Showing papers on "Legitimacy published in 1973"

On the Relation of Economic Development to Democratic Performance

Abstract: The relationship between economic growth and democratic political development has been the subject of considerable study. While most analysts have argued that the latter is a positive function of the former, there has been disagreement over both the form of the relationship and the definition of democratic political development itself. The purpose of this paper is to specify and estimate some simple models describing the relationship for a cross-section of 60 non-Communist countries. While the thesis that economic development fosters the emergence of democratic political institutions and processes has a long history in political thought, the first major attempt to assess it empirically was presented by Lipset in his well-known essay "Some Social Requisites of Democracy: Economic Development and Political Legitimacy."' Using a number of indices of economic development, Lipset concluded that:

A theoretical basis for participatory planning

Abstract: Arguments are presented for the reconsideration of models which guide planning behavior and structure planning organizations. Hierarchical organizations are contrasted with reticular organizations and the latter are presented as necessary for effective citizen participation. Legitimacy is presented as a fundamental basis of justifying planning action and historical shifts in forms of legitimacy are noted. Participation, as a form of legitimacy, and several aspects of participatory planning are discussed in terms of recent systems thinking. It is argued that participatory planning increases the effectiveness and adaptivity of the planning process and contributes adaptivity and stability to the societal system. Further, it is argued that citizen participation is an essential element in making the planning process a learning system. This leads to a strengthening of the definition and role of communities in the urban system, and to an unexpected requirement of planners who would adopt a participatory planning process.

Problems of Political Development in a Ministate: The French Territory of the Afars and the Issas

Abstract: The proliferation of ministates in the postwar world is a phenomenon directly related to the end of the colonial era and the acceptance of the legitimacy of self-determination by peoples, no matter how few in number or how limited their economic, social, and political resources. Societies of extremely limited size, whose political leadership in earlier eras would never seriously have contemplated political independence, now clamor for international recognition as sovereign states and for admission to multinational bodies.' Historically, there have existed a number of small states (Luxembourg, Iceland, Monaco, Licbtenstein, San Marino) whose right to statehood and whose ability to fulfill international commitments have never been seriously questioned. Because such states were few in number and often enjoyed a protected status vis-h-vis a stronger neighbor, size per se as a prerequisite for statehood or international participation occasioned little study or concern.

Shaping media content: professional personnel and organization structure

Abstract: T HERE HAS BEEN a rapid change within news institutions in the last decade. The received conventions that decade after decade automatically conditioned each novice journalist to comply with traditional values are being rejected and reformed. Standards of "legitimacy" are being questioned. The primacy of direction from above is being challenged from below. A different kind of novice professional has entered the field. And the alternative press has produced new journalistic forms and content: radio, television, books, and personal contact with experts in fields covered by journalism have replaced the daily newspapers as the daily bible of the outside world. All this has placed the standard media in the position of competing not only for the attention of the citizen but also for power to conceptualize distant reality. The change has come about partly because the audience was ready for it. Since World War XI the average American has become more cosmopolitan through travel; television; job mobility; higher educational achievement; and the breakup of traditional family, neighborhood, and community ties. Public affairs have also achieved a higher place on the common public agenda. The growth of government influence on individual lives has led to the average citizen's deeper involvement in the political and economic life of his community and nation-concern about property taxes; school curricula; and the influence of zoning boards on his neighborhood, of highway commission decisions on his driving, and of national policies on his employment and income. It appeared to some observers that newspapers in the 195os and early 196os were out of touch with these changes in their audience and in their social environment.* Television, a newer medium, tended to have younger executives and was less ingrained with an ancient body of tradition. On the other hand, this medium was less serious so the contemporaneous nature of broadcasting leadership was not as

