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Showing papers on "International relations published in 1996"


MonographDOI
TL;DR: The Retreat of the State as mentioned in this paper is a seminal work in the field of international political economy, where the authors argue that there is no effective conclave of big corporations with United States government power, though these forces do seem to be the predominate actors.
Abstract: In April 1970, Susan Strange published an article in the Chatham House review which challenged the mutual exclusivity of international economics and international politics.(f.1) The consequence was a rebirth of the concept of political economy in international studies. She has continued consistently her liberation struggle from academic self-enclosure, disciplinary defensiveness, and turf wars. She insisted that the new international political economy be a broad church open to historians, geographers, sociologists, anthropologists, and the whole range of humanistic studies, as well as economists and political scientists. In this, she echoed Fernand Braudel's appeal in 1958 for the integration of the human sciences in his famous essay on the longue duree. Her work never stood still. She moves forward in responding to her critics and, above all, by her acute perceptions of change in reality. She is not alone in perceiving that the field of international relations study (IR) is beset by an identity crisis.(f.2) The problem now is not just the need for a more ecumenical use of methods and approaches but also for a new ontology -- an updated view of the basic entities and relationships that constitute reality. This is what The Retreat of the State is all about. Susan Strange is a realist in the literal sense that she asks: Where does the power lie? What is the nature of the power? Who benefits? Who suffers? Conventional IR has said a priori that power lies with states. Susan Strange challenges the exclusivity of that assumption. Her enquiry into power and its workings contributes to a 'new realism' quite different from the 'neorealism' of established IR. It has, she writes, led her to a 'final parting of the ways from the discipline of international relations' (p xv). As a realist, Strange cuts through such currently fashionable euphemisms as 'regimes,'(f.3) 'interdependence,' 'globalization,' and 'global governance,' to demonstrate that these terms can act as ideological screens to obscure relations of dominance and subordination. Although she has been associated with the proposition that power is shifting from political authorities to markets,(f.4) in this book the classical notion of 'market' is also implicitly questioned. A market is no longer that abstractly defined infinity of buyers and sellers whose interactions are guided to a beneficent outcome by a providential unseen hand. There are many different markets, and they all need to be analysed as power systems. She illustrates with a few cases: telecoms, insurance, the big accountancy firms, and cartels. In all of these cases, the power systems work to strengthen big corporate translational business. On cartels, she asks why the subject of private protectionism seems to be taboo among liberal economists and concludes that 'while the rhetoric of free enterprise and open competition is necessary to a full integration of a world economy operating on a market principle, the rhetoric is often, in reality, empty of meaning' (p 60). The ontology of Strange's new realism includes a decline in the authority of states, an increase in the authority of big translational firms, a parcelling of authority downwards from states to smaller territorial entities, along with a general erosion of power based on territory and a rise in non-territorial power in economy, technology, and communications. Others have noted these tendencies; they give substance to Hedley Bull's vision of a new medievalism of overlapping authorities and loyalties.(f.5) While accepting this vision as foreshadowing present reality, Strange takes the next step and asks who governs in such circumstances. This must be the first question in reflecting upon the condition of the world and its future; and, of course, there is no clear answer to it. A conspiracy theory will not do. There is no effective conclave of big corporations with United States government power, though these forces do seem to be the predominate actors. A key word in this book is 'symbiosis. …

2,498 citations


Book
01 Feb 1996
TL;DR: A timeline of developmentalism and globalism can be found in this paper, where the authors present the development and globalization: Framing issues and issues of the development project.
Abstract: About the Author Foreword Preface to the Fourth Edition A Timeline of Developmentalism and Globalism Acknowledgments Abbreviations Chapter 1: Development and Globalization: Framing Issues What Is the World Coming to? The Global Marketplace Global Interdependencies The Lifestyle Connection The Development Lifestyle The Project of Development Part I: The Developmen Project (Late 1940s to Early 1970s) Chapter 2: Instituting the Development Project Colonialism Decolonization Decolonization and Development Postwar Decolonization and the Rise of the Third World Ingredients of the Development Project Framing the Development Project Economic Nationalism Summary Chapter 3: The Development Project: International Relations The International Framework Remaking the International Division of Labor The Food-Aid Regime Remaking Third World Agricultures Summary Part II: From National Development to Globalization Chapter 4: Globalizing National Economy Third World Industrialization in Context Agricultural Globalization Global Sourcing and Regionalism Summary Chapter 5: Demise of the Third World The Empire of Containment and the Political Decline of the Third World Global Finance The Debt Regime Global Governance Summary Part III: The Globalization Project (1980s - ) Chapter 6: Instituting the Globalization Project The Globalization Project The World Trade Organization Regional Free Trade Agreements (FTAs) The Globalization Project, World Bank Style Summary Chapter 7: The Globalization Project in Practice Outsourcing Displacement Informalization Global Re-colonization Summary Part IV: Rethinking Development Chapter 8: Global Development and Its Countermovements Fundamentalism Environmentalism Feminism Cosmopolitan Activism Food Sovereignty Movements Summary Chapter 9: Development for What? Development as Rule Legitimacy Crisis of the Globalization Project The Ecological Climacteric Notes References Glossary/Index

