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Showing papers on "International relations published in 1972"


Book
01 Jan 1972
TL;DR: In this paper, a theory of international politics, describes the struggle for political power, and discusses balance of power, international law, disarmament, and diplomacy. But this theory does not consider the role of women in international politics.
Abstract: Offers a theory of international politics, describes the struggle for political power, and discusses balance of power, international law, disarmament, and diplomacy.

3,179 citations


Book
01 Jan 1972
TL;DR: In this article, the authors present an approach to the study of international politics and explain why countries act in a certain way, focusing on power, capability, and influence of states.
Abstract: I. INTRODUCTION. 1. Approaches to the Study of International Politics. II. INTERNATIONAL SYSTEMS. 2. Historic International Systems. 3. The Contemporary Global System. III. ACTORS IN THE INTERNATIONAL SYSTEM: FOREIGN POLICY PURPOSES AND TECHNIQUES OF ACHIEVEMENT. 4. The Purposes of States: Foreign Policy Goals and Strategies. 5. Foreign Policy Actions: Power, Capabilities, and Influence. 6. The Instruments of Policy: Diplomatic Bargaining. 7. The Instruments of Policy: Propaganda. 8. The Instruments of Policy: Economic Rewards and Coercion. 9. Clandestine Actions and Military Intervention. 10. Weapons, War, and Political Influence. IV. EXPLAINING FOREIGN POLICIES. 11. Explanations of Foreign Policy. 12. Law and World Opinion in Explanations of Foreign Policy. 13. Ethics in Explanations of Foreign Policy. V. MAJOR FORMS OF INTERACTION BETWEEN STATES. 14. The Interaction of States: Conflict and Conflict Resolution. 15. The Politics of International Cooperation. Index.

454 citations


MonographDOI
01 Jan 1972

143 citations



Book
01 Jan 1972
TL;DR: The Boundary Politics of Independent Africa as mentioned in this paper brings insights not only to Africanists but also to students of international relations and, more specifically, of conflict, which is relevant to our work.
Abstract: The Boundary Politics of Independent Africa brings insights not only to Africanists but also to students of international relations and, more specifically, of conflict.

93 citations


Book
01 Jan 1972
TL;DR: The soft file of the book and download it as discussed by the authors is simple, read the soft file and you get it, this is not only this theory and policy in international relations but also this book is referred to read because it is an inspiring book to give you more chance to get experiences and also thoughts.
Abstract: Downloading the book in this website lists can give you more advantages. It will show you the best book collections and completed collections. So many books can be found in this website. So, this is not only this theory and policy in international relations. However, this book is referred to read because it is an inspiring book to give you more chance to get experiences and also thoughts. This is simple, read the soft file of the book and you get it.

74 citations



Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this article, international relations as an academic pursuit is described as an "academic pursuit" in Australian education, and the authors propose an approach to this problem. But this approach is not suitable for all students.
Abstract: (1972). International relations as an academic pursuit. Australian Outlook: Vol. 26, No. 3, pp. 251-265.

40 citations


Book ChapterDOI
01 Jan 1972
TL;DR: In this article, the authors argue that progress toward a more harmonious and united world, founded on the principles of peace and mutual security maintained by such international organizations as the United Nations, cannot be achieved unless there is a reasonable balance between the goals of individual states and those of international organizations.
Abstract: States in the contemporary world have assumed greater international obligations than in the past, not only because areas of mutual concern and contacts among them have significantly increased during recent years but also because there has been an increase in the number of international organizations, both technical and political, which regulate international relations. This expansion of international obligations has been accompanied by efforts toward more effective international control of national affairs. Equally true is the observation that, as long as the basic unit of interplay in the international community remains the “sovereign” state, these units will be able to counter attempts to impose repugnant obligations upon them. Consequently, progress toward a more harmonious and united world, founded on the principles of peace and mutual security maintained by such international organizations as the United Nations, cannot be achieved unless there is a reasonable balance between the goals of individual states and those of international organizations.

