Showing papers on "International relations published in 2011"

The globalization of world politics : an introduction to international relations

Abstract: We now live in a new era of globalization, where instant communications, the emergence of a world economy, a global culture, and new non-state social movements have transformed world politics, making redundant many of the approaches developed for understanding and explaining the Cold War world. This comprehensive introductory text focuses on explaining to first year undergraduate students how contemporary world politics works. An introductory chapter discusses the concept of globalization and summarises the main arguments for and against it. There then follow four sections, covering: the recent historical background to contemporary world politics; the details of the main theories that offer explanations of world politics; the structures and processes of world politics; and the main issues of contemporary world politics. Each chapter is written by a leading specialist in the field, and uses diagrams, boxes, and discussion points extensively. extremely reader-friendly student text. Each chapter has a guide to further reading and ends with a series of questions.

Media and Democracy

Abstract: Media and Democracy addresses key topics and themes in relation to democratic theory, media and technology, comparative media studies, media and history, and the evolution of media research. For example: How does TV entertainment contribute to the democratic life of society? Why are Americans less informed about politics and international affairs than Europeans? How should new communications technology and globalisation change our understanding of the democratic role of the media? What does the rise of international ezines reveal about the limits of the internet? What is the future of journalism? Does advertising influence the media? Is American media independence from government a myth? How have the media influenced the development of modern society? Curran’s response to these questions provides both a clear introduction to media research, written for university undergraduates studying in different countries, and an innovative analysis written by one of the field’s leading scholars.

Historical Institutionalism in International Relations

Abstract: This article reviews recent contributions to International Relations (IR) that engage the substantive concerns of historical institutionalism and explicitly and implicitly employ that tradition's analytical features to address fundamental questions in the study of international affairs. It explores the promise of this tradition for new research agendas in the study of international political development, including the origin of state preferences, the nature of governance gaps, and the nature of change and continuity in the international system. The article concludes that the analytical and substantive profiles of historical institutionalism can further disciplinary maturation in IR, and it proposes that the field be more open to the tripartite division of institutional theories found in other subfields of Political Science.

The New Politics of Protection: Cote d’Ivoire, Libya and the Responsibility to Protect

Abstract: In March 2011, the UN Security Council authorized the use of force to protect civilians in Libya This was the first time that the Council has ever authorized the invasion of a functioning state for such purposes International society's relatively decisive responses to recent crises in Cote d'Ivoire and Libya has provoked significant commentary, suggesting that something has changed about the way the world responds to violence against civilians Focusing on these two cases, this article examines the changing practice of the UN Security Council It argues that we are seeing the emergence of a new politics of protection, but that this new politics has been developing over the past decade Four things are new about this politics of protection: protecting civilians from harm has become a focus for international engagement; the UN Security Council has proved itself willing to authorize the use of force for protection purposes; regional organizations have begun to play the role of ‘gatekeeper’; and major powers have exhibited a determination to work through the Security Council where possible However, the cases of Cote d'Ivoire and Libya also help to highlight some key challenges that might halt or reverse progress Notably, states differ in the way they interpret mandates; questions are being asked about the UN's authority to act independently of specific Security Council authorizations; the overlap of regional organizations sometimes sends conflicting messages to the Security Council; and there remains a range of difficult operational questions about how to implement protection mandates With these in mind, this article concludes with some suggestions about how the future challenges might be navigated in order to maintain the progress that has been made in the past decade

The Conduct of Inquiry in International Relations : Philosophy of Science and Its Implications for the Study of World Politics

Abstract: 1. Playing with Fire 2. Philosophical Wagers 3. Neopositivism 4. Critical Realism 5. Analyticism 6. Reflexivity 7. A Pluralist Science of IR

The Cost of Iraq, Afghanistan, and Other Global War on Terror Operations Since 9/11

Abstract: This report details the total cost of counterterrorism operations in the Global War on Terror (GWOT) since the September 2001 terrorist attacks on the United States. This report also includes descriptions of relevant budgetary legislation.