1,285 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In the field of international law, history, anthropology, and sociology, the role of norms of behavior, intersubjective understandings, culture, identity, and other social features of political life has been explored as mentioned in this paper.
Abstract: International relations scholars have become increasingly interested in norms of behavior, intersubjective understandings, culture, identity, and other social features of political life. However, our investigations largely have been carried out in disciplinary isolation. We tend to treat our arguments that these things "matter" as discoveries and research into social phenomena as forays into uncharted territory. However, scholars within the fields of international law, history, anthropology, and sociology have always known that social realities influence behavior, and each field has incorporated these social constructions in different ways into research programs. Sociologists working in organization theory have developed a particularly powerful set of arguments about the roles of norms and culture in international life that pose direct challenges to realist and liberal theories in political science. Their arguments locate causal force in an expanding and deepening Western world culture that emphasizes Weberian rationality as the means to both

926 citations


Book
01 Jan 1996
TL;DR: In this paper, a post-hegemonic conceptualisation of world-order is proposed, which is based on the relevance of Ibn Khaldun and Gramsci's 'Take six eggs'.
Abstract: Part I. Overviews: 1. Beyond international relations theory: Robert W. Cox and approaches to world order Timothy J. Sinclair 2. Influences and commitments Part II. Theory: 3. The idea of international labour regulation 4. Realism, positivism 5. On thinking about future world order 6. Social forces, states and world orders 7. Gramsci, hegemony and international relations: an essay in method 8. Towards a post-hegemonic conceptualisation of world-order: reflections on the relevancy of Ibn Khaldun 9. 'Take six eggs': theory, finance, and the real economy in the work of Susan Strange Part III. Interpretations: 10. The global political economy and social choice 11. 'Real socialism' in historical perspective 12. Structural issues of global governance: implications for Europe 13. Middlepowermanship, Japan, and future world order 14. Production and security 15. Global perestroika Part IV. Multilateralism: 16. The executive head: an essay on leadership in international organisation 17. Decision making with Harold K. Jacobsen 18. Ideologies and the new international economic order: reflection on some recent literature 19. Labour and hegemony 20. Labour and hegemony: a reply 21. Multilateralism and world order 22. Globalisation, multilateralism and democracy.

682 citations


Book
13 Sep 1996
TL;DR: Clapham as discussed by the authors shows how an initially supportive international environment has - as a result partly of political and economic mismanagement within African states themselves, partly of global developments over which they had no control - become increasingly threatening to African rulers and the states they preside, and how international conventions designed to uphold state sovereignty have often been appropriated and subverted by rulers to enhance their domestic control.
Abstract: African independence launched into international politics a group of the world's poorest, weakest, and most artificial states. How have such states managed to survive? To what extent is their survival now threatened? Christopher Clapham shows how an initially supportive international environment has - as a result partly of political and economic mismanagement within African states themselves, partly of global developments over which they had no control - become increasingly threatening to African rulers and the states over which they preside. The author also reveals how international conventions designed to uphold state sovereignty have often been appropriated and subverted by rulers to enhance their domestic control, and how African states have been undermined by guerrilla insurgencies and the use of international relations to serve essentially private ends. He shows how awkward, how ambiguous, how unsatisfactory, and often how tragic, has been the encounter between Africa and Western conceptions of statehood.

