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Showing papers on "International relations published in 1995"


Book
14 Jun 1995
TL;DR: The concept of order in world politics was introduced 25 years ago by Andrew Hurrell as discussed by the authors, who revisited The Anarchical Society 25 years on by Andrew H. Hurrell.
Abstract: Foreword to the Third Edition: The Anarchical Society 25 years on by Andrew Hurrell Foreword to the Second Edited: Revisiting The Anarchical Society by Stanley Hoffmann Preface Introduction PART 1: THE NATURE OF ORDER IN WORLD POLITICS The Concept of Order in World Politics Does Order Exist in World Politics? How is Order Maintained in World Politics? Order versus Justice in World Politics PART 2: ORDER IN THE CONTEMPORARY INTERNATIONAL SYSTEM The Balance of Power and International Order International Law and International Order Diplomacy and International Order War and International Order The Great Powers and International Order PART 3: ALTERNATIVE PATHS TO WORLD ORDER Alternatives to the Contemporary States System The Decline of the States System? The Obsolescence of the States System? The Reform of the States System? Conclusion

2,348 citations


Book
21 Aug 1995
TL;DR: The Political Economy of Authoritarian Withdrawals25Ch. 3Surviving Crises, Withdrawing in Good Times75Ch. 4Comparing Authoritarian withdrawals109Ch. 5Democratic Transitions and Economic Reform151Ch. 6New Democracies and Economic Crisis183Ch. 7Economic Management in Non-crisis Democracies228Ch. 8Economic and Political Reform in Dominant-Party Systems: Mexico and Taiwan267Ch. 9Economic Reform and Democratic Consolidation309Ch. 10Institutions, Democratic consolidation, and sustainable growth335 Conclusion: Comparing
Abstract: List of Figures and TablesPreface and AcknowledgmentsIntroduction: The Political Economy of Democratic Transitions3Ch. 1The Political Economy of Authoritarian Withdrawals25Ch. 2Economic Crisis and Authoritarian Withdrawal45Ch. 3Surviving Crises, Withdrawing in Good Times75Ch. 4Comparing Authoritarian Withdrawals109Ch. 5Democratic Transitions and Economic Reform151Ch. 6New Democracies and Economic Crisis183Ch. 7Economic Management in Non-crisis Democracies228Ch. 8Economic and Political Reform in Dominant-Party Systems: Mexico and Taiwan267Ch. 9Economic Reform and Democratic Consolidation309Ch. 10Institutions, Democratic Consolidation, and Sustainable Growth335Conclusion: Comparing Democratic Transitions365Index381

1,475 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: Mearsheimer's "The False Promise of International Institutions" as mentioned in this paper is the most systematic attempt to date by a neorealist to address critical international relations (IR) theory, and it reminds neoliberals and critical theorists that they have a common, nonrealist interest in the institutional bases of international life.
Abstract: ~ J o h n J. Mearsheimer’s “The False Promise of International Institutions”’ is welcome particularly in two respects. First, it is the most systematic attempt to date by a neorealist to address critical international relations (IR) theory.‘ Second, it reminds neoliberals and critical theorists, normally locked in their own tug-of-war, that they have a common, non-realist interest in the institutional bases of international life.3 ”False Promise” is likely, therefore, to spur productive discussions on all sides. Unfortunately, it will be hard for most critical theorists to take seriously a discussion of their research program so full of conflations, half-truths, and misunderstandings. However, to some extent misunderstanding is inevitable when anthropologists from one culture first explore another. A dialogue between these two cultures is overdue, and ”False Promise” is a good beginning. Critical IR ”theory,” however, is not a single theory. It is a family of theories that includes postmodernists (Ashley, Walker), constructivists (Adler, Kratochwil, Ruggie, and now Katzenstein), neo-Marxists (Cox, Gill), feminists (Peterson, Sylvester), and others. What unites them is a concern with how world politics is ”socially c~nstructed,”~ which involves two basic claims: that the fundamental structures of international politics are social rather than strictly material (a claim that opposes materialism), and that these structures