Norm subsidiarity and regional orders: sovereignty, regionalism and rule-making in the Third World

Abstract: This paper proposes a new conceptual tool to study norm dynamics in world politics. Termed norm subsidiarity, it concerns the process whereby local actors create rules with a view to preserve their autonomy from dominance, neglect, violation, or abuse by more powerful central actors. After a theoretical discussion of the definition, motivations, and effects of norm subsidiarity, the paper offers a case study of normative action against Cold War alliances (especially South East Asia Treaty Organization) by a group of Third World leaders led by India's Jawaharlal Nehru at the Bandung Asia-Africa Conference in 1955. It then offers examples from Latin America, the Middle East, and Africa to highlight the practice of norm subsidiarity. The paper contributes to the literature of international relations in three main ways. First, it reminds constructivist international relation scholars of the importance of understanding norm creation as a bottom-up process, marked by significant contestations and feedback. Second, it highlights the normative behaviors of Third World countries and their regional institutions, a neglected aspect of the literature on norm dynamics. Finally, the theory and practice of norm subsidiarity shed more light on the agency role of Third World countries in world politics.

Winning the War on War: The Decline of Armed Conflict Worldwide

Abstract: Everyone knows: wars are getting worse, more civilians are dying, and peacemaking achieves nothing, right? Wrong. Despite all the bad-news headlines, peacekeeping "is" working. Fewer wars are starting, more are ending, and those that remain are smaller and more localized. But peace doesn't just happen; it needs to be put into effect. Moreover, understanding the global decline in armed conflict is crucial as America shifts to an era of lower military budgets and operations. Preeminent scholar of international relations, Joshua Goldstein, definitively illustrates how decades of effort by humanitarian aid agencies, popular movements--and especially the United Nations--have made a measureable difference in reducing violence in our times. Goldstein shows how we can continue building on these inspiring achievements to keep winning the war on war. This updated and revised edition includes more information on a post-9-11 world, and is a perfect compendium for those wishing to learn more about the United States' armed conflicts in Iraq and Afghanistan.

The Oxford handbook of political science

Abstract: PART 1 INTRODUCTION PART II POLITICAL THEORY PART III POLITICAL INSTITUTIONS PART IV LAW & POLITICS PART V POLITICAL BEHAVIOR PART VI CONTEXTUAL POLITICAL ANALYSIS PART VII COMPARATIVE POLITICS PART VIII INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS PART IX POLITICAL ECONOMY PART X PUBLIC POLICY PART XI POLITICAL METHODOLOGY

An Andean Avatar: Post-Neoliberal and Neoliberal Strategies for Securing the Unobtainable

Abstract: Recent years have seen increasingly aggressive expansion of extractive industry in the Andean-Amazonian region. Reminiscent of the film Avatar, this expansion drives conflicts over land, territory and political control of space. This expansion is occurring in both overtly neoliberal regimes and in self-consciously post-neoliberal ones. This essay documents the convergence among the different regimes' ways of governing extraction and socio-environmental conflicts. We draw on Executive level statements and policy positions as well as on statements by indigenous peoples' organisations. Among the reasons for this apparent convergence are: long-standing resource curse effects; the need to generate resources to finance social policy instruments that are integral to the governments' overall political strategies; power and information asymmetries among companies and governments; and international relations. The convergences among Bolivia, Ecuador and Peru regarding the governance of extraction and the conflicts t...

Pierre Bourdieu and International Relations: Power of Practices, Practices of Power

Abstract: This article demonstrates how the work of Pierre Bourdieu offers a productive way to practice research in international relations. It especially explores the alternatives opened by Bourdieu in terms of a logic of practice and practical sense that refuses an opposition between general theory and empirical research. Bourdieu's preference for a relational approach, which destabilizes the different versions of the opposition between structure and agency, avoids some of the traps commonly found in political science in general and theorizations of international relations in particular: essentialization and ahistoricism; a false dualism between constructivism and empirical research; and an absolute opposition between the collective and the individual. The “thinking tools ” of field and habitus, which are both collective and individualized, are examined in order to see how they resist such traps. The article also engages with the question of whether the international itself challenges some of Bourdieu’s assumptions, especially when some authors identify a global field of power while others deny that such a field of power could be different from a system of different national fields of power. In this context, the analysis of transversal fields of power must be untied from state centrism in order to discuss the social transformations of power relations in ways that do not oppose a global/international level to a series of national and subnational levels.

The Conduct of Inquiry in International Relations: Philosophy of Science and its Implications for the Study of World Politics

Abstract: Patrick Thaddeus Jackson Abingdon/New York: Routledge, 2011, 268 pp. At the core of Patrick T. Jackson's new book The Conduct of Inquiry in International Relations stands the mutual dependency of p...

