Showing papers on "International relations published in 1978"

The second image reversed: the international sources of domestic politics

Abstract: The international system is not only an expression of domestic structures, but a cause of them. Two schools of analysis exploring the impact of the international system upon domestic politics (regime types, institutions, coalitions, policies) may be distinguished: those which stress the international economy, and those which stress political-military rivalry, or war. Among the former are such arguments as: late industrialization (associated with Gershenkron); dependencia or core-periphery arguments (Wallerstein); liberal development model (much American writing in the 50s and 60s); transnational relation-modernization (Nye, Keohane, Morse); neo-mercantilists (Gilpin); state-centered Marxists (Schurmann). Arguments stressing the role of war include those which focus on the organizational requirements of providing security (Hintze, Anderson), the special nature of foreign relations (classical political theory), territorial compensation (diplomatic history), and strains of foreign involvement (analysis of revolutions). These arguments provide the basis for criticism of much of the literature which uses domestic structure as an explanation of foreign policy, in particular those which (such as the strong-state weak-state distinction) tend, by excessive focus on forms, to obscure the connection between structures and interests, and the role of politics. These arguments also permit criticism of the notion of a recent fundamental discontinuity in the nature of international relations.

The Evolution of the International Economic Order

Abstract: Do rich industrial nations underestimate the threat to their economic stability posed by demands for a new international economic order? Are the developing countries wrong to assume that their economic advancement depends on a transfer of wealth from the richer nations? Sir W. Arthur Lewis's provocative analysis of the present economic order and its origins suggests that the answer to both questions is yes.Professor Lewis perceptively illuminates aspects of recent economic history that have often been overlooked by observers of international affairs. He asks first how the world came to be divided into countries exporting manufactures and countries exporting primary commodities. High agricultural productivity and a good investment climate allowed countries in Northwest Europe to industrialize rapidly, while the favorable terms of trade they enjoyed assured them and the temperate lands to which Europeans migrated of continuing dominance over the tropical countries. At the core of the author's argument lies the contention that as the structure of international trade changes, the tropical countries move rapidly toward becoming net importers of agricultural commodities and net exporters of manufactures. Even so, they continue to depend on the markets of the richer countries for their growth, and they continue to trade on unfavorable terms. Both of these disadvantages, he concludes, stem from large agricultural sectors with low productivity and will disappear only as the technology of tropical food production is revolutionized.Originally published in 1978.The Princeton Legacy Library uses the latest print-on-demand technology to again make available previously out-of-print books from the distinguished backlist of Princeton University Press. These paperback editions preserve the original texts of these important books while presenting them in durable paperback editions. The goal of the Princeton Legacy Library is to vastly increase access to the rich scholarly heritage found in the thousands of books published by Princeton University Press since its founding in 1905.

The German colonial empire

Abstract: Although Germany's short-lived colonial empire (1884-1918) was neither large nor successful, it is historically significant. The establishment of German colonies and attempts to expand them affected international politics in a period of extreme tension. Smith focuses on the interaction between Germany's colonial empire and German politics and, by extension, on the connection between colonialism and socioeconomic conflict in Germany before World War I.Originally published in 1978.A UNC Press Enduring Edition -- UNC Press Enduring Editions use the latest in digital technology to make available again books from our distinguished backlist that were previously out of print. These editions are published unaltered from the original, and are presented in affordable paperback formats, bringing readers both historical and cultural value.

A History of Japan

Abstract: This is the concluding volume of a three-volume work that culminates the life study of the West's most distinguished scholar of Japanese history. A straightforward narrative of the development of Japanese civilization to 1867, the three volumes constitute the first large-scale comprehensive history of Japan. Unlike the renowned Short Cultural History, it is concerned mainly with political and social phenomena and only incidentally touches on religion, literature, and the arts. The treatment is primarily descriptive and factual, but the author offers some pragmatic interpretations and suggests comparisons with the history of other peoples. A History of Japan: 1615-1867 describes the political and social development of Japan during the two and half centuries of rule by the Tokugawa Shoguns, a period of remarkable development in almost ever aspects of the national life. Under Ieyasu, the first Tokugawa Shogun, a system of checks and balances to keep the great feudatories in order began to be devised. His successors continued this policy, and indeed the essential features of government by the Tokugawa Shoguns was a determination to keep the peace. Freed from civil war, the energies of the nation were devoted to increasing production of goods in agriculture, manufacturers, and mining. Breaches in the traditional policy of isolation began to occur with the arrival of foreign ships in Japanese waters, the first intruders being the Russian in the 1790s. Thereafter, the government struggled to keep foreign ships away from Japanese ports, but before long the pressure of the Western powers, strengthened by the arrival of warships under the command of Commodore Perry in 1853, forced Japan to take part in international affairs.