854 citations


Book
01 Jan 1995
TL;DR: The Political Economy of the World Trading System as mentioned in this paper is a comprehensive textbook account of the economics, institutional mechanics and politics of the world trading system, focusing in particular on the WTO's role as the primary organisation through which trading nations manage their commercial interactions and the focal point for cooperation on policy responses to the rapidly changing global trading environment.
Abstract: The Political Economy of the World Trading System is a comprehensive textbook account of the economics, institutional mechanics and politics of the world trading system. This third edition has been expanded and updated to cover developments in the World Trade Organisation (WTO) since its formation, including the Doha Round, presenting the essentials of trade negotiations and the WTO's rules and disciplines. The authors focus in particular on the WTO's role as the primary organisation through which trading nations manage their commercial interactions and the focal point for cooperation on policy responses to the rapidly changing global trading environment. It is the forum in which many features of the globalisation process are considered, and it currently faces an unprecedented set of challenges. The increasing importance of countries in Asia, Latin America and Africa in international trade relations, the revealed preference towards regionalism, intensification of trade conflicts, the role of business groups and NGOs in trade policy formation and negotiations, and pressures for more leadership in an institution threatened by paralysis are examples of issues that are discussed in some detail; all are critical for the operation of the system and for international business in the coming decade. This edition also includes numerous real-world examples to illustrate how the WTO impinges on business, workers and households, written from the perspective of managers and business associations. An insider's view of the institutional history of the WTO allows the authors to use a variety of conceptual tools to analyse the working of the WTO in a non-technical manner. Suggestions for Further Reading at the end of each chapter and an extensive bibliography make the volume suitable both for introductory and postgraduate courses on international economics and business, international relations, and international economic law.

829 citations


Book
01 Jan 1995
TL;DR: In this paper, an emerging development paradigm, and the imperative for a new international dialogue in topics central to human development such as a peace agenda for the Third World, are discussed.
Abstract: This text deals an emerging development paradigm, and with the imperative for a new international dialogue in topics central to human development such as a peace agenda for the Third World. It includes a prologue on the human development profile of nations, especially those in South Asia in the late 1990s, and indicators for the turn of the century. This book is intended for academics and practitioners with a general interest in development and international relations.

807 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this article, a complex process of globalization of goods and assets is undermining the effectiveness of state-based collective action, and the residual state retains great cultural force, and innovative projects for reinventing government are being tried.
Abstract: Globalization transforms collective action in domestic and international politics. As the scale of markets widens and as economic organization becomes more complex, the institutional scale of political structures can become insufficient for the provision of an appropriate range of public goods. A process of this sort occurred prior to the emergence of the modern nation-state, which itself constituted a paradigmatic response to this predicament. Today, however, a complex process of globalization of goods and assets is undermining the effectiveness of state-based collective action. Overlapping “playing fields” are developing, made up of increasingly heterogeneous—transnational, local, and intermediate—arenas. The residual state retains great cultural force, and innovative projects for reinventing government are being tried. Nevertheless, the state's effectiveness as a civil association has eroded significantly, and this may lead to a crisis of legitimacy.

675 citations


Book
01 Dec 1995
TL;DR: In Rights across Borders, political sociologist David Jacobson argues that transnational migrations have affected ideas of citizenship and the state since World War II as discussed by the authors, showing how citizenship has been increasingly devalued as governments extend rights to foreign populations and how, in turn, international human rights law has overshadowed traditional definitions of sovereignty.
Abstract: In Rights across Borders, political sociologist David Jacobson argues that transnational migrations have affected ideas of citizenship and the state since World War II. Jacobson shows how citizenship has been increasingly devalued as governments extend rights to foreign populations and how, in turn, international human rights law has overshadowed traditional definitions of sovereignty. Examining illegal immigration in the United States and migrant and foreign populations in Western Europe, with a special focus on Germany and France, Jacobson shows how the differing political cultures of these countries-the ethnic basis of citizenship in Germany versus its political basis in the United States, for instance-have shaped both domestic and international politics. "This short but well-written book addresses a neglected aspect of the contemporary decline of the nation-state. It studies in depth the criteria by which France, Germany, and the United States distinguish between citizen and alien, from the political-territorial definition of the French to the ethno-cultural one of the Germans."-Francis Fukuyama, Foreign Affairs "Jacobson challenges scholars to rethink their views of the state. Current theories of political sociology and international relations are rooted in conceptions that, he feels, are losing their relevance and bite ...A thought-provoking book."-Lawrence M. Friedman, Law and Politics Book Review "Few people discussing national and cultural identity or citizenship have looked at the legal ramifications of immigration. David Jacobson fills this gap in his important book."-Jeff Spinner-Halev, American Political Science Review "A compelling explanation of the intersection between transnational migration and human rights norms. It will be of interest to scholars of both international migration and human rights as well as a general reading audience interested in questions regarding immigration and citizenship"-Debra DeLaet, Perspectives on Political Science

