadly to indicate the range of 'resources' and skills which are required to operate the balancing act of federalism. (Since the mobilization and training of political skills is normally done in and through political parties, it is unfortunate that these institutions find no clear place in the 190-page account of'federal political systems' but have to be squeezed into 8 pages within the conclusion.) It was since this book was written that the balance was lost in Nigeria, but the deep agony of that land gives an urgency to the search for the points along the way when a turning was taken that need not have been taken and which has led at the end to the killings and the seemingly irremovable hatred. As one looks back at India, it is difficult to suppress a shudder of doubt: balancing is going to get still harder before it gets easier. At what point should there be compromise on the language issue in relation to civil service examinations, on handling Shiv Sena, on coalition chaos? Has an opportunity been missed to lessen central-state tensions by developing zonal activity and sentiment? Wanted: politicians with cool heads and steady hands. Whatever reservations one may have about Oakeshott's view of politics in general—'in political activity, men sail a

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In the civil conflict which has characterized it over the last decade, each side has sought either to lay claim to the banner of "science" or to deny that banner to its opponents.
Abstract: "Science" is one of this century's supreme values, roughly on a level with "democracy" or "peace." Nobody very willingly admits to unenthusiasm about these totems, while everybody eagerly accuses his enemies of hating them all. The discipline of international politics has been no exception. In the civil conflict which has characterized it over the last decade, each side has sought either to lay claim to the banner of "science" or to deny that banner to its opponents.' The resulting debate has been vehement, and this has led many to conclude that one side or the other is wrong; it has also been flatulently irrelevant, and this leads me to suggest that both sides are wrong. Their error, I think, lies paradoxically in their agreement. The general lack of communication between the parties has been relieved primarily by their acceptance of common notions about the

Journal ArticleDOI
Bruce Russett1
TL;DR: The authors examined the relationships over the post-World War II period among a number of variables generally considered relevant to delineating regional groupings of nations, including cultural similarity, similarity of behavior in international politics, common membership in international organizations, economic interdependence, and geographic proximity.
Abstract: In my recent International Regions and the International System' I examined the relationships over the post-World War II period among a number of variables generally considered relevant to delineating regional groupings of nations. In the tradition of taxonomy, the exercise showed clusterings of nations as determined separately by the criteria of cultural similarity, similarity of behavior in international politics, common membership in international organizations, economic interdependence, and geographic proximity. Additionally, it explored at a more general and theoretical level the interaction among these different influences, including changes over time, the degree to which the knowledge of nations' clustering by one criterion could be used to predict how states would cluster on another, and the relation of the clusterings to patterns of violent conflict. The book-length examination was limited, however, to information on bonds among nations during the 1950's and early 1960's. Most of the basic data sources (aggregate data on national characteristics, international organization memberships) were not generally available or (UN voting patterns)2 were inapplicable to the interwar


Book
01 Oct 1968
TL;DR: Turner as mentioned in this paper investigates Harting's disappearance and discovers that the face of International relations -and the attentions of the British Ministry itself - is uglier that he could possibly have imagined.
Abstract: West Germany, a simmering cauldron of radical protests, has produced a new danger to Britain: Karfeld, menacing leader of the opposition. At the same time Leo Harting, a Second Secretary in the British Embassy, has gone missing - along with more than forty Confidential embassy files. Alan Turner of the Foreign Office must travel to Bonn to recover them, facing riots, Nazi secrets and the delicate machinations of an unstable Europe in the throes of the Cold War. As Turner gets closer to the truth of Harting's disappearance, he will discover that the face of International relations - and the attentions of the British Ministry itself - is uglier that he could possibly have imagined.







Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: The most direct approach to this goal is the comparative study of the foreign policies of a number of state-actors as mentioned in this paper, which has the great advantage of increasing the number of units of study from one international system to a maximum of over one hundred and thirty states.
Abstract: Research in international relations has many goals. One of the most important is the attempt to establish propositions which can serve to explain and perhaps predict the international behavior of the basic units of the international system, the nation-states. Ideally, such propositions will eventually be brought together to form a coherent theory of foreign policy. In this paper I have adopted the position that the most direct approach to this goal is the comparative study of the foreign policies of a number of state-actors. This method has the great advantage of increasing the number of units of study from one international system to a maximum of over one hundred and thirty states. This increase in units of analysis permits the use of statistics which, in turn, permits the use and manipulation of large quantities of data. By means of various statistical techniques one may draw from the data measures of foreign policy behavior, examine the relationships between theoretically interesting variables, test hypotheses, and develop causal models or theories of foreign policy. This paper illustrates only one aspect of this approach by means of an analysis of the foreign policies of thirty-two African states with

Journal ArticleDOI
01 May 1968-Politics
TL;DR: A. T. Millar, ed., Britain's Withdrawal from Asia: Its Implications for Australia, Strategic and Defence Studies Centre, Australian National University, 1967, pp. 219 + ix, $3.75 (U.S.). as mentioned in this paper.
Abstract: G. Clark: In Fear of China, Lansdowne Press, Melbourne, 1967, pp. 219 + ix, $3.00. W. J. Hudson, ed.: Towards a Foreign Policy: 1914–1941, Cassell, Melbourne, 1967. T. B. Millar, ed.: Britain's Withdrawal from Asia: Its Implications for Australia, Strategic and Defence Studies Centre, Australian National University, 1967, pp. 114. T. B. Millar, ed.: Australia's Defence Policies 1945–1965, Department of International Relations, A.N.U., 1967, pp. 86. A. and M. Vandenbosch: Australia Faces Southeast Asia: The Emergence of a Foreign Policy, University of Kentucky Press, Lexington, 1967, pp. 175 + vi, $5.75 (U.S.). A. Watt: The Evolution of Australian Foreign Policy 1938–65, Cambridge University Press, 1967, pp. 387 + ix, $9.25.