Showing papers on "International relations published in 2004"

Informal institutions and comparative politics: a research agenda

Abstract: Mainstream comparative research on political institutions focuses primarily on formal rules. Yet in many contexts, informal institutions, ranging from bureaucratic and legislative norms to clientelism and patrimonialism, shape even more strongly political behavior and outcomes. Scholars who fail to consider these informal rules of the game risk missing many of the most important incentives and constraints that underlie political behavior. In this article we develop a framework for studying informal institutions and integrating them into comparative institutional analysis. The framework is based on a typology of four patterns of formal-informal institutional interaction: complementary, accommodating, competing, and substitutive. We then explore two issues largely ignored in the literature on this subject: the reasons and mechanisms behind the emergence of informal institutions, and the nature of their stability and change. Finally, we consider challenges in research on informal institutions, including issues of identification, measurement, and comparison.Gretchen Helmke's book Courts Under Constraints: Judges, Generals, and Presidents in Argentina, will be published by Cambridge University Press. Steven Levitsky is the author of Transforming Labor-Based Parties in Latin America: Argentine Peronism in Comparative Perspective and is currently writing a book on competitive authoritarian regimes in the post–Cold War era. The authors thank the Weatherhead Center for International Affairs at Harvard University and the Kellogg Institute for International Studies at the University of Notre Dame for generously sponsoring conferences on informal institutions. The authors also gratefully acknowledge comments from Jorge Dominguez, Anna Grzymala-Busse, Dennis Galvan, Goran Hyden, Jack Knight, Lisa Martin, Hillel Soifer, Benjamin Smith, Susan Stokes, Maria Victoria Murillo, and Kurt Weyland, as well as three anonymous reviewers and the editors of Perspectives on Politics.

How Ideas Spread: Whose Norms Matter? Norm Localization and Institutional Change in Asian Regionalism

Abstract: Questions about norm diffusion in world politics are not simply about whether and how ideas matter, but also which and whose ideas matter. Constructivist scholarship on norms tends to focus on “hard” cases of moral transformation in which “good” global norms prevail over the “bad” local beliefs and practices. But many local beliefs are themselves part of a legitimate normative order, which conditions the acceptance of foreign norms. Going beyond an existential notion of congruence, this article proposes a dynamic explanation of norm diffusion that describes how local agents reconstruct foreign norms to ensure the norms fit with the agents' cognitive priors and identities. Congruence building thus becomes key to acceptance. Localization, not wholesale acceptance or rejection, settles most cases of normative contestation. Comparing the impact of two transnational norms on the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN), this article shows that the variation in the norms' acceptance, indicated by the changes they produced in the goals and institutional apparatuses of the regional group, could be explained by the differential ability of local agents to reconstruct the norms to ensure a better fit with prior local norms, and the potential of the localized norm to enhance the appeal of some of their prior beliefs and institutions.I thank Peter Katzenstein, Jack Snyder, Chris Reus-Smit, Brian Job, Paul Evans, Iain Johnston, David Capie, Helen Nesadurai, Jeffrey Checkel, Kwa Chong Guan, Khong Yuen Foong, Anthony Milner, John Hobson, Etel Solingen, Michael Barnett, Richard Price, Martha Finnemore, and Frank Schimmelfennig for their comments on various earlier drafts of the article. This article is a revised version of a draft prepared for the American Political Science Association annual convention, San Francisco, 29 August–2 September 2001. Seminars on the article were offered at the Belfer Center for Science and International Affairs, Harvard University, in April 2001; the Modern Asia Seminar Series at Harvard University's Asia Center, in May 2001; the Department of International Relations, Australian National University, in September 2001; and the Institute of International Relations, University of British Columbia, in April 2002. I thank these institutions for their lively seminars offering invaluable feedback. I gratefully acknowledge valuable research assistance provided by Tan Ban Seng, Deborah Lee, and Karyn Wang at the Institute of Defence and Strategic Studies. I am also grateful to Harvard University Asia Centre and the Kennedy School's Asia Pacific Policy Program for fellowships to facilitate my research during 2000–2001.