590 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: This article extends work by Espenshade and Calhoun (1993) who analyzed data from a southern California survey in June 1983 about the impacts of undocumented migrants and illegal immigration and test several hypotheses about factors influencing respondents' attitudes, including the importance of previously unexamined predictors.
Abstract: "This article aims to contribute to an understanding of contemporary American attitudes toward immigration.... The paper uses data from a CBS News/New York Times poll conducted in June 1993. Respondents were asked whether they would like to see the level of immigration to the United States increased, decreased or kept the same. We test several hypotheses about factors influencing respondents' attitudes, including the importance of previously unexamined predictors. These new hypotheses relate to views about the health of the U.S. economy, feelings of social and political alienation, and isolationist sentiments concerning international economic issues and foreign relations. One important discovery is the close connection between possessing restrictionist immigration attitudes and having an isolationist perspective along a broader array of international issues."

513 citations


Book
01 Jan 1996
TL;DR: HolHolsti as mentioned in this paper explores the poorly understood role of public opinion in international affairs, looking at Americans' capacity to make informed judgments about issues far removed from their personal experience, and analyzes the relationships between public opinion and foreign policy since 9/11.
Abstract: Thoroughly revised edition of an essential text, incorporating a wealth of new material on American foreign policy since 9/11. The second edition of this concise masterwork includes vast amounts of new material on American foreign policy in the post-9/11 era, including the war in Iraq. Holsti explores the poorly understood role of public opinion in international affairs, looking at Americans' capacity to make informed judgments about issues far removed from their personal experience. "Impressively comprehensive and current: an excellent revision of a book by the #1 authority on the topic. This new edition will remain at the forefront for consultation and textbook adoption on the topic for years to come."-Bruce Russett, Yale University "I thought the first edition was the best single treatment of the subject-so, apparently, did the student who 'borrowed' my copy-and this is a worthy successor. The new edition almost flawlessly accomplishes the goal Holsti sets for himself: an update of his landmark book in light of emerging research and the dramatically changed state of the world that confronts U.S. foreign policy."-Randy Siverson, University of California, Davis "For those who are curious about the impact of 9/11 on American public opinion, for serious students of the relationship between foreign policy and public opinion, for anyone who wants to understand contemporary American opinion about the United States' place in the world, and for citizens tired of conventional wisdom about a difficult and important subject, Holsti's study is not only interesting and topical, it is essential."-Maxine Isaacs, Kennedy School of Government, Harvard University "In an age of almost weekly polling on foreign policy, Holsti's insights are indispensable. He delivers double tour de force in this new edition, providing his own current and historical research along with a comprehensive synthesis of the existing literature. His analysis of the relationships between public opinion and foreign policy since 9/11 will prove particularly valuable for students and scholars alike."-Richard Eichenberg, Tufts University "Holsti combines a vast knowledge of political history and a mastery of the relevant scholarship with up-to-date empirical data to address the question of what role the general public can play in shaping foreign policy. This revised edition is a remarkable achievement."-Shoon Murray, School of International Service, American University

512 citations


Book
01 Jan 1996
TL;DR: The Retreat of the State as discussed by the authors develops a theoretical framework to show who really governs the world economy and explores some of the non-state authorities, from mafias to the Big Six accounting firms and international bureaucrats, whose power over who gets what in the world encroaches on that of national governments.
Abstract: Adopting new and much more comprehensive concepts of both power and politics, The Retreat of the State develops a theoretical framework to show who really governs the world economy. It goes on to explore some of the non-state authorities, from mafias to the Big Six accounting firms and international bureaucrats, whose power over who gets what in the world encroaches on that of national governments. The book is a signpost, pointing to some promising new directions for the future development of research and teaching in international political economy. Its originality and scope make The Retreat of the State of great importance for scholars and students of international relations, business and management.

511 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this paper, the authors examined how international rules and norms have affected U.S. policy choices in both the economic and security realms and identified two factors that condition the extent to which an actor's appeal to an international rule or norm will influence state behavior.
Abstract: Generally, scholars of international relations have attempted to show that international rules or norms influence state behavior by locating their causal significance at the level of state interactions. However, international rules and norms also affect a country's policy choice by way of the actions of domestic political actors. In particular, government officials and societal interest groups can appeal to an international rule or norm in an effort to further their objectives in the national arena. Through such appeals, international rules and norms can become incorporated into the policy debate, and, under some conditions, may ultimately affect national policy choice. The article identifies two factors that condition the extent to which an actor's appeal to an international rule or norm will influence state behavior: the domestic structural context and the domestic salience of the international rule or norm. This argument is explored through an examination of how international rules and norms have affected U.S. policy choices in both the economic and security realms. The security case examines the impact of President Bush's appeal to the norm of collective security to justify a response to the Iraqi invasion of Kuwait. The economic case covers the U.S. semiconductor industry's efforts to persuade the Reagan administration to obtain Japanese liberalization of its trade practices with regard to semiconductor devices.

