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Showing papers on "Legislation published in 2008"


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: If the antimicrobial resistance crisis is to be addressed, a concerted, grassroots effort led by the medical community will be required and could mean a literal return to the preantibiotic era for many types of infections.
Abstract: The ongoing explosion of antibiotic-resistant infections continues to plague global and US health care. Meanwhile, an equally alarming decline has occurred in the research and development of new antibiotics to deal with the threat. In response to this microbial “perfect storm,” in 2001, the federal Interagency Task Force on Antimicrobial Resistance released the “Action Plan to Combat Antimicrobial Resistance; Part 1: Domestic” to strengthen the response in the United States. The Infectious Diseases Society of America (IDSA) followed in 2004 with its own report, “Bad Bugs, No Drugs: As Antibiotic Discovery Stagnates, A Public Health Crisis Brews,” which proposed incentives to reinvigorate pharmaceutical investment in antibiotic research and development. The IDSA’s subsequent lobbying efforts led to the introduction of promising legislation in the 109th US Congress (January 2005–December 2006). Unfortunately, the legislation was not enacted. During the 110th Congress, the IDSA has continued to work with congressional leaders on promising legislation to address antibiotic-resistant infection. Nevertheless, despite intensive public relations and lobbying efforts, it remains unclear whether sufficiently robust legislation will be enacted. In the meantime, microbes continue to become more resistant, the antibiotic pipeline continues to diminish, and the majority of the public remains unaware of this critical situation. The result of insufficient federal funding; insufficient surveillance, prevention, and control; insufficient research and development activities; misguided regulation of antibiotics in agriculture and, in particular, for food animals; and insufficient overall coordination of US (and international) efforts could mean a literal return to the preantibiotic era for many types of infections. If we are to address the antimicrobial resistance crisis, a concerted, grassroots effort led by the medical community will be required.

1,523 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this paper, the authors examine the extent and consequences of renaming and mislabeling seafood, the state of current legislation, and the importance of future policies, with particular attention to the US, where 80% of the seafood is imported and more than one-third of all fish are mislabeled.

362 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: A comparison of key elements of mandatory reporting legislation in the 3 countries that have invested most heavily in them to date is conducted, disclosing significant differences and illuminating the issues facing legislatures and policymaking bodies in countries already having the laws.
Abstract: Mandatory child abuse reporting laws have developed in particular detail in the United States, Canada, and Australia as a central part of the governments' strategy to detect cases of abuse and neglect at an early stage, protect children, and facilitate the provision of services to children and families. However, the terms of these laws differ in significant ways, both within and between these nations, with the differences tending to broaden or narrow the scope of cases required to be reported and by whom. The purpose of this article is to provide a current and systematic review of mandatory reporting legislation in the 3 countries that have invested most heavily in them to date. A comparison of key elements of these laws is conducted, disclosing significant differences and illuminating the issues facing legislatures and policymaking bodies in countries already having the laws. These findings will also be instructive to those jurisdictions still developing their laws and to those that may, in the future, choose to design a system of mandatory reporting.

240 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: The fact that the first European regulations to protect animals were adopted 10 years after the Brambell report and were in line with the conclusions of the report suggest that the report was influential, not only in the United Kingdom but also in the rest of Europe.

226 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: This paper explored the impact of the No Child Left Behind Act (NCLB) on the behavior of teachers and school leaders, specifically the centralizing, standardizing tendencies of the legislation, and contrasted their reactions to the types of teaching and leadership required to lead 21st-century schools.
Abstract: This article explores the impact of the No Child Left Behind Act (NCLB) on the behavior of teachers and school leaders, specifically the centralizing, standardizing tendencies of the legislation, and juxtaposes their reactions to the types of teaching and leadership required to lead 21st-century schools. The authors argue that the isomorphic behavioral responses to NCLB conflict with the pedagogical and leadership behaviors of the 21st-century schools movement. The authors conclude that unless modifications are made to the legislation, teachers and school leaders are unlikely to exhibit or promote the types of pedagogical skills, knowledge, or leadership envisioned by advocates of 21st-century schools.