Respect and disrespect in international politics: the significance of status recognition

Abstract: In our daily lives few things are as important to us as being treated with respect Yet in International Relations (IR), we regularly assume that actors follow just their material interests or the social norms appropriate for their identity, without caring if the treatment they get matches their own sense of importance and worth Drawing mostly on insights from moral philosophy and social psychology this article argues that even in international relations social respect can be a significant goal, both for instrumental reasons and as an end in itself In fact, as long as we ignore this dimension of international politics we will be unable to fully explain major features, specifically the intensity and duration of many cross-border conflicts To show the perspectives which systematic research on respect may open for IR, this article presents a theoretical overview of the chief factors that shape the reactions to respectful or disrespectful behavior

Constructing the truth, dealing with dissent, domesticating the world: governance in post-genocide Rwanda

Abstract: Post-genocide Rwanda has become a ‘donor darling’, despite being a dictatorship with a dismal human rights record and a source of regional instability. In order to understand international tolerance, this article studies the regime’s practices. It analyses the ways in which it dealt with external and internal critical voices, the instruments and strategies it devised to silence them, and its information management. It looks into the way the international community fell prey to the RPF’s spin by allowing itself to be manipulated, focusing on Rwanda’s decent technocratic governance while ignoring its deeply flawed political governance. This tolerance has allowed the development of a considerable degree of structural violence, thus exposing Rwanda to the risk of renewed violence. RWANDA IS A COUNTRY FULL OF PARADOXES, difficult for outsiders to comprehend and to apprehend. Although donor assessments differ considerably, and despite concerns over political governance domestically and the country’s interference in the DRC, many in the international community have given the post-genocide regime the benefit of the doubt. Rwanda became and has remained a ‘donor darling’. Since most observers would agree that the regime has achieved impressive results since 1994, many are ready to support it without asking too many questions. The International Crisis Group (ICG) remarked that ‘If they sometimes privately agree that some things are going seriously *Filip Reyntjens (filip.reyntjens@ua.ac.be) is Professor of Law and Politics at the Institute of Development Policy and Management, University of Antwerp. The author has benefited greatly from comments by An Ansoms, Bert Ingelaere, René Lemarchand, Scott Straus, Stef Vandeginste, Claudine Vidal, Lars Waldorf, and two anonymous referees. The usual disclaimer applies. 1. Stefaan Marysse, An Ansoms, and Danny Cassimon, ‘The aid “darlings” and “orphans” of the Great Lakes Region in Africa’, European Journal of Development Research 19, 3 (2007), pp. 433–58. African Affairs, 1–34 doi: 10.1093/afraf/adq075 © The Author 2010. Published by Oxford University Press on behalf of Royal African Society. All rights reserved 1 African Affairs Advance Access published November 24, 2010 by gest on N ovem er 5, 2010 afraf.oxjournals.org D ow nladed fom wrong, there is a general consensus to give the government a smooth ride’. Yet there is consensus in the international scholarly community that Rwanda is run by a dictatorship with little respect for human rights, little attention to the fate of the vast majority of its population made up of everpoorer peasants, and little awareness of the structural violence its ambitious engineering project engenders. The regime seeks full control over people and space: Rwanda is an army with a state, rather than a state with an army. Although a report by the Commonwealth Human Rights Initiative expressed major concern and concluded that the state of governance and human rights did not satisfy Commonwealth standards, Rwanda was admitted to the club without much debate in November 2009. President Kagame, against whom there is overwhelming evidence of responsibility for war crimes and crimes against humanity, is given red carpet treatment on his frequent international visits, the Rwandan leadership’s vision is lauded in many quarters, and Rwanda is often presented as a ‘model’. How does Kigali get away with it? This article tries to answer this question by looking not at the substantive aspects of governance in Rwanda, but at the regime’s practices (I am of course aware that substance and 2. International Crisis Group, ‘“Consensual democracy” in post-genocide Rwanda: evaluating the March 2001 district elections’ (Report, Nairobi and Brussels, 9 October 2001), p. 20. 3. The only noticeable exceptions are Phil Clark (University of Oxford) and William Schabas (National University of Ireland). 4. Commonwealth Human Rights Initiative, ‘Rwanda’s application for membership of the Commonwealth: report and recommendations of the Commonwealth Human Rights Initiative’ (August 2009). 