485 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this article, the authors argue that social constructivism has to be taken more seriously in the study of the EU and that network analysis should move beyond rational choice models and incorporate theories of communicative action.
Abstract: Recent work on the European Union (EU) indicates an emerging consensus that the boundaries between the ‘domestic’ and the ‘international’ spheres, as well as between the ‘state’ and ‘society’, have to be crossed when conceptualizing the EU. This article starts with reviewing the controversy between neofunctionalism and intergovernmentalism, arguing that it lacks some categories necessary to capture distinctive features of the EU. It then presents a framework combining insights from work on transnational politics by international relations scholars, on policy networks and Politikveflechtung (interlocking politics) by comparative policy analysis, and by historical institutionalism. Propositions are generated on the institutional and structural conditions under which network analysis is better suited than intergovernmentalism to capture the EU policy-making process. Finally, the article argues that social constructivism has to be taken more seriously in the study of the EU and that network analysis should move beyond rational choice models and incorporate theories of communicative action. More work is needed on the role of ideas and principled beliefs in the EU integration process.

476 citations


BookDOI
01 Jan 1996
TL;DR: Weber and Biersteker as discussed by the authors discuss the social construction of state sovereignty in the context of a political-territorial ideal of sovereign state system as a social construct.
Abstract: 1. The social construction of state sovereignty Thomas J. Biersteker and Cynthia Weber 2. Contested sovereignty: the social construction of colonial imperialism David Strang 3. Beyond the sovereignty dilemma: quasi-states as social construct Naeem Inayatullah 4. The sovereign state system as political-territorial ideal: historical and contemporary considerations Alexander Murphy 5. Sovereignty and the nation: constructing the boundaries of national identity Roxanne Lynn Doty 6. Sovereignty, nationalism and regional order in the Arab states system Michael Barnett 7. Popular sovereigns, bound states: the practices, structures and geopolitics of Philadelphian systems Daniel Deudney 8. Hierarchy under anarchy: informal empire and the East German state Alexander Wendt and Daniel Friedheim 9. Reconstructing the analysis of sovereignty concluding reflections and directions for future research Cynthia Weber and Thomas J. Biersteker.

Book
01 Sep 1996
TL;DR: In this article, a collection of essays demonstrates the continuing importance of the work of Michael Polanyi for the understanding, not only of the great events of the 20th century, but also of the problems that face us in the 21st century.
Abstract: This collection of essays demonstrates the continuing importance of the work of Michael Polanyi for the understanding, not only of the great events of the 20th century, but also of the problems that face us in the 21st century. Polanyi moved liberalism away from a negative, sceptical and rationalist basis towards an acceptance of trust, tradition and faith in transcendent values. His conception of the free society is not one merely of doing as one pleases nor vacuously 'open', but one of individual and communal self-dedication to those values and ideals.These essays, authored by a distinguished international and interdisciplinary panel of invited contributors, examine Polanyi's specific insights in the theory of knowledge, the nature and source of social order and the philosophy of economics and science and draw relevant comparisons between Polanyi and related thinkers such as Popper, Hayek and Mises. This book shows the sources of Polanyi's ideas and his distinctive contribution to philosophy generally, to social and political thought and to economics.