224 citations


Journal Article
Ken Hardman1
TL;DR: The Second Worldwide Survey of Physical Education (PE) in schools as mentioned in this paper assess the worldwide situation of school PE as well as developments since the Physical Education World Summit held in November 1999 in Berlin for which a multi-method/pluralistic approach was adopted with analysis of a range of sources comprising globally and regionally as wellas on-line disseminated questionnaires, national surveys, continental regional and national PE-related projects, case studies and a comprehensive literature review.
Abstract: This article draws from the Second Worldwide Survey of the situation of physical education (PE) in schools. The Survey was undertaken as a contribution to the UN dedicated 2005 Year of Sport and PE and in response to inter-governmental agencies’ calls for regular monitoring of developments in school PE in the form of a ‘reality check’. The overall purpose of the Survey was to assess the worldwide situation of school PE as well as developments since the Physical Education World Summit held in November 1999 in Berlin for which a multi-method/pluralistic approach was adopted with analysis of a range of sources comprising globally and regionally as well as on-line disseminated questionnaires, national surveys, continental regional and national PE-related projects, case studies and a comprehensive literature review. The pluralistic methods facilitated data collection on national level policies and practice-related issues in school PE, the PE curriculum, resources (human and material), the PE environment (school subject and PE teacher status; and pathway links to PE activity in out-of-school settings) and ‘Best Practice’ exemplars. The data generated provide an indication of patterns and trends in school PE in countries and regions across the world. The ‘reality check’ indicates that positive developments and policy rhetoric are juxtaposed with adverse practice shortcomings. Thus, the overall scenario is one of ‘mixed messages’ with evidence that national and/or regional governments have committed themselves through legislation to making provision for PE but some have been either slow or reticent in translating this into action through actual implementation and assurance of quality of delivery. Essentially, the situation especially in economically under-developed and developing regions has changed little since the 1999 Berlin Physical Education Summit. Continuing concerns embrace: insufficient curriculum time allocation, perceived inferior subject status, insufficient competent qualified and/or inadequately trained teachers (particularly in primary schools), inadequate provision of facilities and equipment and teaching materials frequently associated with under-funding, large class sizes and funding cuts and, in some countries, inadequate provision or awareness of pathway links to wider community programmes and facilities outside of schools. More generally, there is disquiet over the falling fitness standards of young people, rising levels of obesity amongst children of school age and high youth dropout rates from physical/sporting activity engagement. Whilst some improvements in inclusion (related to gender and disability) policy and practice can be identified since the Berlin Physical Education Summit, barriers to equal provision and access opportunities for all still remain. However, current intergovernmental initiatives (European Parliament’s 2007 Resolution on the Role of Sport in Education and UNESCO advocacy action) place PE on the political agenda. With such inter-governmental commitments to policy principles and action advocacy, a secure and sustainable future for PE appears to be realizable.

220 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: For instance, this article found that policy makers had very distinct ideas about the nature of the sex offender problem in terms of who was responsible, who was in need of protection, and the degree to which legislative responses would address the issue.
Abstract: To date, scholars have simply inferred the beliefs underlying sex offender laws from the passage and content of the legislation. Few researchers have directly spoken to legislators to determine their opinions of the sex offender problem. This study seeks to determine the perceptions of sex offenders and sex offending in the 1990s that drove the need for sex offender reform in Illinois and the degree to which these perceptions influenced the content of the laws. The findings suggest that policy makers had very distinct ideas about the nature of the sex offender problem in terms of who was responsible, who was in need of protection, and the degree to which legislative responses would address the issue. There was congruence between these personal perceptions and the content of sex offender laws. The results shed light on the degree to which public officials' personal perceptions influence the passage and content of legislation.

213 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this article, the authors discuss the contemporary constitution of neoliberal subjects via the devolution of select immigration powers to state and local governments by the federal government of the United States, through an exploration of relevant legislation and court cases.
Abstract: Through an exploration of relevant legislation and court cases, this article discusses the contemporary constitution of neoliberal subjects via the devolution of select immigration powers to state and local governments by the federal government of the United States. Since the latter decades of the nineteenth century, the federal government has had plenary power over immigration, which has enabled it to treat “people as immigrants” (or as “nonpersons” falling outside of many Constitutional protections), simultaneously requiring that states and cities treat “immigrants as people” (or as persons protected by the Constitution). Beginning in the mid-1990s, however, the devolution of welfare policy and immigration policing powers has challenged the scalar constitution of personhood, as state and local governments have newfound powers to discriminate on the basis of alienage, or noncitizen status. In devolving responsibility for certain immigration-related policies to state and local governments, the federal gov...