5. These crimes took place mainly in Rwanda in 1994, in Zaïre/DRC in 1996–7, and again in Rwanda in 1997–8, as detailed in numerous reports by several UN bodies, Amnesty International, and Human Rights Watch. For an early survey of crimes against humanity committed by the RPF/RPA, see Serge Desouter and Filip Reyntjens, ‘Rwanda: les violation des droits de l’homme par le FPR/APR – plaidoyer pour une enquête approfondie’ (Working Paper, Centre d’étude de la région des grands lacs d’Afrique, Antwerp, June 1995). For a view on RPF abuse from within, see Abdul J. Ruzibiza, Rwanda: L’histoire secrète (Editions du Panama, Paris, 2005). More recently, a major UN report has confirmed and complemented the data on RPA abuse in the DRC: UN High Commission for Human Rights, ‘Democratic Republic of the Congo, 1993–2003: report of the mapping exercise documenting the most serious violations of human rights and international humanitarian law committed within the territory of the Democratic Republic of the Congo between March 1993 and June 2003’ (Geneva, August 2010). 6. Kagame set up a Presidential Advisory Council (PAC) which includes CEOs of foreign companies, academics, and even the founder of Saddleback Church, Pastor Rick Warren. Tony Blair acts as an ‘unpaid adviser’ to the President. Kagame travels from one award ceremony to the next. 7. When Kagame received a Global Citizen Award in 2009, the statement of the Clinton Foundation read as follows: ‘From crisis, President Kagame has forged a strong, unified and growing nation with the potential to become a model for the rest of Africa and the world’. Clinton Foundation, ‘Former President Clinton announces winners of the Third Annual Clinton Global Citizen Awards’ (23 September 2009), . 2 AFRICAN AFFAIRS by gest on N ovem er 5, 2010 afraf.oxjournals.org D ow nladed fom procedure cannot be fully separated, and that overlaps are inevitable). I analyse the way in which the regime dealt with external and internal critical voices, the instruments and strategies it devised to silence them, its assertiveness towards the region and the rest of the world, and its management of information and ‘truth’. I look into the way the international community fell prey to the RPF’s spin, by allowing itself to be manipulated and by preferring to see Rwanda’s decent technocratic governance while ignoring its deeply flawed political governance. I go into a great deal of detail that may appear tedious, but only in this way can I show how the regime, acting in a piecemeal fashion, tested step by step the limits of what was tolerated by its backers. Dealing with external meddlers Since the RPF came to power in July 1994, keeping or getting outside observers out has been a constant concern. By the end of 1995, 38 international NGOs had been expelled and the activities of 18 others suspended, their assets frozen, and their equipment impounded. In June 1997 the government, through a large-scale diplomatic offensive, succeeded in having the mandate of UN Special Rapporteur René Degni-Segui terminated, as his reports had become a nuisance. He was replaced by a Special Representative whose mandate and interest in criticizing the regime over its human rights record was much more limited. The United Nations Human Rights Field Operation in Rwanda (UNHRFOR) was next in line. On 7 December 1997, the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights, Mary Robinson, previously considered a friend of the ‘New Rwanda’ (she visited the country on a couple of occasions when she was President of Ireland), issued a communiqué condemning the absence of a reconciliation policy and the practice of serious human rights violations. The spokesman for the Rwandan presidency immediately responded by vehemently and categorically denying Robinson’s observations, accusing her of being influenced ‘by informants whose aims are to mislead international opinion on the situation of Rwanda’. The following year the government refused UNHRFOR permission to continue monitoring the human rights situation, and sought to limit its activities to mere technical assistance. Robinson decided that such a truncated mandate was unacceptable, and closed the operation at the end of July 1998. In April 2001, a round of efficient lobbying ensured the support of the African group in the UN Commission for Human Rights for striking Rwanda off the agenda, thus putting an end to formal international concerns with 8. Statement by presidential spokesman, Kigali, 7 December 1997. GOVERNANCE IN POST-GENOCIDE RWANDA 3 by gest on N ovem er 5, 2010 afraf.oxjournals.org D ow nladed fom human rights in Rwanda. Canada strongly objected, and got the routine treatment in return: the Rwandan delegate accused Canada of ‘harbouring many génocidaires’. Other external meddlers were from the press or academia. In 1997 alone, two journalists and one researcher were declared persona non grata. French scholar Gérard Prunier was violently taken to task after the publication of a critical but on the whole appropriate analysis. The director of the official information office lashed out against Prunier ‘who claims to be an academic’, who presents ‘a pseudo analysis of Rwandan society’, and who is no less than ‘indirectly responsible for the 1994 genocide’. On 9 February, Reuters correspondent Christian Jennings was expelled, apparently for having written two days earlier that, during a press conference, (then Vice-President) Kagame had asserted that ‘Rwanda has the right to divert a part of international aid to contribute to the internal war against Hutu extremists’. On 28 November, Stephen Smith of the French daily Libération was in turn declared undesirable. The chargé d’affaires at the Rwandan embassy in Paris explained that ‘Smith only has himself to blame, given the horrors he has written about the country’. More recently, in August 2008, the Rwandan Minister of Informat