Who Are We?: The Challenges to America's National Identity

Abstract: In his seminal work "The Clash of Civilizations" and the "Remaking of World Order," Samuel Huntington argued provocatively and presciently that with the end of the cold war, "civilizations" were replacing ideologies as the new fault lines in international politics.His astute analysis has proven correct. Now Professor Huntington turns his attention from international affairs to our domestic cultural rifts as he examines the impact other civilizations and their values are having on our own country.America was founded by British settlers who brought with them a distinct culture including the English language, Protestant values, individualism, religious commitment, and respect for law. The waves of immigrants that later came to the United States gradually accepted these values and assimilated into America's Anglo-Protestant culture. More recently, however, national identity has been eroded by the problems of assimilating massive numbers of primarily Hispanic immigrants, bilingualism, multiculturalism, the devaluation of citizenship, and the "denationalization" of American elites.September 11 brought a revival of American patriotism and a renewal of American identity. But already there are signs that this revival is fading, even though in the post-September 11 world, Americans face unprecedented challenges to our security."Who Are We?" shows the need for us to reassert the core values that make us Americans. Nothing less than our national identity is at stake.Once again Samuel Huntington has written an important book that is certain to provoke a lively debate and to shape our national conversation about who we are.\

Reconstituting the Global Public Domain: Issues, Actors and Practices

Abstract: This article draws attention to a fundamental reconstitution of the global public domain: away from one that for more than three centuries equated the public in international politics with sovereign states and the interstate realm, to one in which the very system of states is becoming embedded in a broader and deepening transnational arena concerned with the production of global public goods. One concrete instance of this transformation is the growing significance of global corporate social responsibility initiatives triggered by the dynamic interplay between civil society actors and multinational corporations. The UN Global Compact and corporate involvement in HIV/AIDS treatment programs are discussed as examples. The analytical parameters of the emerging global public domain are defined, and some of its consequences illustrated by the chain of responses to the Bush administration's rejection of the Kyoto Protocol by a variety of domestic and transnational social actors.

Transnational Networks and Global Environmental Governance: The Cities for Climate Protection Program

Abstract: The past decade has witnessed a growing interest among scholars of international relations, and global environmental governance in particular, in the role of transnational networks within the international arena. While the existence and potential significance of such networks has been documented, many questions concerning the nature of governance conducted by such networks and their impact remain. We contribute to these debates by examining how such networks are created and maintained and the extent to which they can foster policy learning and change. We focus on the Cities for Climate Protection (CCP) program, a network of some 550 local governments concerned with promoting local initiatives for the mitigation of climate change. It is frequently asserted that the importance of such networks lies in their ability to exchange knowledge and information, and to forge norms about the nature and terms of particular issues. However, we find that those local governments most effectively engaged with the network are mobilized more by the financial and political resources it offers, and the legitimacy conferred to particular norms about climate protection, than by access to information. Moreover, processes of policy learning within the CCP program take place in discursive struggles as different actors seek legitimacy for their interpretations of what local climate protection policies should mean. In conclusion, we reflect upon the implications of these findings for understanding the role of transnational networks in global environmental governance.