201 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: The results point out that the HINE can give additional information about neuromotor development of infants with CP from 3-6 months of age, strictly related to the gross motor functional abilities at 2 years of age.
Abstract: Discussions at the inaugural meeting of a Trans-European Pedagogic Research Group for Anatomical Sciences highlighted the fact that there exist considerable variations in the legal and ethical frameworks throughout Europe concerning body bequests for anatomical examination. Such differences appear to reflect cultural and religious variations as well as different legal and constitutional frameworks. For example, there are different views concerning the "ownership" of cadavers and concerning the need (perceived by different societies and national politicians) for legislation specifically related to anatomical dissection. Furthermore, there are different views concerning the acceptability of using unclaimed bodies that have not given informed consent. Given that in Europe there have been a series of controversial anatomical exhibitions and also a public (televised) dissection/autopsy, and given that the commercial sale or transport of anatomical material across national boundaries is strongly debated, it would seem appropriate to "harmonise" the situation (at least in the European Union). This paper summarises the legal situation in a variety of European countries and suggests examples of good practice. In particular, it recommends that all countries should adopt clear legal frameworks to regulate the acceptance of donations for medical education and research. It stresses the need for informed consent, with donors being given clear information upon which to base their decision, intentions to bequest being made by the donor before death and encourages donors to discuss their wishes to bequeath with relatives prior to death. Departments are encouraged, where they feel it appropriate, to hold Services of Thanksgiving and Commemoration for those who have donated their bodies. Finally, there needs to be legislation to regulate transport of bodies or body parts across national borders and a discouragement of any moves towards commercialisation in relation to bequests.

177 citations


Journal Article
TL;DR: In this paper, the authors use Critical Race Theory (CRT) as a conceptual framework to examine parent involvement as it pertains to African Americans in middle-class (1) schools.
Abstract: Introduced in 2001, No Child Left Behind (NCLB) was hailed as the most significant education legislation since the Elementary and Secondary Education Act of 1965. The legislation purported to be a "landmark in education reform designed to improve student achievement and change the culture of America's schools" (U.S. Department of Education, 2003, p. 1). Shortly after the enactment, the bill was scrutinized by school officials and policy makers and later criticized for multiple reasons, such as a lack of funding, an overemphasis on testing, and inconsistency in standards at the federal, state and local levels (Dingerson, Beam, & Brown, 2004). Despite the criticism that NCLB has received over the past five years, there are some promising features of the legislation that seek to involve various historically excluded stakeholders in the educational process (Fege & Smith, 2002) and empower parents with decision-making power (Rogers, 2006; U.S. Department of Education, 2003). Central to its mission was the assurance of academic success for all students through authentic partnerships between schools, parents and communities. Parent involvement is specifically addressed by the authors of NCLB and loosely described in the legislation as a partnership that envisions parents with governance power within a democratic process (Rogers, 2006). While the provision seeks to mandate parent engagement in schools, what remains unclear under NCLB's parent involvement mandate is the extent to which parents are actually engaged in schools. One consistent critique of NCLB posits that it falls short in providing enforcement mechanisms to ensure compliance at the state and local levels (Davis, 2004). School systems cannot be sure that schools are actually complying with the federal mandate. Moreover, school officials cannot determine the roles race and class play when parents do make efforts to assume leadership roles in schools. Therefore, we, the researchers, seek to gain insight into these issues through this work. As the authors of this study, we examined the school experiences of middle-class African American parents and students, because they are largely overlooked in the professional literature when it comes to underachievement and parent involvement. Although NCLB highlights parent involvement and school accountability through the use of test data, we posit that non-White and non-Asian students in middle-class schools are frequently overlooked in the reporting and investigation of school achievement, particularly as it relates to parental involvement and engagement. Using Critical Race Theory (CRT) (Ladson-Bilings & Tate, 1995; Solorzano, 1998) as a conceptual framework to examine parent involvement as it pertains to African Americans in middle-class (1) schools, we attempt to account for an explicit intersection of race and class to be used in our analysis. CRT allows for the incorporation of counterstorytelling as a methodological tool so that parent voice can be a focus of this study. Because NCLB's emphasis on providing equal access to quality instruction to students of color, low income populations, and students with disabilities, it is clear that schools must be in compliance with this mandate. Further, educators must provide focused attention and additional resources to subgroups who fail to reach established performance benchmarks (U.S. Department of Education, 2005). To this end, schools are required to show evidence of "continuous progress" towards academic goals by meeting an annual benchmark for all subgroups within the school and demonstrate adequate yearly progress (AYP). The AYP benchmarks can include standardized test scores, graduation rates, attendance and other indicators determined by the state. Schools that fail to meet AYP targets for any subgroup or other school-wide benchmarks are designated as "in need of improvement." As a result, high achieving schools are unable to laud the overall success or high academic scores without a full accountability of the academic performance of all its subgroups (e. …