38 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: For a discussion of a case of international collective bargaining see David H. Blake, "Multinational Corporation, International Union, and Economic Implications of the 1967 UAW-Chrysler Agreement," in Transnational Industrial Relations, ed. by Hans Gunter (London: Macmillan, 1972). as discussed by the authors.
Abstract: Multinational corporations, by definition, have a multinational work force. However, the trade union institutions which represent the employees of the various subsidiaries have been organized historically on a country basis with little international interaction on industrial relations matters with a specific international employer.11It must be mentioned here that many United States unions are established on a bi-national basis in that they include a sizable Canadian membership. However, elsewhere the principle of organization is the particular nation-state. Union organization and representation activities have remained largely on the polycentric level even where their corporate adversaries operate in an ethnocentric or geocentric fashion. Recently though, international, regional, and national trade union organizations, particularly in the United States and Europe, have become concerned about the problems created by the multinational corporations because of their international nature. To confront these difficulties and to counteract the perceived advantages enjoyed by international firms, the trade union movement is developing a number of different strategies some of which may lead to the internationalization of industrial relations.22For a discussion of a case of international collective bargaining see David H. Blake, "Multinational Corporation, International Union, and Economic Implications of the 1967 UAW—Chrysler Agreement," in Transnational Industrial Relations, ed. by Hans Gunter (London: Macmillan, 1972). To phrase it in another way, in response to the challenge of the multinational corporation in union-management relations, unions are attempting to internationalize their activities and strength.© 1972 JIBS. Journal of International Business Studies (1972) 3, 17–32

38 citations


Book ChapterDOI
TL;DR: For example, if international standards for environmental quality are to be set by diplomatic negotiations, the technical components of those standards may well be outdated by the time agreement is reached, and even more so by the agreement enters into force as mentioned in this paper.
Abstract: Public concern over the environmental crisis has begun to stimulate not only action on the local and national level but also proposals for new international efforts, mobilized especially by current preparations for the United Nations Conference on the Human Environment scheduled to be held at Stockholm in June, 1972. Together with new programmatic instruments, like the Draft Universal Declaration on the Human Environment which is being prepared by a UN inter-governmental working group for submission to the Stockholm Conference, international conventions may indeed be a useful way of formulating certain basic principles of conduct in this comparatively new sector of international relations. If international standards for environmental quality are to be set by diplomatic negotiations, the technical components of those standards may well be outdated by the time agreement is reached, and even more so by the time the agreement enters into force.


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: The seikan ronsō, the clash in the Council of State, October 1873, over sending a punitive expedition to Korea, was a seminal event in the development of modern Japanese imperialism as discussed by the authors.
Abstract: Post-Restoration Japan faced a number of serious problems in its relations with East Asia and the West, all of which came to a head in seikan ronsō, the clash in the Council of State, October 1873, over sending a punitive expedition to Korea. Essentially this was a struggle to define the nature of the Meiji Restoration—how radical would it be—and to decide who would control the politics of Japan's renovation, but intermixed with these domestic issues were several questions of foreign policy. To Japan's leaders, the Ryukyus, Taiwan, and Sakhalin were as important as Korea; security of the frontier in East Asia as significant as equal treaties with China and the West. And for historians with the advantage of a century of hindsight, the debate is important evidence in assessing the strength and sophistication of expansionist sentiment in early Meiji Japan. Does modern Japanese imperialism date from this period as consistent and persistent government policy or simply as a set of commonly held aspirations and desires, stronger in some than others or more evident outside of government than within it? To assist in answering these questions there is a wealth of Western and Japanese language diplomatic correspondence and numerous memoirs, letters, and diaries. The clash pitted die returning members of the Iwakura embassy and their allies at home against prominent officials in the caretaker government. The envoys, who had gained from their journey to die West a better understanding of international politics and the instability of the world order as well as a clearer perception of the gigantic transformation Japan must undergo, won with the argument of restraint abroad and rapid reform at home. But were the differences primarily in methods and timing and not ultimate intentions? Were Japan's leaders only biding their time until domestic strength made foreign adventurism possible, as is often charged? There is little evidence that Iwakura's group had such ulterior motives. In the grosser sense of the existence of an elaborate plan of conquest, there was no imperialist conspiracy. In the more complex sense of consistency of dreams, aims, or ambitions, there was more continentalism among public critics than officials. The victors in the debate wished to create a strong and enlightened state capable of taking whatever measures seemed necessary, whether at home or abroad. Expansion into frontier regions therefore was always a possibility but even then for security and prestige rather than overseas dominion. Such thinking guided the government for the next twenty years. However more research is needed on the basic character of Meiji Japan's political and economic institutions, the expansionist sentiments of the government's critics, changing concepts of security, and Japan's response to Western imperialism.