600 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this paper, the authors develop an integrated theory of international law and international relations, which they call International Law and International Politics (ILP), and develop a theory of domestic politics and domestic law to rethink the nature and definition of International Law.
Abstract: International law and international politics cohabit the same conceptual space. Together they comprise the rules and the reality of 'the international system', an intellectual construct that lawyers, political scientists, and policymakers use to describe the world they study and seek to manipulate. As a distinguished group of international lawyers and a growing number of political scientists have recognized, it makes little sense to study one without the other. In keeping with this tradition, this article seeks to develop an integrated theory of international law and international relations. Previous efforts in this vein fall into several categories. Myres McDougal and Harold Lasswell, progenitors of the New Haven school, used a theory of domestic politics and domestic law to rethink the nature and definition of international law. The international legal process school, pioneered by scholars such as Abram Chayes and Louis Henkin, sought to explore and take account of the actual impact of international legal rules on international political processes, from crises to routine decision-making. The task was to determine to what extent law shapes 'how nations behave". Both of these approaches were developed in response to ongoing work in political science. The young discipline of international relations surged to respectability on the tide of Realism, proffering a hard-boiled code of conduct for the Cold War and disdaining the dangerous moralism of international law. International lawyers thus faced the 'Realist challenge*: the claim that law was simply irrelevant to international politics. McDougal and his disciples offered a theoretical response; international legal process scholars sought to establish more

546 citations


Book
28 Mar 1995
TL;DR: For over two hundred years the domination of some countries by others has been intrinsic to international relations, with national economic and political strength viewed as essential to a nation's survival and global position as mentioned in this paper.
Abstract: For over two hundred years the domination of some countries by others has been intrinsic to international relations, with national economic and political strength viewed as essential to a nation's survival and global position. Mastering Space identifies the essential features of this "state-centredness" and suggests an optimistic alternative more in keeping with the contemporary post-Cold War climate. Drawing on recent geopolitical thinking, the authors claim that the dynamism of the international political economy has been obscured through excessive attention on the state as an unchanging actor. Dealing with such topical issues as Japan's rise to economic dominance and America's perceived decline, as well as the global impact of continued geographical change, the book discusses the role of geographical organization in the global political economy, and the impact of increasing economic globalisation and political fragmentation in future international relations. The authors identify the present time as crucial to the global political economy, and explore the possibilities of moving the world from mastering space to real reciprocity between peoples and places. John Agnew is a Professor of Geography at the Maxwell School of Citizenship and Public Affairs, Syracuse University. Stuart Corbridge is a lecturer in Geography at the University of Cambridge and a Fellow of Sidney Sussex College.

537 citations


Book
01 Jan 1995
TL;DR: Ruigrok and van Tulder as discussed by the authors presented an abundance of new, as well as historical data, on the world's one hundred largest core companies and showed that none of the largest core firms is truly "global" or "borderless", and that virtually all of them in their history have benefited decisively from Governmental trade or industrial policies.
Abstract: There is within the corporate world an evolving international restructuring race,between industrial complexes,that is set to intensify over the coming years.An industrial complex consists of suppliers,distributors,governments,financiers and trade unions.It is the reorganisation of the relationship between the core firm and the above components that is set to change before very long. In this book, Winfied Ruigrok and Rob van Tulder address many current debates on topics such as "Post-Fordism","globalisation" and "lean production".They also identify a number pf rival internationalisation strategies that have been adopted by different companies.Moreover,they present an abundance of new,as well as historical data,on the world's one hundred largest core companies.This data shows that none of the largest core firms is truly "global" or "borderless",and that virtually all of them in their history have benefited decisively from Governmental trade or industrial policies. The authors offer a highly interdisciplinary effort to link three previously isolated debates on industrial restructuring,globalisation and international trade policies.The Logic of International Restructuring is aimed at a wide academic,post-graduate and professional audience working in the areas of business,economics,organisational studies and international relations.