175 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
Boyd Swinburn1
TL;DR: Policies, laws and regulations are often needed to drive the environmental and social changes that, eventually, will have a sustainable impact on reducing obesity.
Abstract: The commercial drivers of the obesity epidemic are so influential that obesity can be considered a robust sign of commercial success – consumers are buying more food, more cars and more energy-saving machines. It is unlikely that these powerful economic forces will change sufficiently in response to consumer desires to eat less and move more or corporate desires to be more socially responsible. When the free market creates substantial population detriments and health inequalities, government policies are needed to change the ground rules in favour of population benefits. Concerted action is needed from governments in four broad areas: provide leadership to set the agenda and show the way; advocate for a multi-sector response and establish the mechanisms for all sectors to engage and enhance action; develop and implement policies (including laws and regulations) to create healthier food and activity environments, and; secure increased and continued funding to reduce obesogenic environments and promote healthy eating and physical activity. Policies, laws and regulations are often needed to drive the environmental and social changes that, eventually, will have a sustainable impact on reducing obesity. An 'obesity impact assessment' on legislation such as public liability, urban planning, transport, food safety, agriculture, and trade may identify 'rules' which contribute to obesogenic environments. In other areas, such as marketing to children, school food, and taxes/levies, there may be opportunities for regulations to actively support obesity prevention. Legislation in other areas such as to reduce climate change may also contribute to obesity prevention ('stealth interventions'). A political willingness to use policy instruments to drive change will probably be an early hallmark of successful obesity prevention.

Proceedings ArticleDOI
08 Jul 2008
TL;DR: To what extent can the application of legislation and precedent adherence be considered as two sides of the same logical coin?
Abstract: The two main types of law are legislation and precedents. Both types have a corresponding reasoning pattern determining legal consequences: legislation can be applied and precedents followed. The separate modelling of these two reasoning patterns using logical techniques has recently seen considerable progress. About the logical links between the two less is known, although progress has already been made. This document focuses on such logical relations. The main question is: to what extent can the application of legislation and precedent adherence be considered as two sides of the same logical coin? Findings from the boundaries of logic and law will serve as a starting point. This text is a translated, adapted and extended version of Verheij 2007.

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In New South Wales, Australia, BioBanking legislation was introduced in late 2006 with the aim of "no net loss" of biodiversity associated with development, particularly expanding urban and coastal development.
Abstract: Offsets, first formalised in the United States of America in the 1970s for wetland mitigation, are now widely used globally with the aim to mitigate loss of biodiversity due to development. Embracing biodiversity offsets is one method of governments to meet their commitments under the Millennium Development Goals and the Convention on Biological Diversity. Resource extraction companies see them as a method of gaining access to land, while the community may perceive them as a way of enhancing environmental outcomes. In New South Wales, Australia, BioBanking legislation was introduced in late 2006 with the aim of ‘no net loss’ of biodiversity associated with development, particularly expanding urban and coastal development. The strengths of the legislation are that it aims to enhance threatened species conservation, and raise the profile of conservation of threatened species and habitats. Weaknesses include (1) the narrowness of the definition of biodiversity; (2) the concepts are based on a flawed logic and immature, imprecise and complex science which results in difficulties in determining biodiversity values; (3) likely problems with management and compliance; and (4) an overall lack of resources for implementation and long-term monitoring. It is concluded that the legislation is a concerted effort to deal with biodiversity loss, however, stakeholders have concerns with the process, and it is unworkable with the complexity of such ecosystems (compared for example to carbon credit trading), and underdeveloped disciplines such as restoration biology and ecology. Despite these criticisms, there is a need for all stakeholders to work to improve the outcomes.