The Curious Feminist: Searching for Women in a New Age of Empire

Abstract: Introduction: Being Curious about Our Lack of Feminist Curiosity Part 1. Sneakers, Silences, and Surprises 1. The Surprised Feminist 2. Margins, Silences, and Bottom Rungs: How to Overcome the Underestimation of Power in the Study of International Relations 3. The Globetrotting Sneaker 4. Daughters and Generals int he Politics of the Globalized Sneaker 5. Whom Do You Take Seriously? 6. Feminist Theorizing from Bananas to Maneuvers: A Conversation between Cynthia Enloe and Marysia Zalewski Part 2. Wars Are Never "Over There" 7. All the Men Are in the Militias, All the Women Are Victims: The Politics of Masculinity and Femininity in Nationalist Wars 8. Spoils of War 9. Masculinity as a Foreign Policy Issue 10. "What If They Gave a War ... ": A Conversation between Cynthia Enloe, Vivian Stromberg, and the Editors of Ms. Magazine 11. Sneak Attack: The Militarization of U.S. Culture 12. War-Planners Rely on Women: Thoughts from Tokyo 13. Feminists Keep Their Eyes on Militarized Masculinity: Wondering How Americans See Their Male Presidents 14. Becoming a Feminist: Cynthia Enloe in Conversation with Three British International Relations Scholars Part 3. Feminists after Wars--It's Not Over Til It's Over 15. Women after Wars: Puzzles and Warnings from Vietnam 16. Demilitarization--Or More of the Same? Feminist Questions to Ask in the Postwar Moment 17. A Feminist Map of the Blocks on the Road to Institutional Accountability 18. When Feminists Look at Masculinity and the Men Who Wage War: A Conversation between Cynthia Enloe and Carol Cohn 19. Updating the Gendered Empire: Where Are the Women in Occupied Afghanistan and Iraq? Part 4. Six Pieces for a Work in Progress: Playing Checkers with the Troops 20. War without White Hats 21. Playing Guns 22. Hitler Is a Jerk 23. Leaden Soldiers 24. Gurkhas Wear Wool 25. The Cigarette Notes Index

Power in global governance

Abstract: 1. Power and global governance Michael N. Barnett and Raymond Duvall 2. Power, institutions, and the production of inequality Andrew Hurrell 3. Policing and global governance Mark Laffey and Jutta Weldes 4. Power, fairness and the global economy Ethan Kapstein 5. Power politics and the institutionalization of international relations Lloyd Gruber 6. Power, nested governance, and the WTO: a comparative institutional approach Greg Shaffer 7. The power of liberal international organizations Michael N. Barnett and Martha Finnemore 8. The power of interpretive communities Ian Johnstone 9. Class powers and the politics of global governance Mark Rupert 10. Global civil society and global governmentality: or, the search for the political and the state amidst capillaries of power Ronnie Lipschutz 11. Governing the innocent? The 'civilian' in international law Helen Kinsella 12. Colonial and postcolonial global governance Himadeep Muppidi 13. Knowledge in power: the epistemic construction of global governance Emanuel Adler and Steven Bernstein.

From International to World Society?: English School Theory and the Social Structure of Globalisation

Abstract: In this 2004 book, Barry Buzan offers an extensive critique and reappraisal of the English school approach to International Relations. Starting on the neglected concept of world society and bringing together the international society tradition and the Wendtian mode of constructivism, Buzan offers a new theoretical framework that can be used to address globalisation as a complex political interplay among state and non-state actors. This approach forces English school theory to confront neglected questions about both its basic concepts and assumptions, and about the constitution of society in terms of what values are shared, how and why they are shared, and by whom. Buzan highlights the idea of primary institutions as the central contribution of English school theory and shows how this both differentiates English school theory from realism and neoliberal institutionalism, and how it can be used to generate distinctive comparative and historical accounts of international society.

Reconstituting the Global Public Domain — Issues, Actors, and Practices

Abstract: This article draws attention to a fundamental reconstitution of the global public domain — away from one that for more than three centuries equated the ‘public’ in international politics with sovereign states and the interstate realm to one in which the very system of states is becoming embedded in a broader and deepening transnational arena concerned with the production of global public goods. One concrete instance of this transformation is the growing significance of global corporate social responsibility initiatives triggered by the dynamic interplay between civil society actors and multinational corporations. The UN Global Compact and corporate involvement in HIV/AIDS treatment programs are discussed as examples. The analytical parameters of the emerging global public domain are defined and some of its consequences illustrated by the chain of responses to the Bush Administration’s rejection of the Kyoto Protocol by a variety of domestic and transnational social actors.