536 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: Cultures of United States Imperialism as discussed by the authors examines the internal process of cultural appropriation and as an external struggle over international power of the United States, and shows how international relations reciprocally shape a dominant imperial culture at home.
Abstract: Cultures of United States Imperialism represents a major paradigm shift that will remap the field of American Studies. Pointing to a glaring blind spot in the basic premises of the study of American culture, leading critics and theorists in cultural studies, history, anthropology, and literature reveal the "denial of empire" at the heart of American Studies. Challenging traditional definitions and periodizations of imperialism, this volume shows how international relations reciprocally shape a dominant imperial culture at home and how imperial relations are enacted and contested within the United States. Drawing on a broad range of interpretive practices, these essays range across American history, from European representations of the New World to the mass media spectacle of the Persian Gulf War. The volume breaks down the boundary between the study of foreign relations and American culture to examine imperialism as an internal process of cultural appropriation and as an external struggle over international power. The contributors explore how the politics of continental and international expansion, conquest, and resistance have shaped the history of American culture just as much as the cultures of those it has dominated. By uncovering the dialectical relationship between American cultures and international relations, this collection demonstrates the necessity of analyzing imperialism as a political or economic process inseparable from the social relations and cultural representations of gender, race, ethnicity, and class at home. Contributors. Lynda Boose, Mary Yoko Brannen, Bill Brown, William Cain, Eric Cheyfitz, Vicente Diaz, Frederick Errington, Kevin Gaines, Deborah Gewertz, Donna Haraway, Susan Jeffords, Myra Jehlen, Amy Kaplan, Eric Lott, Walter Benn Michaels, Donald E. Pease, Vicente Rafael, Michael Rogin, Jose David Saldivar, Richard Slotkin, Doris Sommer, Gauri Viswanathan, Priscilla Wald, Kenneth Warren, Christopher P. Wilson

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this article, the authors propose a framework for the analysis of international regimes and the formation and change of regimes in the context of a large collaborative research project integrating and contextualizing hypotheses and alternative paths to better explain regime formation.
Abstract: Part 1 Research on international regimes: research on international regimes in Germany - the adaptive internalization of an American social science concept the analysis of international regimes - towards a European-American research programme. Part 2 Conceptual and theoretical problems of regime analysis: international society and the study of regimes - a reflective approach contract and regimes - do issue-specificity and variations of formality matter? crossing the boundary between public and private - international regimes and non-state actors progress in game-theoretical analysis of international regimes. Part 3 Regime formation and change: sovereignty, regimes and human rights epistemic communities and the dynamics of international environmental co-operation cognitive factors in explaining regime dynamics testing theories of regime formation - findings from a large collaborative research project integrating and contextualizing hypotheses - alternative paths to better explanations of regime formation? bringing the second image (back) in - about the domestic sources of regime formation. Part 4 Regime consequences: constructing historical counterfactuals to assess the consequences of international regimes - the global debt regime and the course of the debt crisis of the 1980s analyzing regime consequences - conceptual outlines and environmental explorations the internalization of principles, norms and rules by governments - the case of security regimes. Part 5 Conclusion: regime theory - state-of-the-art and perspectives.

Book ChapterDOI
01 Jan 1995
TL;DR: In the past 30 years, international relations has developed as a largely autonomous part of political science as mentioned in this paper, and it has a story of its own, even though it has shared many of the political science vicissitudes, battles among various orientations, theories and methods.
Abstract: In the past 30 years, international relations has developed as a largely autonomous part of political science. Even though it has shared many of political science’s vicissitudes — battles among various orientations, theories, and methods — it also has a story of its own. What follows is an attempt at neither a complete balance sheet nor a capsule history — merely a set of reflections on the specific accomplishments and frustrations of a particular field of scholarship.1