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this paper, the authors investigate the conditions under which self-regulation by industry emerges in environmental policy at the European level and ask how effective it is, and identify the causes of weak control and explain the differential performance in the two sectors on the basis of different market incentives.
Abstract: In technically complex areas, political actors increasingly rely on private actors to shape public policy, due to the greater expertise of private actors. This article theorises and empirically investigates the conditions under which self-regulation by industry (governance) emerges in environmental policy at the European level and asks how effective it is. Is a shadow of hierarchy (governmental intervention) needed to ensure the emergence and effectiveness of voluntary agreements? We show that the willingness to engage in self-regulation is prompted by the threat of governmental legislation. Once legislation has been pre-empted, environmental selfregulation is implemented under a weak shadow of hierarchy. We identify the causes of this weak control and explain the differential performance in the two sectors on the basis of different market incentives. /. Research question In technically complex areas of environmental protection, political decisionmakers increasingly rely on private actors, pre-eminently industry, to engage in the making of public policy.1 In the European Union, too, self-regulation by industry in the form of 'voluntary environmental agreements' (VAs) constitutes a mode of governance that is frequently invoked as 'better', both because it is based on the superior expertise of the actors shaping the policy measures and because it is immediate in its application and can be changed more speedily if the need arises (European Commission 2002). 2 In contrast, legislation involves a lengthy formal decision-making procedure and the transposition into national legislation before implementation begins (Heritier 2002, 2003). Moreover, sectoral governance, being cut off from the mainstream of legislative political decisionmaking (government), is supposed to guarantee the credibility and stability of the making of public policy if the preferences of governments change. In view of all these potential merits of governance including private actors, the questions arise: what exactly

Journal ArticleDOI
Sharon K. Long1
TL;DR: In roughly the first year under reform, uninsurance among working-age adults was reduced by almost half among those surveyed, and access to care improved, and the share of adults with high out-of-pocket costs and problems paying medical bills dropped.
Abstract: In April 2006, Massachusetts passed legislation intended to move the state to near-universal coverage within three years and, in conjunction with that expansion, to improve access to affordable, high-quality health care. In roughly the first year under reform, uninsurance among working-age adults was reduced by almost half among those surveyed, dropping from 13 percent in fall 2006 to 7 percent in fall 2007. At the same time, access to care improved, and the share of adults with high out-of-pocket costs and problems paying medical bills dropped. Despite higher-than-anticipated costs, most residents of the state continued to support reform.

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this paper, the authors present a framework to both structure and assess P3 programs and projects, which is underpinned by the notion that P3 strategies must balance the interests of society, state, industry and the market for ultimate success.
Abstract: Public—private partnerships (P3) have emerged as a popular strategy for infrastructure development worldwide. Within the United States, the momentum for P3 arrangements is building as states put enabling legislation in place, public authorities search for expedient solutions for the infrastructure funding gap, and investor capital becomes increasingly attracted by the risk/return profile of infrastructure assets. Proponents of P3's tout advantages whereas detractors claim that the expected benefits rarely materialize, or they are obtained at too great an expense. Thus, the following question arises: Are P3's effective as infrastructure development strategies? A framework, which might serve to both structure and assess P3 programs and projects, is presented. The framework has evolved since its original introduction and is underpinned by the notion that P3 strategies must balance the interests of society, state, industry, and the market for ultimate success. A case study of its application is presented to i...


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: The technopanic over “online predators” is remarkably similar to the cyberporn panic; both rely on the idea of harm to children as the justification for internet content restriction, and both have resulted in carefully crafted legislation to circumvent First Amendment concerns.
Abstract: This paper discusses moral panics over contemporary technology, or “technopanics.” I use the cyberporn panic of 1996 and the contemporary panic over online predators and MySpace to demonstrate links between media coverage and content legislation. In both cases, Internet content legislation is directly linked to media-fueled moral panics that concern uses of technology deemed harmful to children. This is of particular interest right now as a new internet content bill, the Deleting Online Predators Act (DOPA), is being debated in Congress. The technopanic over “online predators” is remarkably similar to the cyberporn panic; both are fueled by media coverage, both rely on the idea of harm to children as the justification for internet content restriction, and both have resulted in carefully crafted legislation to circumvent First Amendment concerns. Research demonstrates that legislation proposed (or passed) to curb these problems is an extraordinary response; it is misguided and in many cases masks the underlying problem.