The Big Bangs of IR: The Myths That Your Teachers Still Tell You about 1648 and 1919:

Abstract: International relations as we know them emerged through the peace of Westphalia, and the discipline of International Relations emerged in 1919 and developed through a First Great Debate between idealists and realists. These are the established myths of 1648 and 1919. In this article we demonstrate how historical and historiographical scholarship has demolished these myths, but that the myths regardless are pervasive in the current textbooks that are used in teaching future IR scholars. Disciplinary dialogue seems to have failed completely. Based on a detailed reading of the myths and their perpetuation, we discuss the consequences of the discipline’s reliance on mythical origins, why there has been so little incorporation of revisionist insight and what possibilities there are for enhancing the dialogue.

Leaders and International Conflict

Abstract: Chiozza and Goemans seek to explain why and when political leaders decide to initiate international crises and wars. They argue that the fate of leaders and the way leadership changes, shapes leaders' decisions to initiate international conflict. Leaders who anticipate regular removal from office, through elections for example, have little to gain and much to lose from international conflict, whereas leaders who anticipate a forcible removal from office, such as through coup or revolution, have little to lose and much to gain from conflict. This theory is tested against an extensive analysis of more than 80 years of international conflict and with an intensive historical examination of Central American leaders from 1848 to 1918. Leaders and International Conflict highlights the political nature of the choice between war and peace and will appeal to all scholars of international relations and comparative politics.

Toward a social psychology of globalization

Abstract: In most parts of the world, globalization has become an unstoppable and potent force that impacts everyday life and international relations. The articles in this issue draw on theoretical insights from diverse perspectives (clinical psychology, consumer research, organizational behavior, political psychology, and cultural psychology) to offer nuanced understanding of individuals’ psychological reactions to globalization in different parts of the world (Australia, Hong Kong, Japan, Mainland China, Singapore, Switzerland, United States, Taiwan). These articles address the questions of how people make sense of and respond to globalization and its sociocultural ramifications; how people defend the integrity of their heritage cultural identities against the “culturally erosive” effects of globalization, and how individuals harness creative insights from their interactions with global cultures. The new theoretical insights and revealing empirical analyses presented in this issue set the stage for an emergent interdisciplinary inquiry into the psychology of globalization.

Shattering Empires: The Clash and Collapse of the Ottoman and Russian Empires 1908–1918

Abstract: The break-up of the Ottoman empire and the disintegration of the Russian empire were watershed events in modern history. The unravelling of these empires was both cause and consequence of World War I and resulted in the deaths of millions. It irrevocably changed the landscape of the Middle East and Eurasia and reverberates to this day in conflicts throughout the Caucasus and Middle East. Shattering Empires draws on extensive research in the Ottoman and Russian archives to tell the story of the rivalry and collapse of two great empires. Overturning accounts that portray their clash as one of conflicting nationalisms, this pioneering study argues that geopolitical competition and the emergence of a new global interstate order provide the key to understanding the course of history in the Ottoman-Russian borderlands in the twentieth century. It will appeal to those interested in Middle Eastern, Russian, and Eurasian history, international relations, ethnic conflict, and World War I.

Beyond the Nation Brand:The Role of Image and Identity in International Relations

Abstract: Despite overstated claims of their ‘global’ homogeneity, ubiquity and contribution to ‘flattening’ spatial differences, the geographies of brands and branding actually do matter. This vibrant collection provides a comprehensive reference point for the emergent area of brand and branding geographies in a multi-disciplinary and international context.