Israel, the embattled ally

Abstract: Through thirty turbulent years, the United States has been deeply enmeshed in Israel's destiny. Seldom in the history of international relations has such a world power been involved so intensely for so long with such a small power. How this phenomenon came to pass and how it will affect the future are explained in this compelling history of Israel and its relations with the United States from the 1947 United Nations resolution through Kissinger's shuttle diplomacy to Carter's peace campaign.To form the backdrop for this extraordinary relationship, Nadav Safran paints a detailed portrait of the historical forces that combined to create the Jewish state. He unfolds panel after panel of Israeli life its physical environment, people, economy, politics, and religion. He examines Israel's responses to the many security crises it has faced since becoming a nation, and presents a clear and thorough exposition of its defense strategy and descriptions of all its wars.Safran then presents his brilliant analysis of Israel and America in international politics. Cutting through the tangle of the Arab Israeli conflict, the East West struggle, the disagreement among Western powers, the conflicts within and among the Arab states, and the impact of special interest groups in the United States on its foreign policy, Safran deftly pursues fluctuations in the American Israeli relationship as it moved from simple friendship to an alliance of friends. A concluding chapter recapitulates the highlights of that evolution and projects its relevance for the future of the Middle East and American Israeli relations."

Dissolving International Politics: Reflections on the Nation-State

Abstract: The diminishing salience of territorial issues, the restraints imposed by the nuclear balance, the shift away from the primacy of military-strategic elements of power to the primacy of economic elements, the day-to-day realities of economic interdependence, and changes in the nature of the nation-state have produced a new international order which resembles in important ways the domestic political systems prevalent in the industrialized noncommunist part of the world. This leads to the “domestication” of international politics. At the same time competitive nationalism, the vitality of the nation-state, differing perceptions of the proper role of government in the economy, and other considerations allow not much more than a tenuous coordination of foreign policies even among similar nation-states, making it unlikely that the European Economic Community and the Atlantic alliance will proceed beyond existing structures toward tighter integration.

Western conceptions of a universal moral order

Abstract: I Am not concerned in this paper to discover what is peculiarly western about western conceptions of a world moral order, but merely to assemble some ideas about morality that recur in western thought - which may or may not be features of other civilizations as well. It is my ignorance of other civilizations that prevents me from undertaking the seductively neat task of deciding what is unique about western values, but it is the same ignorance that saves me from making the mistake of arriving at what is essentially western by subtracting from its history that which it shares with other cultures. “Western Values in International Relations” is a field that has been pioneered by Martin Wight in such a way as to stay the hand of a glossator, but it is the word “universal” in my title that distinguishes the present undertaking from Wight's work. His aim was to follow some lines of thought derived from domestic politics in the West into the field of diplomacy and international relations. My aim is to pursue them further, beyond international society to world society, and to take into moral account not merely the state and the order of states, but also the individual and certain actors and institutions in world politics whose concerns have been regarded conventionally as falling outside the domain of ‘diplomacy and international relations’.

Africa's International Relations: The Diplomacy Of Dependency And Change

Abstract: The author presents a journey through African and Western history, culture and politics. By essaying Africa's international relations, Mazrui returns to an important truth: the power of race and culture in Africa's relations with the West. Discussing African political formation, his overriding theme, not unpredictably, is assimilation - of the enti

The Old European Order 1660-1800

Abstract: Introductory Economy: Fundamentals: Population, prices, and agriculture Motors of progress: Towns, money, and manufactures Wider horizons: Trade and empire Society: Ruling orders The ruled: The country The ruled: The town Enlightenment: Religion and the churches The progress of doubt A doubtful progress Public Affairs: States and their business The machinery of state International relations The Crisis of the Old Order The crisis Europe in revolution The revolutionary impact Bibliography Maps Table Index.