Gaullism Without De Gaulle

Abstract: ently antiroutine as its transformation into some other form of authority which is more readily transferred to successors.2 While the legitimacy of the charismatic authority might erode without the leader's awareness, its transformation to a more durable authority does not take place automatically or unconsciously. It occurs only when leaders perceive the need to build new bases of authority and have the political style and skill necessary to do so. Contemporary France offers an example of a mature democratic state which has recently confronted the problems of transforming the charismatic authority of an extraordinary political leader into forms more readily employable by less extraordinary men. The sudden resignation of President Charles de Gaulle in April 1969 and his subsequent total withdrawal from politics had the potential of creating a major succession crisis. From the very moment that Charles de Gaulle returned to power in May 1958 and established the Fifth French Republic, a major question in the minds of French and foreign observers was what would happen after de Gaulle left power. Very few expected the political institutions of the Fifth Republic, which were so clearly fashioned to fit de Gaulle's political tallents and style, to persist without immediate and radical changes once de Gaulle was removed from the center stage of French politics. Even fewer thought that the Gaullist political movement would long survive the disappearance of its namesake. This article focuses on developments within the Gaullist movement which made possible its survival after de Gaulle. It attempts to explain the survival of a political movement totally devoted to a single man after that leader disappears from politics. It is not a complete explanation of the transformation from de Gaulle's charismatic type of authority to the more prosaic rule of his successor. The reason for the public's acceptance of the new leader and his new forms of authority is a broader question beyond the scope of this article. However, the successful adaptations within the governing Gaullist coalition no doubt contributed to the public's acceptance of the new leader. The period after the retirement or death of a strong leader is often a trying one for political parties. In addition to the immediate problem of finding a successor, the party may find additional problems stemming from the lasting imprint of the

Burke on Prescription of Government

Abstract: Professor Paul Lucas has described Edmund Burke's theory of prescription as his "idea about the way in which an adverse possession of property and authority may be legitimated by virtue of use and enjoyment during a long passage of time."1 The description is accurate so far as it goes. Burke certainly maintained that if one had held uncontested possession as the owner of a piece of property for a sufficiently long period of time, no earlier title to the property, however valid, could be revived and made to prevail against the occupant's title. Through the passage of time the occupant had acquired a title by prescription, and this in Burke's eyes was "the soundest, the most general, and the most recognized title..,. a title, which... is rooted in its principle, in the law of nature itself, and is indeed the original ground of all known property."2 Burke also said: "Prescription is the most solid of all titles, not only to property, but, which is to secure that property, to Government."3 It would seem, then, that Burke founded a government's legitimacy and its just title to authority on the mere fact of its having exercised authority for a long time. In the light of some of Burke's remarks, this impression is plausible. But in the light of Burke's whole political theory, as I hope to show, the impression is seen to be wrong. Lucas' description of Burke's idea of prescription, while accurate so far as it goes, does not go far enough. Burke's doctrine of prescription, as R. R. Fennessy remarks, "is by no means an anti-rational defense of existing institutions, based on feelings of reverence for antiquity. It is a theoretical an-

Indonesia 1972: The Solidification of Military Control

Abstract: Indonesia's "New Order," existent since the decimation of the PKI (Indonesian Communist Party) in 1966 and the consolidation of President Suharto's power, has been characterized by military-civilian alliances of varying compositions. Students, Muslim and Christian groups, civil servants, and intellectuals have all, at one time or another during this period, supported the paramount political role of ABRI (Armed Forces of the Republic of Indonesia). The alliance was initially predicated upon a commonly-held antipathy to 'the PKI; later it came to be based upon ABRI's monopoly of force and the estimation that no other force in society was capable of maintaining security and providing economic stability. ABRI's political preeminence was aided by its self-perceived role as guardian of national unityabove the squabble for petty political advantage, regional aggrandizement, and religious bickering. ABBRI's legitimacy was also buttressed by its image as a modernizing force, capable of bringing Indonesia back from the nadir of chaos and inflationary excess to the threshold of self-sustaining economic growth. This received expression in an "army-administrator-economist" managing elite, with the army serving as senior partner. By 1971 inflation had been brought under control, agricultural productivity continued to show significant improvement, and the confidence of foreign investors and aidgivers was apparent. Public policy was determined by the military-power holders of the New Order and their economist-advisors. It was essentially an elitist administrative configuration, entailing only a peripheral level of popular participation. The governing elite perceived 'the appropriate role of political participation to be that of passive approval or legitimation through controlled symbolic acts. The General Election of July 3, 1971, was intended to be just such an act of symbolic legitimation. A decisive victory was achieved by Sekber Golkar (Joint Secretariat of Functional Groups) -the government-sponsored "nonparty"-which received 62.8% of the votes cast. Golkar's ideological message emphasized modernizasi and pembangunan (development), while its candidates contrasted its pragmatism with what they termed the ideological bankruptcy of the political parties. The Golkar campaign was aided by a military and civilian bureaucratic effort from the national to the village level