Dialogue and Discovery: In Search of International Relations Theories Beyond the West:

Abstract: Scholars of International Relations (IR) increasingly realise that their discipline, including its theories and methods, often neglects voices and experiences outside of the West. But how do we address this problem and move the discipline forward? While some question whether ‘Western’ and ‘non-Western’ (or ‘post-Western’) are useful labels, there are also other perspectives, including those who believe in the adequacy of existing theories and approaches, those who argue for particular national ‘schools’ of IR, and those who dismiss recent efforts to broaden IR theory as ‘mimicry’ in terms of their epistemological underpinnings. After reviewing these debates, this article identifies some avenues for further research with a view to bringing out the global heritage of IR. These include, among other things, paying greater attention to the genealogy of international systems, the diversity of regionalisms and regional worlds, the integration of area studies with IR, people-centric approaches to IR, security and...

The Anglosphere: A Genealogy of a Racialized Identity in International Relations

Abstract: The Anglosphere refers to a community of English-speaking states, nations, and societies centered on Australia, Canada, New Zealand, the United Kingdom, and the United States, which has profoundly influenced the direction of world history and fascinated countless observers. This book argues that the origins of the Anglosphere are racial. Drawing on theories of collective identity-formation and framing, the book develops a new framework for analyzing foreign policy, which it then evaluates in case studies related to fin-de-siecle imperialism (1894-1903), the ill-fated Pacific Pact (1950-1), the Suez crisis (1956), the Vietnam escalation (1964-5), and the run-up to the Iraq war (2002-3). Each case study highlights the contestations over state and empire, race and nation, and liberal internationalism and anti-Americanism, taking into consideration how they shaped international conflict and cooperation. In reconstructing the history of the Anglosphere, the book engages directly with the most recent debates in international relations scholarship and American foreign policy

The Implementation Game: The TRIPS Agreement and the Global Politics of Intellectual Property Reform in Developing Countries

Abstract: With the launch of the World Trade Organization (WTO) in 1995, its Agreement on Trade-Related Aspects of Intellectual Property Rights (TRIPS) emerged as a symbol of coercion in international economic relations. In the decade that followed, intellectual property became one of the most contentious topics of global policy debate. This book is the first full-length study of the politics surrounding what developing countries did to implement TRIPS and why. Based on a review of the evidence from 1995 to 2007, this book emphasises that developing countries exhibited considerable variation in their approach to TRIPS implementation. In particular, developing countries took varying degrees of advantage of the legal safeguards and options-commonly known as TRIPS 'flexibilities'-that the Agreement provides. To explain this variation, this book argues that TRIPS implementation must be understood as a complex political game played out among developing country governments and a range of stakeholders-developed countries, non-governmental organisations (NGOs), intergovernmental organisations (IGOs), and industry groups. The contested nature of the TRIPS bargain spurred competing efforts to revise the terms of TRIPS and to influence global IP regulation more broadly. The intensity of the implementation game was amplified by an awareness among the various stakeholders that the IP reforms developing countries pursued would influence these ongoing international negotiations. The book attributes the variation in TRIPS implementation to the interplay between these global IP debates, international power pressures, and political dynamics within developing countries. The book includes historical analysis, compilations of evidence, and analysis supported by examples from across the developing world. The Implementation Game will be of interest both to scholars of international relations, law, and international political economy as well as to policymakers, commentators, and activists engaged in debates on the global governance of intellectual property.

International relations and non-western thought : imperialism, colonialism and investigations of global modernity

Abstract: Biographies: 1 Non-Western thought and International Relations Robbie Shilliam 2 The perilous but unavoidable intellectual terrain of the "non-West" Robbie Shilliam Part I : Colonial Conditions 3 On colonial modernity: Civilization versus nationhood in Cuba, c1840 Gerard Aching 4 Anti-Racism and Internationalism in the thought and practice of Cabral, Neto, Mondlane and Machel Branwen Gruffyd Jones 5 Voices from the "Jewish Colony": Sovereignty, Power, Secularization and the Outside Within Willi Goetschel Part II:Cultural Contexts 6 International Relations of Modernity in Sayyid Qutb's thoughts on Sovereignty: The Notion of Democratic Participation in the Islamic Canon Sayed Khatab 7 Decoding Political Islam: the International Historical Sociology of Ali Shariati's Political Thought Kamran Matin 8 Beyond Orientalism and "Reverse Orientalism": Through the Looking Glass of Japanese Humanism Ryoko Nakano 9 Culture in Contemporary IR theory: The Chinese Provocation Arif Dirlik Part III: Beyond the Nation-State 10 Alternative sources of cosmopolitanism: Nationalism, universalism and Creolite in Francophone Caribbean thought Martin Munro and Robbie Shilliam 11 The Internationalist Nationalist: Pursuing an Ethical Modernity with Jawaharlal Nehru Priya Chacko 12 Radical anti-colonial thought, anti-colonial Internationalism, and the politics of human solidarities Anthony Bogues Reflections: 13 Untimely Reflections Mustapha Pasha