U.S. Policy and the Two Southeast Asias

Abstract: THE TERMINATION OF the Indochinese wars ushered in a new, more complex pattern of regional international relations in Southeast Asia. Although the general framework of the eventual political outcome had been anticipated by the non-Communist states (Indonesia, Malaysia, Philippines, Thailand, Singapore) grouped together in the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN), the abrupt violence and totality of the transfers of power in South Vietnam, Laos, and Cambodia were not expected.' The Nixon doctrine and the Paris Accords had already impelled the ASEAN elites to reappraise their own positions within the changing regional distribution of power. The notion of the "domino theory," conceived by some to mean the automatic and sequential collapse of the non-Communist states in the wake of a Communist victory in Vietnam, was explicitly rejected. Global, regional, and domestic interactions and events, however, have created a new international reality in Southeast Asia which cannot be ignored. In response to a new sense of urgency and potential danger, inherent in that reality, ASEAN nations are attempting to vitalize a coherent economic, political, and military strategy. The general outline of the new international reality is fixed by objective changes in the quality of great-power links to the region. These changes are reinforced by differing indigenous judgements about their significance. Mrost acutely, the outcome of the war in Vietnam, a

Sino-Soviet conflict in the 1970s: Its evolution and implications for the strategic triangle

Abstract: : Analyzes the evolution of Sino-Soviet relations since the Cultural Revolution and explains China's policies in terms of political struggles which racked Peking during the 1970s. Key questions are explored: What bilateral strategies have the Soviet Union and China adopted to deal with each other since 1969. How has the Moscow-Peking feud affected dealings with other states. How have Sino-Soviet relations intertwined with domestic politics in China. What changes in relations are likely in coming years. What are the implications of these factors for U.S. policy toward Sino-Soviet affairs. The analysis concludes that American interests are best served by a Sino-Soviet relationship poised between rapprochement and war. The author argues that the dynamics of the relationship will very likely produce such an outcome. As well, the United States should pursue bilateral relationships with Moscow and Peking so as to maximize American interests without trying to affect their interactions with each other. (Author)

The 'Early' Morgenthau. A Comment on the Intellectual Origins of Realism:

Abstract: Hans J. Morgenthau is the most important representative of the 'realist' school in the discipline of international politics. It seems, however, to have been forgotten that before his departure to t...

The Classical Theory of International Relations

Abstract: IT is now over ten years since Hedley Bull and Morton Kaplan exchanged broadsides in the pages of World Politics about the correct approach to the study of international politics.1 Traditionalism versus science, the classical approach versus the behavioural -rarely have the differences between the two been expressed with such pungency and pugnacity as they were at that time. The appearance more recently of two substantial works on international politics, one by Hedley Bull, and the other by his former colleague, Martin Wight, enables us not so much to re-open the debate, as to assess with greater precision the nature of the traditionalist vision of the international world. Martin Wight’s study of states-systems,* published posthumously, is chronologically the first of the two books under consideration insofar as the essays in it were written between 1964 and 1972, for meetings of the British Committee on the Theory of International Politics. For those who knew Wight chiefly through the enthusiastic report of others, and for whom the work of the British Committee too has been shrouded in a certain mystery, the book is a welcome revelation. The introduction by Hedley Bull sheds much valuable light on the personal and intellectual background of Wight’s work on international relations. Bull draws attention to Wight’s intense Christian faith, a faith which tended towards, if it did not actually endorse, the apocalyptical. He also indicates the strong influence that Arnold Toynbee exercised over him, Wight having actually assisted Toynbee with his vast work A Study of History. Unquestionably these two factors-Toynbee plus a non-Toynbeean commitment to Christianity-help us to understand more fully both the strength and the weaknesses of Wight’s approach to international politics. The strength of the essays, and indeed of all Wight’s work, is the magnificent range and depth of his historical knowledge. By range is meant not only his ability to move from the ancient world through the medieval to the modern one with extraordinary ease, but also his ability to get above and beyond the external policies of particdar states and to examine the general pattern provided by their interaction. When we consider how few works by professional historians focus on this pattern, it is perhaps in this respect that Wight’s greatest contribution to the study of international relations lies. The range is accompanied by depth. Although he covers huge periods of history there is no sense of sketchiness in his writing. With Wight we never get the feeling that he is summarizing the conclusions of others; always there is a direct contact with original sources, a personal involvement, and a fine judgement being exercised. We trust him as a historian; he is not taking short-cuts to prove a point, but being honest with himself and the reader. Here again there is much to be learnt by the theorists of international politics. Nor should the more idiosyncratic features of Wight’s writing be forgotten. The