Posted Content
01 Jan 2008
TL;DR: In most countries, employment protection legislation (EPL) gives differential treatment to different groups of workers as discussed by the authors, and dismissal regulations may vary by age, gender, skill, firm size and type of contract, creating a wedge in firing costs across workers.
Abstract: In most countries, Employment Protection Legislation (EPL) gives differential treatment to different groups of workers. In particular, dismissal regulations may vary by age, gender, skill, firm size and type of contract, creating a wedge in firing costs across workers. This is particularly the case in various European and Latin American countries where attempts to increase labor market flexibility have taken place through marginal changes in EPL that liberalized the use of fixed-term (or temporary) contracts, while leaving largely unchanged the legislation affecting the stock of employees under openended (or permanent) contracts (Dolado et al. 2007).

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this paper, the authors identify 30 states with state-level residence restrictions and conduct a content analysis of each state's legislation and conduct geographic and other assessments of these states' residence restrictions.
Abstract: Releasing a sex offender from prison or placing the offender on community-based sanctions, only to have the offender commit a new sex crime, is a policy-maker’s worst nightmare. Fueled by misperceptions and public fear, sex offender laws have developed piecemeal and without rigorous empirical insight and testing. While policies and practices are well-intended, they are unlikely to resolve the very real social problem of sexual violence and may inadvertently increase victimization. Such is the possibility with residence restrictions. This type of law is among the newest in an ever-growing barrage of legislation designed specifically for sexual criminals yet what little research that exists suggests there is no correlation between residence and sexual recidivism. This article identifies 30 states with state-level residence restrictions and conducts a content analysis of each state’s legislation. Geographical and other assessments are also conducted.

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: The merits of applying a policy-change model to grasp the complexity of the process are illustrated and the development of permanent policy analysis capabilities within public health agencies and for a broader scrutiny of the non-health-related dimensions of policy debates are called for.

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: The US Bayh-Dole Act encourages university patenting of inventions arising from publicly funded research, and lessons from three decades of US experience serve as a cautionary tale for those countries that may choose to emulate the US.
Abstract: Recently, countries from China and Brazil to Malaysia and South Africa have passed laws promoting the patenting of publicly funded research [1,2], and a similar proposal is under legislative consideration in India [3]. These initiatives are modeled in part on the United States Bayh-Dole Act of 1980 [4]. Bayh-Dole (BD) encouraged American universities to acquire patents on inventions resulting from government-funded research and to issue exclusive licenses to private firms [5,6], on the assumption that exclusive licensing creates incentives to commercialize these inventions. A broader hope of BD, and the initiatives emulating it, was that patenting and licensing of public sector research would spur science-based economic growth as well as national competitiveness [6,7]. And while it was not an explicit goal of BD, some of the emulation initiatives also aim to generate revenues for public sector research institutions [8]. We believe government-supported research should be managed in the public interest. We also believe that some of the claims favoring BD-type initiatives overstate the Act's contributions to growth in US innovation. Important concerns and safeguards—learned from nearly 30 years of experience in the US—have been largely overlooked. Furthermore, both patent law and science have changed considerably since BD was adopted in 1980 [9,10]. Other countries seeking to emulate that legislation need to consider this new context.

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In a country in which human rights feature prominently in our discourse about who we are, as well as in the South African constitutional and legal framework, so many wrongs continue to be done to children as mentioned in this paper.
Abstract: In a country in which human rights feature prominently in our discourse about who we are, as well as in the South African constitutional and legal framework, so many wrongs continue to be done to children. One category of wrongs is abuse, but it is not the only one. Poverty, patriarchy and gender violence, as well as the socialised obedience, dependency and silence of women and children, create conditions in which abuse can occur, often with few consequences. South Africa has extremely high rates of both physical and sexual abuse of children. Progressive, rights-based legislation exists to protect children, but it is not adequately supported or resourced by services to fulfil their provisions. Child abuse and neglect will not be significantly reduced in South Africa, without simultaneous improvements in the social and economic conditions in which very large numbers of children live. Copyright © 2008 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.