Book
01 Jan 1995
TL;DR: Contention under a magnifying glass: a change of repertoires problems, sources, methods a calendar of contention numbering the struggles forms of contention, old and new as discussed by the authors, arguing ideas common action and shared understanding repertoires of contention insistent questions, possible answers what's to come.
Abstract: Part 1 From mutiny to mass mobilization: contention in 1833 what changed and why? what's at issue? contending ideas common action and shared understanding repertoires of contention insistent questions, possible answers what's to come. Part 2 Contention under a magnifying glass: a change of repertoires problems, sources, methods a calendar of contention numbering the struggles forms of contention, old and new. Part 3 Capital, state and class in Britain, 1750-1840: proletarians, landlords and others the growth of industry urbanization income and inequality war and the British state repression in Britain popular participation in national politics social movements and democracy. Part 4 Wilkes, Gordon and popular vengeance, 1758-1788: how Britain was changing contention's flow how the repertoire worked against poorhouses and enclosures workers' contention mutations. Part 5 Revolution, war and other struggles, 1789-1815: associations in France and Britain economy and demography state, war and parliament textures of contention contentious issues the issue is food who contended, and how? revolution and popular sovereignty. Part 6 State, class and contention, 1816-1827: economy and state, 1816-1827 from war to peace to contention contentious contours Queen Caroline contentious actors workers in action contending with associations political entrepreneurs, radicals and reformers. Part 7 Struggle and reform, 1828-1834: spurting population, expanding economy, consolidating state repertoires for the 1830s the political crisis of 1828-1834 embattled bobbies swing time for reform workers glimmers of revolution. Part 8 From donkeying to demonstrating: to retell the story to meet in public catholics in politics toward explanation social movements and demonstrations national and international politics foundations of popular contention mass national politics and democracy. Appendices: sources and methods major Acts by the British government directly affecting popular association and collective action, 1750-1834.

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this article, the authors explore the key theoretical and analytical issues attending empirical research on state sovereignty and argue that research on these issues should be directed to the bedrock of sovereignty: rule making and enforcement authority, or what I call policing.
Abstract: This article explores many of the key theoretical and analytical issues attending empirical research on state sovereignty. It reviews recent research on sovereignty, the state, and state-building in an attempt to summarize what we now know or think we know about state sovereignty. Bringing the fruits of that research to bear on the concepts that define state sovereignty, I offer some criteria from which analysts might derive empirically testable propositions about sovereignty's historical status and future prospects. In conclusion, I argue that research on these issues should be (re-) directed to the bedrock of sovereignty: rule making and enforcement authority, or what I call policing.

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: The Empire of Civil Society as discussed by the authors mounts a compelling critique of the orthodox realist theory of international relations and provides a historical-materialist approach to the international system, which is the basis for our work.
Abstract: The Empire of Civil Society mounts a compelling critique of the orthodox realist theory of international relations and provides a historical-materialist approach to the international system.

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In the first issue of this journal, for example, UN Secretary-General Boutros Boutros-Ghali emphasized the internationalization of the problems of human rights and democracy, previously thought of as issues for states to deal with within their own boundaries as discussed by the authors.
Abstract: changes that have been occurring both in the dynamics of relations in the world of states and in understandings of those dynamics. In the first issue of this journal, for example, UN Secretary-General Boutros Boutros-Ghali emphasized the internationalization of the problems of human rights and democracy, previously thought of as issues for states to deal with within their own boundaries. He also demonstrated how the pursuit of democracy as an international goal involves the cooperation of a range of international

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: A review of the field of foreign policy analysis can be found in this paper, where the authors examine how foreign policy decisions are made and assume that human beings, acting individually or in collectivities, are the source of much behavior and most change in international politics.
Abstract: The catalytic shock of the end of the Cold War and the apparent inability of international relations (IR) theory to predict this profound change have raised questions about how we should go about understanding the world of today. Our inherited tools and ways of describing the international arena seem not to work as well as they once did. To explain and predict the behavior of the human collectivities comprising nation-states, IR theory requires a theory of human political choice. Within the study of IR, foreign policy analysis (FPA) has begun to develop such a theoretical perspective. From its inception, FPA has involved the examination of how foreign policy decisions are made and has assumed that human beings, acting individually or in collectivities, are the source of much behavior and most change in international politics. This article reviews the field of foreign policy analysis, examining its research core and its evolution to date. The overview also looks forward, pointing to the future, not only of FPA itself, but to the implications that future developments in FPA may have for the study of international relations.