International Actors on the Domestic Scene: Membership Conditionality and Socialization by International Institutions

Abstract: International relations scholars increasingly debate when and how international institutions influence domestic policy. This examination of ethnic politics in four Baltic and East European countries during the 1990s shows how European institutions shaped domestic policy, and why these institutions sometimes failed. Comparing traditional rational choice mechanisms such as membership conditionality with more socialization-based efforts, I argue that conditionality motivated most behavior changes, but that socialization-based efforts often guided them. Furthermore, using new case studies, statistics, and counterfactual analysis, I find that domestic opposition posed far greater obstacles to socialization-based methods than it did to conditionality: when used alone, socialization-based methods rarely changed behavior; when they did, the domestic opposition was usually low and the effect was only moderate. In contrast, incentive-based methods such as membership conditionality were crucial in changing policy: As domestic opposition grew, membership conditionality was not only increasingly necessary to change behavior, but it was also surprisingly effective.Many panel and seminar participants have offered useful comments on this work, but my thanks goes in particular to Michael Zurn, Alexandra Gheciu, Frank Schimmelfennig, Jeff Checkel, Robert Keohane, Steven Wilkinson, Robert Putnam, Milada Vachudova, and the editors and anonymous reviewers of International Organization. I also thank Princeton University Press for allowing me to use material from my book Ethnic Politics in Europe: The Power of Norms and Incentives. The usual caveats apply. This research was funded by a grant from the Danish Research Academy (former Forskerakademiet), and by travel support from the Weatherhead Center for International Affairs at Harvard.

The state as person in international theory

Abstract: To say that states are ‘actors’ or ‘persons’ is to attribute to them properties we associate first with human beings – rationality, identities, interests, beliefs, and so on. Such attributions pervade social science and International Relations (IR) scholarship in particular. They are found in the work of realists, liberals, institutionalists, Marxists, constructivists, behaviouralists, feminists, postmodernists, international lawyers, and almost everyone in between. To be sure, scholars disagree about which properties of persons should be ascribed to states, how important state persons are relative to other corporate persons like MNCs or NGOs, whether state persons are a good thing, and whether ‘failed’ states can or should be persons at all. But all this discussion assumes that the idea of state personhood is meaningful and at some fundamental level makes sense. In a field in which almost everything is contested, this seems to be one thing on which almost all of us agree.

Global Governance and Legitimacy Problems

Abstract: Whereas traditional institutions used to be seen as an international complement to a dominantly national paradigm, today's international institutions are an expression of political denationalization. The new international institutions are much more intrusive into national societies than the traditional ones. They increasingly contain supranational and transnational features and thus undermine the consensus principle of international cooperation. When society and political actors begin to comprehend this change, they begin to reflect on the features of a legitimate and effective political order beyond national borders. As a result, denationalization becomes reflexive and thus politicized. At the same time, the politicization of international politics harbours the potential for resistance to political denationalization, which increases the need – both from a normative and descriptive perspective – for the legitimation of such international institutions.

International Conflict and the Tenure of Leaders: Is War Still Ex Post Inefficient?

Abstract: Recent work in comparative politics and international relations has shown a marked shift toward leaders as the theoretical unit of analysis. In most of the new theoretical models a core assumption is that leaders act to stay in power. There exists, however, remarkably little systematic empirical knowledge about the factors that affect the tenure of leaders. To provide a baseline of empirical results we explore how a broad range of domestic and international factors affects the tenure of leaders. We focus in particular on the effect of conflict and its outcome. We find that political institutions fundamentally mediate the costs and benefits of international conflict and that war is not necessarilyex postinefficient for leaders. This suggests that the assumption that war isex postinefficient for unitary rational actors can not be simply extended to leaders. Therefore, a focus on leaders may yield important new rationalist explanations for war.

Cosmopolitical Realism: On the Distinction between Cosmopolitanism in Philosophy and the Social Sciences

Abstract: In the article I outline a wide range of challenges, both normative and analytical, that the rise of globalism represents for the social sciences. In the first part, a distinction is drawn between ‘normative’ or ‘philosophical’ cosmopolitanism on the one hand and an analytical-empirical social science cosmopolitanism, which is no longer contained by thinking in national categories, on the other. From such a perspective we can observe the growing interdependence and interconnection of social actors across national boundaries, more often than not as a side effect of actions that are not meant to be ‘cosmopolitan’ in the normative sense. In the second part I focus on the opposition between methodological nationalism and the actual cosmopolitanization of reality and outline the various errors of the former. In the third and final part of the article I outline a research programme of a ‘cosmopolitan social science’ around four topics: first, the rise of a global public arena resulting from the reactions to the unintended side effects (risks) of modernization; second, a cosmopolitan perspective allows us to go beyond International Relations and to analyse a multitude of interconnections not only between states but also between actors on other levels; third, a denationalized social science can research into the global inequalities that are hidden by the traditional focus on national inequality and its legitimation; finally, everyday or banal cosmopolitanism on the level of cultural consumption and media representation leads to a growing awareness of the relativity of one's own social position and culture in the global arena.