Imperialism and Multinational Corporations: A Case Study of Nigeria

Abstract: In Nigeria as elsewhere, the giant multinational corporations are the basic units of imperialism in its contemporary neocolonial stage. The analysis of these monopoly "sharks" is critical to the understanding of the mechanisms through which Third World countries are exploited, manipulated, and perpetuated as the collective "wretched of the earth." This paper is essentially an attempt to document the character and role of these multinational agents of imperialism in Nigeria. In effect, it tries to provide empirical validation for the basic Marxist thesis that the serious problems of Third World countries like Nigeria can be traced directly to the operations of imperialist forces whose most powerful catalysts are the colossal multinational enterprises. These activities are closely coordinated with such other imperialist mechanisms as foreign investment, export-import trade, and foreign aid. They have generated and perpetuated the seemingly intractable problems of mass poverty, stifling foreign domination, savage exploitation, open starvation, debilitating disease, pervasive illiteracy, widening inequality, irrational waste, cultural degradation, and political instability in Nigeria and other Third World countries within the imperialist orbit. The historical origin of this collective malaise is nineteenthand twentieth-century colonialisation of Nigeria by British

Conflict at Home and Abroad: An Empirical Extension

Abstract: NUMEROUS INVESTIGATORS HAVE studied the presumed relationship between conflict within a country and the conflict of its foreign relations. Indeed, in all of what is commonly considered 'international relations,' this is one of only a very few questions to benefit from replication of systematic research.' More specifically, the area in which knowledge has been accumulating concerns the proposition that conflict within a country precedes and promotes its foreign conflict. Various contributors to this line of inquiry have employed alternative data bases and measures, and have also differed regarding cross-sectional versus longitudinal designs.2 This research note reports two results of a replication study.

Introduction to international relations: Power and justice

Abstract: I. INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS IN A POLITICAL SETTING. 1. Approaches to the Study of Politics. 2. The Study of International Relations: Theory and Practice. 3. The Balance-of-Power System and Its Variations. II. NATIONAL ACTORS: THEIR ATTRIBUTES, INTERESTS AND POLICIES. 4. The Nation-State and Nationalism. 5. Power and Capabilities of Nation-States. 6. National Interest and Other Interests. 7. Foreign-Policy Decision Making. III. INTERNATIONAL POLITICAL PROCESSES: CIVILIZED ACTORS IN A PRIMITIVE SYSTEM. 8. Diplomacy and Statecraft. 9. Intelligence. Covert Action, and Other Nonmilitary Instruments of Coercion. 10. War and Its Causes. 11. Modes and Levels of Warfare. 12. The Control of Conflict in the International System. IV. THE RUDIMENTARY INSTITUTIONS OF THE INTERNATIONAL SYSTEM. 13. International Law: Fact or Fiction? 14. The Great Experiments in Global Organization. 15. The Theory and Practice of Functionalism and Regional Integration. V. THE INTERNATIONAL SYSTEM IN TRANSITION. 16. The International Economy: Widening the Political Net? 17. The Gap between Rich and Poor: Reassessing the Meaning and Process of Development. 18. New and Neglected Actors in the International System. 19. Threats Facing Humankind. Index.

A new international health order. An inquiry into the international relations of world health and medical care

Abstract: A 'New International Health Order' (NIHO) is a new notion. In order to value the function of a NIHO, the present international health order and the socioeconomic order between the rich and poor countries will have to be taken into account. The factual and normatived evelopment of a new international economic order (NIEO) will subsequently receive special attention. The study is based on 1) the necessity to integrate medical (health) care and national and international socioeconomic developments; 2) the unacceptability of the global health inequalities betweent the rich and poor. ... Zie: Summary

Neofunctionalism: A Case of Mistaken Identity

Abstract: Neofunctionalism proved fertile and flexible in the 1960s and early 1970s. Numerous scholars in international relations and comparative politics, most of them very young U.S. citizens, applied their considerable energies to dissecting the integration process. Several empirical and theoretical problems cropped up along the way, but creative thinkers modified neofunctionalism to settle most of the issues. By 1970, the theory was rigorously specified but very complex-hardly the elegant model of the early 1960s. Problems with the theory continued to mount in the early 1970s, and in 1975 Ernst Haas declared regional integration theory (read neofunctionalism) “obsolescent.” Most neofunctionalists took Haas’s hint and moved on to other theories of international political economy such as interdependence theory and regime theory.

Bangladesh in 1977: Dilemmas of the Military Rulers

Abstract: THE OUTSTANDING EVENTS in 1977 reveal two leading patterns in Bangladesh. On the one hand, the first half of the year was characterized by the government's pragmatist policy, its stability and confidence. During this period the military regime sought legitimacy through a referendum, a nationwide election was held for the local councils, and the government launched a wide range of socioeconomic policies. During the second half of the year, on the other hand, divergent political forces generated tension and an abortive coup shook the military establishment and introduced elements of disquiet and instability. The purpose of this paper is to outline the changing events in 1977, the dilemmas of the military government, and the management of the internal economy and international relations.