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this article, the authors reexamine both the logic and the empirical basis of the claim central to the Clinton administration's advocacy of enlargement and conclude that democratic states rarely, if ever, wage war against other democratic states.
Abstract: In recent months, the Clinton administration has begun to advocate a replacement for the doctrine of containment that drove U.S. foreign policy during the Cold War. According to Anthony Lake, the Assistant to the President for National Security Affairs, the leading candidate to succeed containment is "a strategy of enlargementenlargement of the world's ... community of market democracies."' President Clinton concurs, noting that a strategy of enlargement serves U.S. interests because "democracies rarely wage war on one another."2 Several empirical analyses suggest that the Clinton administration's advocacy of enlargement is well-grounded. They conclude that democratic states do pursue distinctive foreign policies. Perhaps the most intriguing among their findings is that democratic states rarely, if ever, wage war against other democratic states. Indeed, some observers consider this finding to be "as close as anything we have to an empirical law in international relations."3 Yet doubts remain about whether the observed association reflects a causal relationship.4 In this paper, we attempt to resolve these doubts. In order to do so, we reexamine both the logic and the empirical basis of the claim central to

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: Nongovernmental organisations (NGOs) have in increasing numbers injected unexpected voices into international discourse about numerous problems of global scope as discussed by the authors, especially during the last 20 years, human rights advocates, gender activists, developmentalists, groups of indigenous peoples and representatives of other defined interests have become active in political work once reserved for representatives of states.
Abstract: Nongovernmental organisations (NGOs) have in increasing numbers injected unexpected voices into international discourse about numerous problems of global scope. Especially during the last 20 years, human rights advocates, gender activists, developmentalists, groups of indigenous peoples and representatives of other defined interests have become active in political work once reserved for representatives of states. Their numbers have enlarged the venerable, but hardly numerous, ranks of transnational organisations built around churches, labour unions and humanitarian aims. The United Nations (UN) system provides a convenient, accessible vantage point to observe some of the most active, persuasive NGOS in the world. During the last 50 years, various UN organisations have felt the direct and indirect impact of NGOS. According to the Union of International Associations, the NGO universe includes well over 15 000 recognisable NGOS that operate in three or more countries and draw their finances from sources in more than one country; this number is growing all the time.' In their own ways, NGOS and intergovernmental organisations (IGOS) grope, sometimes cooperatively, sometimes competitively, sometimes in parallel towards a modicum of 'global governance'. We define global governance as efforts to bring more orderly and reliable responses to social and political issues that go beyond capacities of states to address individually. Like the NGO universe, global governance implies an absence of central authority, and the need for collaboration or cooperation among governments and others who seek to encourage common practices and goals in addressing global issues. The means to achieve global governance also include activities of the United Nations and other intergovernmental organisations and standing cooperative arrangements among states. This introductory essay generally discusses the NGO phenomenon. It proposes a definition of NGOS to serve for the purpose of this issue, although much controversy remains about the concept and individual authors may offer refinements. It also provides a general backdrop of historical, legal and political factors for the study. It offers some analytical detail needed for deeper understanding of the phenomenon, and outlines a set of fundamental factors for studying NGOS. It does not assume that NGOs always or even usually succeed in reaching their goals or, if they do, that the result is beneficial for peace, social or personal welfare, or human rights. The studies that follow all employ the United Nations as a central and reasonably transparent point of observation that has legal and historical underpinnings, and branching activities that reach to the social grass roots. Moreover, NGOS are omnipresent in many aspects of international relations, and they may 0143-6597/95/030357-3 1 ?D 1995 Third World Quarterly

Book
01 Jan 1995
TL;DR: Downs and Rocke as mentioned in this paper argue that an important part of the international impact of domestic politics springs from the institutional responses to its many uncertainties, due not so much to the errors in judgment these uncertainties can cause as to the strategic and institutional consequences of knowing that such errors are possible.
Abstract: "Domestic political matters" has become a rallying cry for international relations scholars over the past decade, yet the question still remains: Just how does it matter? In this book, George Downs and David Rocke argue that an important part of the international impact of domestic politics springs from the institutional responses to its many uncertainties. This impact is due not so much to the errors in judgment these uncertainties can cause as to the strategic and institutional consequences of knowing that such errors are possible. The heart of the book is its formal analysis of how three kinds of domestic uncertainty have shaped international relations through their influence on three very different institutions. One chapter deals with the decision rules that citizens create to cope with uncertainty about the quality of their representation, and how these can lead to the paradoxical "gambling for resurrection" effect. Another chapter describes the extent to which the weak enforcement provisions of GATT can be understood as a mechanism to cope with uncertain but intermittent interest group demands for protection. The third chapter looks at the impact of uncertainty on the creation, survival, and membership of multilateral regulatory institutions, such as the Montreal Protocol and EU, when some states question the capacity of other states to meet their treaty obligations.