BookDOI
01 Jun 1996
TL;DR: In this paper, Smith, Ken Booth, and Marysia Zalewski discuss the importance of positivism in the development of international political theory, and discuss the contributions of feminist theories to international relations.
Abstract: Introduction Steve Smith, Ken Booth, and Marysia Zalewski Part I. Debates: 1. Positivism and beyond Steve Smith Part II. Legacies: 2. The timeless wisdom of realism? Barry Buzan 3. The growing relevance of pluralism? Richard Little 4. The interstate structure of the modern world system Immanuel Wallerstein 5. The accomplishments of international political theory Stephen Krasner 6. The continued significance of positivism Michael Nicholson Part III. Silences: 7. The rise and fall of the inter-paradigm debate Ole Weaver 8. Margins, silences and bottom rungs: how to overcome the underestimation of power in the study of international relations Cynthia Enloe 9. Is there a classical international theory? Robert Jackson Part IV. Openings: 10. Authoritarian and liberal militarism: a contribution from comparative and historical sociology Michael Mann 11. The achievements of post-structuralism Richard Ashley 12. The contributions of feminist theories to international relations Christine Sylvester 13. The achievements of critical theory Andrew Linklater Part V. Directions: 14. The last post? Martin Hollis 15. Probing puzzles persistently: a desirable but improbable future for IR theory James Rosenau 16. The future of international relations: fears and hopes Fred Halliday 17. Seventy-five years on: rewriting the subject's past - reinventing its future Ken Booth 18. 'All these theories yet the bodies keep piling up': theory, theorists, theorising Marysia Zalewski.


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: This article examined the durability of international military alliances and found that those between democratic states have endured longer than either alliances between nondemocracies or alliances between democracies and non-democracies.
Abstract: Making credible commitments is a formidable problem for states in the anarchic international system. A long-standing view holds that this is particularly true for democratic states in which changeable public preferences make it difficult for leaders to sustain commitments over time. However, a number of important elements in the values and institutions that have characterized the liberal democratic states should enhance their ability to sustain international commitments. Indeed, an examination of the durability of international military alliances confirms that those between democratic states have endured longer than either alliances between nondemocracies or alliances between democracies and nondemocracies.

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: A review of five recent books suggests considerable diversity of opinion concerning both the causes and the consequences of financial globalization, leaving much room for further research as mentioned in this paper, and questions about implications for the underlying paradigm conventionally used for the study of international political economy and international relations more generally.
Abstract: Of all the many changes of the world economy since World War II, few have been nearly so dramatic as the resurrection of global finance. A review of five recent books suggests considerable diversity of opinion concerning both the causes and the consequences of financial globalization, leaving much room for further research. Competing historical interpretations, stressing the contrasting roles of market forces and government policies, need to be reexamined for dynamic linkages among the variables they identify. Likewise, impacts on state policy at both the macro and micro levels should be explored more systematically to understand not just whether constraints may be imposed on governments but also how and under what conditions, and what policymakers can do about them. Finally, questions are also raised about implications for the underlying paradigm conventionally used for the study of international political economy and international relations more generally.

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: The study of identity offers a possibility to theorize on the human collectives of world politics, to give them an ontological status, and to discuss how they are constituted and maintain themselves.
Abstract: The study of identity offers a possibility to theorize on the human collectives of world politics, to give them an ontological status, and to discuss how they are constituted and maintain themselves. The first part discusses social theorizing of collective identity along the ethnographic, the psychological, the Continental philosophical, and particularly, the `Eastern excursion' of theorizing; Bakhtin, Levinas and Kristeva are lauded for jettisoning a dialectical mode of analysis in favour of a dialogical one which respects difference. The second part discusses how Der Derian, Shapiro, Campbell, the `Copenhagen coterie' and Wendt have brought this theorizing into IR, and assesses their work in terms of that discussed in the first part. The study of identity formation should do away with psychologizing conjecture and focus on the drawing on social boundaries and the role played by groups who are ambiguously poised between the self and the others. Collective identities are overlapping and multifaceted pheno...

Book
28 Oct 1996
TL;DR: Christensen's Useful Adversaries as discussed by the authors provides a new analysis of why relations between the United States and the Chinese Communists were so hostile in the first decade of the Cold War.
Abstract: Thomas Christensen's Useful Adversaries provides a new analysis of why relations between the United States and the Chinese Communists were so hostile in the first decade of the Cold War. Employing extensive documentation from the United States and China, it offers a fresh approach to long-debated questions such as why Truman refused to recognize the Chinese Communists, why the United States aided Chiang Kai-shek's KMT on Taiwan, why the Korean War escalated into a Sino-American conflict, and why Mao shelled islands in the Taiwan Straits in 1958, thus sparking a major crisis with the United States.