Communitarian International Relations: The Epistemic Foundations of International Relations

Abstract: Part 1: Introduction 1. Communities of Practice Part 2: Cognitive Evolution 2. From Being to Becoming: Cognitive Evolution and a Theory of Non-equilibrium in International Relations 3. Cognitive Evolution: A Dynamic Approach for the Study of International Relations and Their Progress 4. Seizing the Middle Ground: Constructivism in World Politics Part 3: Epistemic Communities 5. Ideological 'Guerrillas' and the Quest for Technological Autonomy: Brazil's Domestic Computer Industry 6. The Emergence of Cooperation: National Epistemic Communities and the International Evolution of the Idea of Nuclear Arms Control Part 4: Security Communities 7. Imagined Security Communities: Cognitive Regions in International Relations 8. Europe's New Security Order: A Pluralistic Security Community 9. Condition(s) of Peace Part 5: Identity and Peace in the Middle East 10. A Mediterranean Canon and an Israeli Prelude to Long Term Peace 11. Changing Identities: The Road to Peace

Bringing Religion Into International Relations

Abstract: Bringing religion into international relations / , Bringing religion into international relations / , کتابخانه دیجیتال و فن آوری اطلاعات دانشگاه امام صادق(ع)

The end of the post-colonial state in Africa? Reflections on changing African political dynamics

Abstract: Examination of the political trajectory of African states since the terminal colonial period suggests that, by the 1990s, the 'post-colonial' label still widely employed was losing its pertinence. The term acquired widespread currency not long after independence in acknowledgment of the importation into new states of the practices, routines and mentalities of the colonial state. These served as a platform for a more ambitious form of political monopoly, whose legitimating discourse was developmentalism. The colonial state legacy decanted into a patrimonial autocracy which decayed into crisis by the 1980s, bringing external and internal pressures for economic and political state reconfiguration. But the serious erosion of the stateness of many African polities by the 1990s limited the scope for effective reform and opened the door for a complex web of novel civil conflicts; there was also a renewed saliency of informal politics, as local societies adapted to diminished state presence and service provision. Perhaps the post-colonial moment has passed. AT THE MOMENT OF THE GRAND ENTRY OF AFRICAN STATES into the world consort of nations in 1960 (17 out of 53 achieved sovereignty that year), the primary discursive referent for the new polities was 'post-independent'. From an African nationalist perspective, widely shared in the academic community, the achievement of independence was a defining historical moment, the culmination of an epic struggle. Incorporating visions of liberation, transformation and uplift, the independent African state was a newborn polity. As 'new states', African polities appeared to shed the colonial chrysalis. By subtle metamorphosis, over time the routine descriptor for African states became 'post-colonial'. This semantic shift was not innocent of meaning. Formal sovereignty and anti-colonial struggle gradually became less salient as defining attributes than the colonial origins of the African state; more crucially the wholesale importation of the routines, practices, Crawford Young is Professor Emeritus of Political Science at the University of WisconsinMadison. An early version of this paper served as a keynote address for a conference on 'Beyond the Post-Colonial State in Central Africa?' organized by the Centre of African Studies of the University of Copenhagen in December 2001.

A critical theory route to hegemony, world order and historical change: neo-Gramscian perspectives in International Relations:

Abstract: Situated within a historical materialist problematic of social transformation that deploys many of the insights of the Italian Marxist Antonio Gramsci, a crucial break emerged, in the 1980s, in the...