Book
18 Dec 1995
TL;DR: In this paper, the Napoleonic Wars and the Decembrist Uprising are considered, as well as the First World War, the Russo-Polish War, and the Second World War.
Abstract: Preface Chapter 1. Introduction Chapter 2. The Napoleonic Wars and the Decembrist Uprising Chapter 3. Official Nationality, "Slavophiles", "Westernisers" Chapter 4. From the Springtime of Nations to the Assassination of Tsar Alexander II Chapter 5. From the Assassination of Tsar Alexander II to the First World War Chapter 6. From the First World War to Destalinisation From the November Coup to the Russ-Polish War From the Russo-Polish War to the Second World War Chapter 7. From Destalinisation to Perestroyka Chapter 8. Perestroyka and After Conclusion Bibliography

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this paper, the relationship between globalisation and inequality is discussed and four areas which illustrate the linkages between inequality and globalisation are examined: state strength, international institutions, values and norms, and non-state actors.
Abstract: Neglected in liberal and other writings about globalisation is one particularly important feature of world politics: inequality. This chapter highlights the relationship between globalisation and inequality. It argues that inequality matters not just on grounds of equity, but is also important for understanding the nature of globalisation and its impact on world politics. Inequalities among states both shape the process of globalisation and are affected by it. The chapter describes globalisation, drawing on both an international society view of international relations and a view of the international political economy which emphasises the causes and promulgation of global inequalities. It examines four areas which illustrate the linkages between inequality and globalisation: state strength, international institutions, values and norms, and non-state actors. The liberal orthodoxy highlights the progressive enmeshment of economies and societies that results from globalisation. It emphasises the powerful international and transnational pressures that both constrain the range of viable state policies and influence the complexion of domestic politics.

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this paper, the authors argue that the distribution of power and the balance of threat do influence domestic institutional formation and change in emerging states, and that the subsequent military strategies of these weak states are likely to reflect such domestic institutional choices in a number of important and predictable ways.
Abstract: The received wisdom in international relations suggests that we can best account for the foreign policies of small states by examining structural/systemic rather than domestic level factors. This article challenges this scholarly consensus. The distribution of power and the balance of threat do influence domestic institutional formation and change in emerging states. However, the subsequent military strategies of these weak states are likely to reflect such domestic institutional choices in a number of important and predictable ways. The article tests this argument against pre-1900 US domestic regime change and foreign security policy. The historical evidence suggests that while international preconditions were critically linked to constitutional reform, the institutional structures and rules of democratic presidentialism affected both the timing and substance of US military strategies in later periods. The US case study provides a springboard for speculating on the international context of democratization in Eastern Europe and the long-term foreign-policy consequences of this domestic regime choice.

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: The authors describes the features of organizations that have successfully learned to improve their programmatic activities for environmental management in order to provide a positive example of organizational design for encouraging effective governance after the Cold War.
Abstract: This chapter describes the features of organizations that have successfully learned to improve their programmatic activities for environmental management in order to provide a positive example of organizational design for encouraging effective governance after the Cold War. It seeks to determine to what extent lessons derived from these organizations’ experience in dealing with environmental problems may be generalized to other international issue areas. The chapter focuses on the shared beliefs that inform the practices of institutions, thus augmenting attention to the formal rules by which an exogenously determined set of values is authoritatively determined and applied. While ad hoc and disjointed responses to the challenges are likely to occur through most processes of international relations, robust and resilient responses are possible in multilateral settings characterized by well-developed processes of organizational learning. In such cases, many problems should be resolvable through existing organizations, without having to construct new superorganizations.

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this article, the authors propose four additional ideal-type images, each of which is likely to lead to a specified set of strategic behaviors and apply to dyadic relations across the Persian Gulf from 1977 through 1990.
Abstract: Systemic theories of international politics are inadequate for explaining particular states' policies, and some neorealists reach for supplementary foreign-policy-level concepts. Yet these studies almost never provide the empirical evidence required by their motivational constructs. Available psychological studies rely too heavily on notions peculiar to the cold war—such as the image of the enemy. A new theory proposes four additional ideal-type images. Each image is likely to lead to a specified set of strategic behaviors. An application to dyadic relations across the Persian Gulf from 1977 through 1990 suggests that this theory can help account for otherwise puzzling behavior, and it illustrates a promising route toward a more sensitive interactionist international relations theory suited both to the former superpower relationship and to diverse others.