Book
01 Jan 1996
TL;DR: Goody as mentioned in this paper argued that there was little difference between East and West in terms of mercantile activity and argued that Eurocentrism both fails to explain the current achievements of the East, and misunderstands Western history.
Abstract: The East in the West reassesses Western views of Asia. Traditionally many European historians and theorists have seen the societies of the East as 'static' or 'backward'. Jack Goody challenges these assumptions, beginning with the notion of a special Western rationality which enabled 'us' and not 'them' to modernise. He then turns to book-keeping, which several social and economic historians have seen as intrinsic to capitalism, arguing that there was in fact little difference between East and West in terms of mercantile activity. Other factors said to inhibit the East's development, such as the family and forms of labour, have also been greatly exaggerated. This Eurocentrism both fails to explain the current achievements of the East, and misunderstands Western history. The East in the West starts to redress the balance, and so marks a fundamental shift in our view of Western and Eastern history and society.

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this article, the state's choice between alternatives is explained in a theory of relational contracting as a function of the expected costs of opportunism, which decline with relational hierarchy, and governance costs, which rise with relational hierarchies.
Abstract: Security relations between states vary along a continuum from anarchic alliances to hierarchic empires. This continuum, in turn, is defined by the parties' rights of residual control. The state's choice between alternatives is explained in a theory of relational contracting as a function of the expected costs of opportunism, which decline with relational hierarchy, and governance costs, which rise with relational hierarchy. A comparison of early postwar relations between the United States and Western Europe and the Soviet Union and Eastern Europe illustrates the theory.

Book
01 Jan 1996
TL;DR: The GENDERED POLITICS of IDENTITIES: Women, Gender and the State as mentioned in this paper, women, gender and the state, women, colonisation and racism, women making peace, women in the wars, women and gender in the international political economy.
Abstract: IntroductionPart ITHE GENDERED POLITICS OF IDENTITIES1 Women, Gender and the State2 Women, Colonisation and Racism3 Women, Gender and Nationalism4 Women in Postcolonial and Postmigration Political IdentitiesPART IITHE GENDERED POLITICS OF PEACE AND WAR5 Men, Masculinities and War6 Women Making Peace7 Women in the WarsPART IIITHE INTERNATIONAL SEXUAL DIVISION OF LABOUR8 Women and Gender in the International Political Economy9 An International Political Economy of SexIndexBibliography

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this paper, international politics is not foreign policy, but rather domestic politics is, and the focus is on the domestic polarity of the polarity, rather than foreign policy.
Abstract: (1996). International politics is not foreign policy. Security Studies: Vol. 6, No. 1, pp. 54-57.


Book
01 Jan 1996
TL;DR: Brown as mentioned in this paper describes the history of Mikhail Gorbachev's rise and fall as a reformer of the Soviet System and his descent into the 'grave-digger' of Communism, concluding that "Gorbachev was the most important world statesman of the second half of the twentieth century".
Abstract: Mikhail Gorbachev was arguably the most important world statesman of the second half of the twentieth century. He played the decisive role in ending the Cold War and in allowing the countries of Eastern Europe to regain their independence peacefully. He left Russia a freer country than it had ever been. Although he failed in his attempts to turn the Soviet Union into a genuine federation, he refused to resort to the repression that would have been needed to preserve the USSR intact in the face of opposition from a number of its peoples. What kind of man made this massive difference to his own country, Europe, and the world? What were his views when he became Soviet leader and how did they evolve? Who and what influenced him? When did he move from being a reformer of the Soviet System to becoming the `grave-digger' of Communism? How decisive for the dramatic changes of the past decade was the Gorbachev factor? In this masterly account, Archie Brown - a renowned authority on Gorbachev and the first Western scholar to predict his importance - answers these questions in fascinating detail. Drawing upon a wide range of sources, including the memories (and memoirs) of those who worked most closely with Gorbachev, he combines acute political analysis with new information as he tells the story of Gorbachev's rise and fall - and of his seven years in power which changed the course of history. This book is intended for students and scholars of politics, international relations, modern history; journalists.

Book
01 Jan 1996
TL;DR: In this paper, the major theories within international relations and how these can help us understand the emergence of global warming as a political issue are examined. But they do not consider the role of the major players in these theories.
Abstract: Examines the major theories within international relations, and how these can help us understand the emergence of global warming as a political issue.