Singing Our World into Existence: International Relations Theory and September 11

Abstract: This paper focuses on the relationship between International Relations theory and ethics. It poses the question of the complicity of the discipline in the events of September 11, 2001. The paper begins with a discussion of Weber's notion of science as a vocation, and links this to the commitment in the discipline to a value-free conception of social science, one that sharply separates facts from values. The paper then examines the role of ten core assumptions in International Relations theory in helping to construct a discipline that has a culturally and historically very specific notion of violence, one resting on distinctions between economics and politics, between the outside and the inside of states, and between the public and the private realms. Using the United Nations Human Development report, the paper summarizes a number of forms of violence in world politics, and questions why the discipline of International Relations only focuses on a small subset of these. The paper then refers to the art of Magritte, and specifically Velazquez's painting Las Meninas, to argue for a notion of representation relevant to the social world that stresses negotiation, perspective, and understanding rather than notions of an underlying Archimedean foundation to truth claims. In concluding, the paper asserts that the discipline helped to sing into existence the world of September 11 by reflecting the interests of the dominant in what were presented as being neutral, and universal theories.

Cosmopolitan Democracy and its Critics: A Review:

Abstract: The victory of Western liberal states ending the Cold War inspired the hope that international relations could be guided by the ideals of democracy and the rule of law. In the early 1990s, a group of thinkers developed the political project of cosmopolitan democracy with the aim of providing intellectual arguments in favour of an expansion of democracy, both within states and at the global level. While some significant successes have been achieved in terms of democratization within states, much less has been attained in democratizing the global system. The aim of this review article is twofold — on the one hand, to reassert the basic concepts of cosmopolitan democracy; on the other, to address the criticisms coming from Realist, Marxist, Communitarian and Multicultural perspectives.

National Insecurities: Humiliation, Salvation, and Chinese Nationalism

Abstract: The line separating good from evil passes not through states, nor between political parties--but right through every human heart. --Aleksandr Solzhenitsyn Use the past to serve the present. --Mao Zedong While I was researching the South China Sea disputes between China, Vietnam, and the Philippines, I came upon an unlikely reference. In an otherwise hard-nosed analysis of the issue, a noted Chinese expert cited a book called the Atlas of Shame. This odd juxtaposition of security studies, territoriality, and emotion piqued my interest, and I asked a friend in Beijing to track down this curious book. Once I got a copy of the Atlas of the Century of National Humiliation in Modern China, the correct title, I was fascinated by what seemed to be a unique feature of Communist Chinese historiography and identity: the very deliberate celebration of a national insecurity. But the more I looked for national humiliation discourse, the more I found. Though they do not receive much attention in Western analysis, it turns out that there are textbooks, novels, museums, songs, and parks devoted to commemorating national humiliation in China. I continued looking for examples of such national insecurity in other countries. I found that such activities are not limited to some exotic political culture of "the East." Humiliation is a common and recurring theme in domestic and international politics, being invoked far and wide in a diverse set of circumstances. Humiliation has thus joined guilt, victimhood, and apology as a topic of analytical interest in international studies. (1) With the spread of popular media and the growth of public opinion, such individual feelings have been nationalized: the Guilt of Nations. (2) But this popular politics has not necessarily led to greater democracy or freedom. Rather, it has added another dimension to the broad forms of governance that rely on culture and history for political and economic projects. Indeed, this nationalization of shame has accompanied a denationalization of industry and a liberalization of markets around the globe. This article examines how humiliation has been an integral part of the construction of Chinese nationalism. Public culture is analyzed to show how national humiliation is not deployed just in a predictably xenophobic way but also in a self-critical examination of Chineseness. By contrast, in her article following this one. Marie Thorsten (3) criticizes the standard U.S. understanding of Japanese economic success as a parody. (4) Though the Japanese state does periodically issue national images, they are not part of a narrative about postwar vengeance, about the humiliation of the vanquished or an economic Pearl Harbor. We find quite the opposite: Japan's postwar consumer identity has not been directed from the top down, through a rational state bureaucracy in a way imagined by others, particularly in the United States, as warlike nationalism. On the face of it, Thorsten and I disagree about the political import of shame and humiliation. On the one hand, Thorsten uses the topic of "shame" to understand something else: how the United States mis / understands Japanese economic success. On the other hand, I use Chinese nationalism to argue that the logic of humiliation itself needs to be probed. While Thorsten analyzes an international discourse of intercultural understanding and norms, I focus on a group of nationalist texts that is largely unknown outside China. Both of us examine how humiliation is used by political leaders and public culture to mobilize populations, but these populations are on opposite sides of the dispute: I consider nativistic understandings of the Chinese self, while Thorsten examines a U.S. othering of Japan. While I argue that humiliation can be generalized to explain a modular form of nationalism, Thorsten examines the Japanese case as a peculiarity of U.S. identity politics. Indeed, while the global media use shame to motivate the United States to intervene in places like Bosnia, in China it is just such intervention--that is, foreign invasion--that is commemorated as national humiliation. …