Book
01 Jan 1995
TL;DR: In this paper, two scholars of international politics debate the issue of nuclear proliferation and argue that nuclear proliferation may be a stabilizing force, as it decreases the likelihood of war by increasing its costs.
Abstract: If the build-up of nuclear weapons was a significant factor in maintaining the "long peace" between the United States and the Soviet Union, will the spread of nuclear weapons beyond these two superpowers stabilize or disrupt international relations. In this book, two scholars of international politics debate the issue. Kenneth Waltz argues that fear of the spread of nuclear weapons is unfounded - "more may be better". Nuclear proliferation may be a stabilizing force, as it decreases the likelihood of war by increasing its costs. Scott Sagan, however, argues that nuclear proliferation will make the world less stable - "more will be worse". Nuclear-armed states may not possess the internal structures that would ensure safe and rational control of nuclear weapons. Written for a general audience, this book is intended to help the public understand more clearly the role of nuclear weapons in the new world order.

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this view, a Hobson's choice between anarchy and hierarchy is not necessary because an intermediary structure, here dubbed "negarchy" is also available as mentioned in this paper, which is a theory of security that is superior to realism because it addresses not only threats of war from other states but also the threat of despotism at home.
Abstract: A rediscovery of the long-forgotten republican version of liberal political theory has arresting implications for the theory and practice of international relations. Republican liberalism has a theory of security that is superior to realism, because it addresses not only threats of war from other states but also the threat of despotism at home. In this view, a Hobson's choice between anarchy and hierarchy is not necessary because an intermediary structure, here dubbed “negarchy,” is also available. The American Union from 1787 until 1861 is a historical example. This Philadelphian system was not a real state since, for example, the union did not enjoy a monopoly of legitimate violence. Yet neither was it a state system, since the American states lacked sufficient autonomy. While it shared some features with the Westphalian system such as balance of power, it differed fundamentally. Its origins owed something to particular conditions of time and place, and the American Civil War ended this system. Yet close analysis indicates that it may have surprising relevance for the future of contemporary issues such as the European Union and nuclear governance.

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TL;DR: In this paper, Desch, Charles Glaser, Stanley Hoffmann, Andrew Kydd, John Mearsheimer, Daniel Philpott, Bradley Thayer, Karen Turato, Stephen Van Evera, Celeste Wallander, participants in a seminar at the Center for International Relations, University of California at Los Angeles, and two anonymous reviewers for their helpful comments on previous drafts of this article.
Abstract: The author thanks Michael Desch, Charles Glaser, Stanley Hoffmann, Andrew Kydd, John Mearsheimer, Daniel Philpott, Bradley Thayer, Karen Turato, Stephen Van Evera, Celeste Wallander, participants in a seminar at the Center for International Relations, University of California at Los Angeles, and two anonymous reviewers for their helpful comments on previous drafts of this article. An earlier version of this article was delivered at the 1995 Annual Convention of the International Studies Association, Chicago, Illinois, 21–25 February 1995.

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TL;DR: The question raised in "False Promise" is straightforward and widely recognized in the international relations literature: can international institutions prevent war by changing state behavior? Specifically, can institutions push states away from war by getting them to eschew balance-of-power logic, and to refrain from calculating each important move according to how it affects their relative power position? Realists answer no.
Abstract: The central question raised in "False Promise" is straightforward and widely recognized in the international relations literature: can international institutions prevent war by changing state behavior? Specifically, can institutions push states away from war by getting them to eschew balance-of-power logic, and to refrain from calculating each important move according to how it affects their relative power position? Realists answer no. They believe that institutions cannot get states to stop behaving as short-term power maximizers. For realists, institutions reflect state calculations of self-interest based primarily on concerns about relative power; as a result, institutional outcomes invariably reflect the balance of power. Institutions, realists maintain, do not have significant independent effects on state behavior. However, realists recognize that great powers sometimes find institutions-especially alliances-useful for maintaining or even increasing their share of world power. For example, it was more efficient for the United States and its allies to balance against the Soviets through NATO than through a less formal and more ad hoc alliance. But NATO did not force its member states to behave contrary to balance-of-power logic. Institutionalists answer yes. They believe that institutions can independently change state behavior. Institutions can cause peace, so the argument goes, by convincing states to reject power-maximizing behavior, and to accept outcomes that might weaken their relative power position. In short, the debate between the institutionalists and me is about whether institutions can have an independent effect on state behavior, or whether instead institutional outcomes