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: From the end of World War II until 1991 stability in the international state system was m aintained by the two hegemonic powers, the USA and the former Soviet Union During this period the internal weaknesses of certain m ember states, aggravated by irrational economic policies that led to low levels of economic growth, political corruption and dismal hum an rights records, were, to put things mildly, overlooked by the major powers in order to keep the weaker as mentioned in this paper.
Abstract: From the end of W orld W ar II until 1991 stability in the international state system was m aintained by the two hegemonic powers‐ the USA and the former Soviet Union During this period the internal weaknesses of certain m ember states, aggravated by irrational econom ic policies that led to low levels of economic growth, political corruption and dism al hum an rights records, were, to put things mildly, overlooked by the major powers in order to keep the weaker

BookDOI
TL;DR: Ober as discussed by the authors examines the consequences of the development of direct democracy for upper-and lower-class citizens, for dissident Athenian intellectuals and for those who were denied citizenship under the new regime (women, slaves, resident foreigners).
Abstract: Where did "democracy" come from, and what was its original form and meaning? Here Josiah Ober shows that this "power of the people" crystallized in a revolutionary uprising by the ordinary citizens of Athens in 508-507 B.C. He the examines the consequences of the development of direct democracy for upper- and lower-class citizens, for dissident Athenian intellectuals and for those who were denied citizenship under the new regime (women, slaves, resident foreigners), as well as for the general development of Greek history. When the citizens suddenly took power into their own hands, they changed the cultural and social landscape of Greece, thereby helping to inaugurate the Classical Era. Democracy led to fundamental adjustments in the basic structures of Athenian society, altered the forms and direction of political thinking and sparked a series of dramatic reorientations in international relations. It quickly made Athens into the most powerful Greek city-state, but it also fatally undermined the traditional Greek rules of warfare. It stimulated the development of the Western tradition of political theorizing and encouraged a new conception of justice that has striking parallels to contemporary theories of rights. But Athenians never embraced the notions of inherency and inalienability that have placed the concept of rights at the centre of modern political thought. Thus the play of power that constituted life in democratic Athens is revealed as at once strangely familiar and desperately foreign, and the values sustaining the Athenian political community as simultaneously admirable and terrifying.

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: This article reviewed the literature in political science and specifically in international relations on regime formation and stability, identifying and discussing three schools of thought, each of which emphasizes a different variable to account for international regimes: interest-based neoliberalism, power-based realism and knowledge-based cognitivism.
Abstract: How and why are international regimes formed? Which factors help determine their continuation once formed? This essay reviews the literature in political science and, specifically, in international relations on regime formation and stability. It identifies and discusses three schools of thought, each of which emphasizes a different variable to account for international regimes: interest-based neoliberalism, power-based realism, and knowledge-based cognitivism. The contributions of these schools to our understanding of regimes are compared and contrasted with the intention of examining how they might elaborate and complement, rather than compete, with one another.

Book
01 Jan 1996
TL;DR: The Politics of Security as mentioned in this paper is a political philosophy of continental thought, drawing on the work of Martin Heidegger, that is, the relationship between hermeneutical phenomenology and politics and the fundamental link between politics, tragedy and the ethical.
Abstract: In this critique of security studies, with insights into the thinking of Heidegger, Foucault, Derrida, Levinas and Arendt, Michael Dillon contributes to the rethinking of some of the fundamentals of international politics developing what might be called a political philosophy of continental thought. Drawing on the work of Martin Heidegger, Politics of Security establishes the relationship between Heidegger's readical hermeneutical phenomenology and politics and the fundamental link between politics, the tragic and the ethical. It breaks new ground by providing an etymology of security, tracing the word back to the Greek asphaleia (not to trip up or fall down), and a unique political reading of Oedipus Rex . Michael Dillon traces the roots of desire for security to the metaphysical desire for certitude, and points out that our way of seeking that security is embedded in 20th century technology, thus resulting in a global crisis. Politics of Security will be invaluable to both political theorists and philosophers, and to anyone concerned with international relations, continental philosophy or the work of Martin Heidegger.

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In Asia and Europe, integration processes occur in informal and inclusive network structures as mentioned in this paper, which contrasts with the more formal and exclusive pattern that characterizes the integration process among continental European states, and the analysis of international politics could be enriched if it took more account of these emerging structures in different world regions.
Abstract: Processes of globalization are occurring in a world marked by processes of regional integration that are comparable though different. Integration processes in both Asia and Europe are open to global forces and marked by multiple centres of influence. In Asia, integration processes occur in informal and inclusive network structures. This contrasts with the more formal and exclusive pattern that characterizes the integration process among continental European states. Our analysis of international politics could be enriched if it took more account of these emerging structures in different world regions.