Nation branding in the era of commercial nationalism

Abstract: This article applies critical approaches to branding and marketing in the neo-liberal era to a case study of a recent trend in media studies, international relations and tourism: nation branding. We argue that the critique of brand “co-creation” – a reliance upon consumers to build and disseminate brand identity – helps illuminate the ways in which nation branding serves as a technique of neo-liberal governance in the era of global capitalism. The article first considers the recent development of nation branding as a global phenomenon and then explores the details of one such campaign in post-socialist Slovenia. The case study illustrates the ways in which nation branding seeks to mobilize the populace to “live” the national brand, to promulgate it nationally and internationally in the name of taking responsibility for the nation’s economic development, and by extension of maximizing individual prosperity. The article concludes with a consideration of the way in which nation branding functions as a revamped form of nationalism in an era characterized by what we call the rise of commercial nationalism.

Friends in High Places: International Politics and the Emergence of States from Secessionism

Abstract: State emergence is an essential dynamic of the international system, yet international relations scholars pay it little attention+ Their oversight is all the more unfortunate because international politics ultimately determine which aspiring system members will succeed in becoming new states+ Existing models of state emer- gence rely exclusively on internal or domestic-level explanations+ However, the inter- national system is inherently social; therefore any aspiring state's membership also depends on the acceptance of its peers+ I present a novel, international-level model of state birth that suggests state leaders should use decisions regarding new members strategically to advance their own interests, not passively abide by domestic factors+ I test this argument using a new data set on secessionism and Great Power recogni- tion ~1931-2000!+ I find that external politics have important, underappreciated effects on state emergence+ Furthermore, acknowledging the politics of recognition's central- ity to state birth alters our understanding of civil conflict dynamics and conflict res- olution and suggests important implications for system-wide stability+

The China Model

Abstract: The China Model for development of a modern society adapts the lessons of previous Asian ―miracle economies‖ to Chinese conditions. The core Asian Model is pragmatic adoption of best international practices regardless of origin, organized around the central lesson of Asian successes and gives priority to economic growth at the expense of geopolitical, political and ideological goals. Given the economic imperative, the model establishes priority rankings: agriculture first, then light industry, heavy industry, domestic politics, and international politics. The Asian Model's economic strategy includes critical components: international opening; domestic economic marketization; rapid incrementalism rather than shock therapy in pursuing those goals; and competition. In all the Asian miracles including China, successful economic reform has been accompanied by parallel incremental political reforms. In addition to emulating the Asian model, China has added distinctive strategies, including most notably the use of a ―One, Two‖ approach — one country, two systems; one sector, two systems; one company, two systems; and so forth. China has refined the art of managing a country on an efficient business organizational model, and of using ―social globalization‖ to expose its government, business and student elites to best practices all over the world.

International Relations in the US Academy

Abstract: Using two new data sources to describe trends in the international relations (IR) discipline since 1980—a database of every article published in the 12 leading journals in the field and three surveys of IR faculty at US colleges and universities—we explore the extent of theoretical, methodological, and epistemological diversity in the American study of IR and the relationship between IR scholarship and the policy-making community in the United States. We find, first, that there is considerable and increasing theoretical diversity. Although US scholars believe and teach their students that the major paradigms—realism, liberalism, Marxism, and constructivism—define and divide the discipline, most peer-reviewed research does not advance a theoretical argument from one of these theoretical traditions. There is no evidence, moreover, that realism and its focus on power relations among states dominate, or since 1980 ever has dominated, the literature. Second, although three times as many IR scholars report using qualitative methods as their primary approach, more articles published in the top journals currently employ quantitative tools than any other methodological approach. Third, there exists little epistemological diversity in the field: American IR scholars share a strong and growing commitment to positivism. Finally, there is a disjuncture between what American scholars of IR think about the value of producing policy-relevant work and the actual research they generate: few articles in top journals offer explicit policy advice, but scholars believe that their work is both prescriptive and useful to policymakers.