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: The First World War changed the pattern of international relations in East Asia as mentioned in this paper, and what had previously been another arena for the European power struggle became the cockpit for two regional forces, Japanese expansionism and incipient Chinese nationalism.
Abstract: The First World War changed the pattern of international relations in East Asia. What had previously been another arena for the European power struggle became the cockpit for two regional forces, Japanese expansionism and incipient Chinese nationalism. The confrontation between the two, which was to last for a quarter of a century, began as a most unequal contest. Great power rivalry had enabled China to balance off her enemies and to maintain her status as a sovereign entity. But with Europe distracted, China was helpless, and Japan had a unique opportunity to pursue an independent expansionist policy. Instead of cooperating with England and the other powers in order to get a fair share of the China spoils, after 1914 Japan could make her bid for the grand prize, exclusive access to China's resources. Thus the European powers’ pre-occupation with mutual slaughter exposed China to extreme danger, greater than that which she had faced during the heyday of classical imperialism.1 But Japan was not alone in welcoming the European retreat. Japan’s opportunity was also Sun Yat-sen's opportunity.

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: Political Realism dominated the discipline of international relations throughout the 1950s and there were occasional complaints that it went "too far" or that it did not properly value some things which should be properly valued, but there was very little fundamental disagreement with its interpretation of what international politics was all about as discussed by the authors.
Abstract: Political Realism dominated the discipline of international relations throughout the 1950s. There were occasional complaints that it went "too far" or that it did not properly value some things which should be properly valued, but there was very little fundamental disagreement with its interpretation of what international politics was all about. Even the liberal Left joined the chorus, perhaps out of guilt for opposing rearmament against Hitler in the 1930s or perhaps for fear of being branded naive again in the face of a new threat. Realism is, of course, no longer in style in academic circles. It has been under continuous attack for something over a decade-and the worst sort of attack, for it has simply been ignored as an anachronistic remnant of the discipline's early years. Its staying power, albeit in a less formal and coherent fashion, however, has been much greater and more persistent outside academia. This is not especially surprising, since there is normally a gap between the period when a doctrine is articulated in intellectual circles and accepted by men working in the field-and, of course, a gap between the period when it is rejected by the theorist and by the practitioner. The inconsistencies and the anomalies which trouble the theorist, and which make him more receptive to new doctrines, always appear less salient to men working on daily problems: the erosion of the

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: The role of force and threats of violence in international politics has long occupied the thoughts of concerned philosophers, historians, generals, and statesmen as discussed by the authors. But despite all the attention of past and contemporary literature on bargaining and coercive techniques, remarkably few have examined one of the most distinctive, interesting, and dangerous of all forms of communication and persuasion in international crises-the ultimatum.
Abstract: The role of force and threats of violence in international politics has long occupied the thoughts of concerned philosophers, historians, generals, and statesmen. Early speculation of a general nature, however, has been more recently expanded and refined by political and strategic theorists. Most notable are the studies of bargaining techniques and power (Schelling, 1966, 1960; and Young, 1968), patterns of negotiation and problems of communication (Ikl, 1963; Wohlstetter, 1962; and Jervis, 1970), conceptualizations of limitation and escalation (Halperin, 1962; Brodie, 1966; and Kahn, 1968), and theories of coercive diplomacy (George et al., 197 1). Yet despite all the attention of past and contemporary literature on bargaining and coercive techniques, remarkably few have examined one of the most distinctive, interesting, and dangerous of all forms of communication and persuasion in international crises-the ultimatum.