A Globalizing World?: Culture, Economics, Politics

Abstract: Today's news media is full of references to 'globalization' - a buzz word that is quickly becoming ubiquitous. But what exactly is globalization? What are its main driving forces? Does it truly embrace all aspects of our lives, from economics to cultural developments? A Globalizing World? examines these and other key questions in a highly accessible fashion, offering a clear and intelligent guide to the big ideas and debates of our time. In doing so, it does not take one particular stance for or against globalizaton; rather, it examines the arguments and evidence about its nature, form and impact. After introducing the main theoretical positions of those who have studied the subject, key chapters look at the changing form of modern communication and cultural industries, trade patterns and financial flows of the world economy, and whether or not the 'new political world order' is qualitatively different from the old state system. This is essential reading for all students of politics, economics and international relations.

Power in the Global Information Age: From Realism to Globalization

Abstract: One of the most brilliant and influential international relations scholars of his generation, Joseph S. Nye Jr. is one of the few academics to have served at the very highest levels of US government. This volume collects together many of his key writings for the first time as well as new material, and an important concluding essay which examines the relevance of international relations in practical policymaking.This book addresses:* America's post-Cold War role in international affairs* the ethics of foreign policy* the information revolution* terrorism.

The House of IR: From Family Power Politics to the Poisies of Worldism

Abstract: Poisies offers an alternative epistemology to understand, critique, engage with, and reconstruct international relations (IR). Generally, this Greek concept refers to “creativity” or “poetic inspiration.” We enlarge this definition by returning to poisies ' original, ancient meaning: that is, creativity that comes from an act of reverberation or putting “language in a state of emergence, in which life becomes manifest through its vivacity” (Bachelard 1964:xxiii). In seizing upon the specific reality of world politics as a trans-subjective mode of imagining, poisies pushes us to recognize that becoming and being have countless forms, various voices, and changing scripts. Consequently, we move beyond an instrumental, formalistic, fixed, and narrow scientific logic that imposes a historical parochialism (e.g., Hobbes's State of Nature) for an ahistorical universal (e.g., “it's a war of all against all across time and space”). We begin to see IR in a new light. Its “vivacity” is manifested through IR's political and ideological participation in world politics, accounting for the field's social relations and structural interests. This explains why conventional IR appeals to some the way it does while affecting so many others so negatively. International relation's singularity also becomes apparent: that is, it is but one of many versions and understandings of world politics. Specifically, IR comes to resemble a colonial household. Its singular, oppositional perspective (“I versus You”) stakes out an establishment of “civilization” in a space that is already crowded with local traditions of thinking, doing, and being but proclaimed, in willful arrogance, as a “state of nature” plagued by fearful “anarchy” and its murderous power politics. The House seeks to stave off such “disorder” by imposing “order.” But the House does so by appropriating the knowledge, resources, and labor of racialized, sexualized Others for its own benefit and pleasure while announcing itself the sole producer—the …

The External Dimension of Europeanization The Case of Immigration Policies

Abstract: With its focus on the external dimension of the rapidly evolving European Union immigration policies, this article seeks to contribute to the debates on the EU’s impact on states and international relations in two ways. Firstly, it seeks to move beyond the inward-looking focus of contemporary studies on the EU’s effects on the member states, and proposes a framework for analyzing its external effects on non-EU member states. Secondly, and in contrast to traditional accounts of the EU’s strengthening international role, which focus on external trade policy or foreign and security policy, it highlights a hitherto overlooked aspect of the EU’s foreign relations related to immigration control. Drawing on the recent literature on Europeanization and policy transfer, it is shown that the external effects of European policies take place along a continuum that runs from fully voluntary to more constrained forms of adaptation, and include a variety of modes such as unilateral emulation, adaptation by externality, ...