Book
01 Jan 2008
TL;DR: In this paper, the authors look at these changes and the practical implications of the policies and explore management skills such as communication, understanding systems, planning, and accountability in a very practical manner.
Abstract: Education leadership and management have changed dramatically since 1994 with the changes in legislation governing schools. The new policies involve the learners, educators and parents to a larger extent in terms of managing schools. This text looks at these changes and the practical implications of the policies. It explores management skills such as communication, understanding systems, planning, and accountability. It gives detailed explanations of the new management systems by looking at different aspects of each piece of legislation as well as the way in which it relates to the numerous role-players involved in managing a school. This book has the advantage of taking into account all aspects of managing the whole school environment in a very practical manner.

Book
13 Oct 2008
TL;DR: The 42-chapter handbook as discussed by the authors is a comprehensive, cross-disciplinary, research-based, and practice-based resource that all educators can turn to as a guide to data-based decision making.
Abstract: Though data-based (evidence-based) decision making has long been normative in science-based professions, it has never been an essential benchmark for effective practice in education. This situation began to radically change with the passage of the No Child Left Behind (NCLB) legislation in 2001. At the heart of this legislation is the belief that educational decision making at all levels should be evidence based to the extent possible. NCLB had (and continues to have) bipartisan political support and, although modifications to the original legislation are sure to occur, the belief in evidence-based decision making isn't likely to fade away. Education has fought long and hard to gain acceptance as a profession and, since professionals by definition use data to shape the decisions they make, education has little choice but to continue moving in this direction. This 42-chapter handbook will be a major contribution to the literature of education. It will be a comprehensive, cross-disciplinary, research-based, and practice-based resource that all educators can turn to as a guide to data-based decision making.

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: The authors argued that the Hartz Commission was largely insignificant in Policy formulation instead learning prior to the Commission located in an expert forum by the Bertelsmann Foundation as well as a Ministry of Labour project group explains the direction and content of this reform.
Abstract: The 'Hartz legislation' of 2003/04, which restructured the benefit and administrative system for the long-term unemployed in Germany, is commonly ascribed to the recommendations made by the Hartz Commission and the political leadership of Chancellor Schroder. These aspects have been crucial politically in policy making, but are insufficient to fully explain this legislation. Here it is argued that the Hartz Commission was largely insignificant in Policy formulation instead learning prior to the Commission located in an expert forum by the Bertelsmann Foundation as well as a Ministry of Labour project group explains the direction and content of this reform. The case of the Hartz legislation, whereby the 'frozen welfare state' of Germany critically departed from its conservative path, provides strong support for the significance of learning in major social policy reforms.

Journal Article
TL;DR: Bending Science warns that when science becomes artificially manipulated to misrepresent the hazards of products, “serious adverse consequences for human health and the environment, as well as for the economic well-being of legitimate businesses,” may arise.
Abstract: Biased reporting of science has been documented for industry-supported research on many hazardous substances, including the plasticizer bisphenol A, secondhand tobacco smoke, asbestos, and lead. Several books that have hit the stands recently (e.g., David Michaels’ Doubt Is Their Product) use case studies to document and discuss the effect this kind of bias has on public health and environmental protection. In Bending Science McGarity and Wagner discuss the methods and motivations that make this practice so pervasive. The book could be called “Idiot’s Guide to Bending Science” because its chapters neatly and logically provide a step-by-step plan for manipulating science to support a predetermined conclusion. Starting with who has an interest in the manipulation of science, the book describes how to distort science without getting caught, how to support “bent” science by attacking legitimate science and scientists, and finally how to use public relations firms and journalists to advertise and disseminate the “bent” science. In addition to “how,” the book tells us why manufacturers and other financially interested parties are motivated to manipulate science—namely, to weaken the regulation of their products and to defend themselves in litigation if harm comes from their products. A recent illustration of the impact of “bent science” on public health is evident in the Food and Drug Administration’s (FDA) draft assessment of bisphenol A issued this summer, declaring the chemical was safe as currently used. The FDA’s assessment relied on just two studies, which were funded by the American Chemistry Council (formerly the Chemical Manufacturers Association), Dow Chemical, Bayer, and other plastics manufacturers, and the agency ignored dozens of other studies done by independent scientists that reported evidence of harm. The FDA’s conclusions also conflict with two National Institutes of Health reviews and the actions of its counterpart in Canada. An example of the failure of our regulatory oversight mechanisms to provide a backstop was evident this summer when Congress was compelled to pass legislation to eliminate lead in children’s toys and to ban or temporarily suspend the use of six types of phthalates (components of plastics) in children’s products. Congress stepped in after regulatory agencies failed to take action, even though children had been widely exposed (one child died in March 2006 from lead-contaminated toys) and there was substantial scientific evidence that these chemicals were highly hazardous. Bending Science has a halting academic writing style that overly relies on secondary sources as resources. In addition, the authors argue that everyone bends science, even public health advocates; however, the few public health examples that the authors provide are relatively rare instances that do not support those sweeping conclusions. For example, a case study of plaintiffs’ lawyers artificially inflating silicosis cases fails to mention that this was a highly unusual instance for which the offending lawyers were issued sanctions for their transgressions. In fact, without trial lawyers much of the evidence that the authors rely on for this book, such as the tobacco industry documents, would have never been released for public scrutiny. This is a topic of great importance. Bending Science warns that when science becomes artificially manipulated to misrepresent the hazards of products, “serious adverse consequences for human health and the environment, as well as for the economic well-being of legitimate businesses,” may arise.