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In the field of international relations, confusion and misconceptions about the state and nature of "theory" have reached monumental proportions and this situation is debilitating both because it misleads academics and policymakers alike about the contributions that can be made by theorists of international relation and because it operates to set back serious efforts to pursue theory in the field as mentioned in this paper.
Abstract: Confusion and misconceptions about the state and nature of “theory” have reached monumental proportions in the field of international relations. This situation is debilitating both because it misleads academics and policymakers alike about the contributions that can be made by theorists of international relations and because it operates to set back serious efforts to pursue theory in the field. Accordingly, I write in an effort to cut through some of this confusion and to set the problems of constructing theories about international phenomena in perspective. Specifically, I wish to explicate the following theses in these pages: 1





Book ChapterDOI
TL;DR: This paper argued that if the Republicans rather than Wilson had drafted the Versailles Treaty with Germany, it would hardly have fostered a healthier international climate for the United States, for Europe, and for the world.
Abstract: Historians of the fight between Woodrow Wilson and the Senate over the Versailles Treaty have generally shared the president’s perspective. From Denna Frank Fleming and W. Stull Holt through Ruhl J. Bartlett and Thomas A. Bailey to Selig Adler and John Chalmers Vinson, they have regarded the League of Nations as a valuable contribution to international relations, while viewing its Republican critics as negative and partisan politicians. Arno J. Mayer, who recently offered a significant account of the politics of peacemaking after World War I, adhered to this traditional interpretation. If the Republicans rather than Wilson had drafted the peace treaty with Germany, he concluded, “it would hardly have fostered a healthier international climate for the United States, for Europe, and for the world.”1 Vinson pictured the controversy over the League of Nations and the election of 1920 as a “referendum for isolation,” while Adler interpreted the defeat of the Versailles Treaty and the victory of Warren G. Harding as evidence of “the isolationist impulse.” John Milton Cooper, Jr., examined the origins of postwar American isolationism during the period of neutrality before 1917. He argued that before the United States intervened in World War I the Republicans had begun to coalesce around an isolationist position in opposition to Wilson’s internationalism.2


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: Senghor's approach reflects the functionalist notion that there are relatively noncontroversial matters which provide a foundation for the gradual development of international institutions as mentioned in this paper, which is a framework within which to evaluate functionalism as a strategy of international organization in the context of contemporary Africa.
Abstract: The passing of the colonial order from much of Africa left a complex geopolitical environment within which to confront the problems of modernization. Since 1960 African states have had to cope with a confused mosaic of competing sovereignties bequeathed by the colonial scramble and the breakup of the colonial federations. In spite of the appeal of pan-Africanism to many African intellectuals, diversity and differentiation rather than unity have been the rule in the post-colonial era, both within most African states and in their international relations. Despite similar legacies and many common problems, African governments have found it difficult to transcend their colonial boundaries either in the name of political ideology or apolitical efficiency. A number of African leaders have devoted considerable effort to changing this situation. Seme, of whom Kwame Nkrumah is perhaps the most familiar example, have stressed the achievement of continental political unity as the most effective approach to reorganizing the inter-African system. Others, of whom Leopold Senghor is a prime example, have emphasized regional projects based on cooperation in economic and technical domains without regard to political unity. Senghor's approach reflects the functionalist notion that there are relatively noncontroversial matters which provide a foundation for the gradual development of international institutions. Senegal's inter-African diplomacy under Senghor, therefore, provides a framework within which to evaluate functionalism as a strategy of international organization in the context of contemporary Africa.




Journal ArticleDOI