Theorizing modernity conspiratorially: Science, scale, and the political economy of public discourse in explanations of a cholera epidemic

Abstract: When some five hundred people in eastern Venezuela died from cholera in 1992–93, officials responded by racializing the dead as “indigenous people” and suggesting that “their culture” was to blame. Stories that circulated in affected communities talked back to official accounts, alleging that the state, global capitalism, and international politics were complicit in a genocidal plot. It is easy to attribute such conspiracy theories to differences of culture and epistemology. I argue, rather, that how political economies position different players in the processes through which public discourses circulate, excluding some communities from access to authoritative sources of information and denying them means of transforming their narratives into public discourse, provides a more fruitful line of analysis. In this article I use—and talk back to—research on science studies, globalization, and public discourse to think about how conspiracy theories can open up new ways for anthropologists to critically engage the contemporary politics of exclusion and help us all find strategies for survival.

Political Psychology in International Relations

Abstract: A comprehensive account of the field of political psychology with a focus on its implications for international relations

Not many jobs take a whole army : special operations forces and the revolution in military affairs

Abstract: This paper studies the recent transformation in the employment and operations of ‘Special Operations Forces’ (SOF). In this paper, I argue that these changes constitute a ‘revolution’, and I use the theory of ‘revolutions in military affairs’ (RMA) as a framework of analysis to demonstrate this. SOF have moved from a marginal, albeit important part of traditional conventional strategy towards being a central component of any government warfighting or security calculus. The SOF ‘revolution’ may be seen in the context of the missions they are called on to perform and the capabilities they therefore must posses. Second, the organizational structures, doctrine and tactics of SOF also demonstrate high levels of innovation; and the combination of technology with SOF’s traditionally high-levels of resourcefulness and adaptability has resulted in new approaches to the conduct of operations. Taken together, these changes may offer governments an increasingly viable and effective alternative to traditional approaches to the use of force by states. ******************** Malcolm Brailey is an Associate Research Fellow at the Institute of Defence and Strategic Studies, Nanyang Technological University, Singapore. His academic qualifications include an MA (International Relations) (Honours) from the Australian National University, a Graduate Diploma in Defence Studies from Deakin University, and a BA from the University of New South Wales. A former Australian Army infantry officer, Malcolm is a graduate of the both the Australian Defence Force Academy and the Royal Military College Duntroon. Malcolm served in a variety of regimental, staff and training appointments, including operational service with the NATO Stabilization Force (SFOR) in Bosnia-Herzegovina during 2001. Malcolm joined IDSS in July 2003 to work as a member of the newly formed RMA Program. His area of speciality is land warfare transformation issues and associated operational concepts. His other research areas of interest include US and Australian defence policy, homeland security, international law and the ethics of armed conflict.

Institutionalization, Policy Adaptation and European Foreign Policy Cooperation

Abstract: The expansion of European Union (EU) foreign policy cooperation since 1970 presents a number of puzzles for theorists of regional integration and International Relations. It is not directed by supranational organizations, does not involve bargaining over policy alternatives, and is not dominated by the largest EU states. Nor do the EU’s common foreign policy decisions reflect ‘lowest common denominator’ preferences. Instead, cooperation has been achieved through decentralized institutional mechanisms, involving processes associated with both intergovernmental and social constructivist theories. This article first explains how changes in institutional context — in terms of intergovernmental, transgovernmental and supranational procedures — affect the propensity for cooperation. It then links processes of institutionalization to an expansion of foreign policy cooperation among EU member states. Finally, it explores three policy areas (the Middle East, South Africa and nuclear non-proliferation) where EU states have adjusted their national foreign policies in line with EU foreign policy norms.