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: For example, the authors argues that the government's "War on Terror" since 9/11 has increasingly seen the intrusion of the state into cultural, and especially religious, matters of minority populations, overwhelmingly among Muslims, in Australia.
Abstract: Since their introduction to Australia in the early 1970s, the politics of multiculturalism have entailed a degree of state control over the cultural affairs of (principally immigrant) ethnic communities. This was largely obtained by consent rather than coercion, and this consent was often purchased with various forms of state resourcing for community needs, with a measure of coercion attached to the threat, where necessary, of funding withdrawals. Beyond the basic framework of liberal-democratic norms, very little of the ground rules for the acceptable practice of minority culture were inscribed in legislation or state pronouncements. The pursuit of the ‘War on Terror’ since 9/11 has increasingly seen the intrusion of the state into cultural, and especially religious, matters of minority populations, overwhelmingly among Muslims, in Australia. Pronouncements are now routinely made by political leaders of what is acceptable in a sermon, for example, and what is ‘extreme’, ‘radical’ or unacceptable. Religious leaders themselves have been identified by state actors as exemplary or beyond the pale and to be replaced. The government has involved itself in the process of selection of religious representatives, and made strong representations about the selection of leaders and their necessary attributes, such as fluency in English, attitudes favouring ‘integration’, beliefs in women's rights, positive disposition towards the alliance with the United States, and so on. There have also been government demands for ethnic/religious schools to teach ‘Australian values’. At present there is no legal basis for such prescription and proscription, which operates rather by hectoring and harassment and the implied conditionality of the remnants of multicultural funding. All of this action can be shown to be discriminatory, in that it is directed only towards Muslims. It also represents a dangerous trend in terms of undermining the right to religious freedom, enshrined in a number of international treaties to which Australia is a signatory.

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TL;DR: In this article, the authors analyse compliance with EU directives in eight post-communist countries during the Eastern entry of the EU in the 1990s, focusing on Czechoslovakia and Slovenia.
Abstract: Accession to the European Union (EU) demands the adoption of a vast body of legislation. This paper analyses compliance with EU directives in eight post-communist countries during the Eastern enlar...

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TL;DR: In this article, the authors explore the possible impact of recent legal developments on organizational whistleblowing on the autonomy and responsibility of whistleblowers and examine the assumptions of whistleblower protection with regard to moral autonomy.
Abstract: This paper explores the possible impact of the recent legal developments on organizational whistleblowing on the autonomy and responsibility of whistleblowers. In the past thirty years numerous pieces of legislation have been passed to offer protection to whistleblowers from retaliation for disclosing organisational wrongdoing. An area that remains uncertain in relation to whistleblowing and its related policies in organisations, is whether these policies actually increase the individualisation of work, allowing employees to behave in accordance with their conscience and in line with societal expectations or whether they are another management tool to control employees and protect organisations from them. The assumptions of whistleblower protection with regard to moral autonomy are examined in order to clarify the purpose of whistleblower protection at work. The two extreme positions in the discourse of whistleblowing are that whistleblowing legislation and policies either aim to enable individual responsibility and moral autonomy at work, or they aim to protect organisations by allowing them to control employees and make them liable for ethics at work.