Social Relations in Organizations: Further Evidence For the Weberian Model

Abstract: An earlier case study confirmed some elements of a social-psychological formulation of Weber's organizational model and disconfirmed others. Close relationships among authority, control, formal training, and legitimacy were found, but impersonality was not characteristic of the organization, and no evidence was found to link organizational knowledge derived from experience to the distribution of formal training or to the distribuition of unofficial control. The present research replicates this study in four additional organizations. Again the relationships among authority, control, training, and legitimacy are close, and strong evidence against impersonality is found. Finally, an unusual amount of the unofficial control is exercised in all the organizations, but no evidence indicates that this challenges the official structure of authority in any of the organizations. SOCIAL-PSYCHOLOGICAL ISSUES IN ORGANIZATIONAL ANALYSIS In the field of organizational analysis a pressing task is to develop a social-psychological model for interpreting the actions of individuals and the ways in which they relate, individually and collectively, to the organizational environment. Theoretical approaches which focus on patterns of social exchange among individuals are useful for some areas of organizational analysis, but insightful as they have been, none of them is sufficient to account for more than a limited range of the activity which takes place in organizations. Homans (1961:2-7, 186-187) indirectly acknowledges this when he states that his model of exchange is limited to direct, faceto-face transactions, and that its applicability is uLnclear when the freedom of the participants is restricted. In fact, exchange theory (including, in addition to Homans, the approaches of Blau [1964] and Thibaut and Kelley [1959]) is generally unable to come to terms convincingly with relationships which are structured by circumstances beyond the control of the individuals involved; this applies especially to those situations where inflexible and/or pronounced differences in organizational power exist among the members. Perhaps a more promising social-psychological approach for organizational analysis is one which builds upon statements about the bases of power and influence in interpersonal relations, especially the theoretical statements of French and Raven ( 1959) and Hopkins (1964). Two good examples of this approach in the organizational literature are the studies reported by Warren (1968) and by Peabody (1962), each of which contributes in an important way to our understanding of the relations among individuals in organizations. Propositions about the behavior of individuals in organizations can also be derived from the classical organization theory of Max Weber (1947). It is the implications of this approach which will be explored here, for it is our conviction that the ideal-typical model of bureaucracy is at least as useful for anticipating the relations among individuals in organizations as it has been for specifying the relationships among different elements of organizational structure. This conviction stems from an earlier study (Miller, 1970) in which several generally overlooked social-psychological hypotheses about the interrelationships among expertise, authority, control, and legitimacy were deduLced from the ideal type and basically confirmed among the members of a small school system. The objective now is to apply the same interpretation of Weber's theoretical system to four additional organizations in order to check

Organization and Control of the U. S. Food and Fiber Sector

Abstract: THIS TOPIC needs no justification. Years of informal discussions, formal seminars, and publications have endowed it with legitimacy. With the use of a dexterous mix of research, administrative, educational, legislative, and judicial processes, society can determine its own economic organization. Such social determinations are not new. Consider what our forefathers accomplished with the Northwest Ordinances of 1785 and 1787, and later with the Homestead Act. Enough people now are aroused to force organizational decisions of a similar magnitude between now and 1985.1 Present research and education efforts have

The Scope of Black English

Abstract: The phrases "Black English," "Black Dialect," and "Black Language" are relatively new phenomena For 400 years, the oral communicative patterns of black Americans have been considered "substandard," "corrupt," "ungrammatical," and "sloppy" Black people have been accused of "destroying the English language" and of exhibiting pronunciation "errors" related to ignorance and to laziness Such language patterns were believed to be the primary reason for the lack of economic progress of the black man in America, as the language patterns were considered the "last barrier to integration" (Green, 1963) It was not until 1964 that researchers at the Center for Applied Linguistics recognized the consistency of linguistic patterns in the speech of black individuals They observed that the "nonstandard" patterns of black speech were not accidental, but had a predictable sound pattern, grammatical structure, and vocabulary They were the first to recognize the legitimacy of black speech as a "well-ordered, highlydeveloped linguistic system" used for communication in the

The Social Problems of the University: Two Crises of Legitimacy.

Abstract: A crisis of legitimacy—the legitimacy of university authority in the eyes of its internal student constituency—has been succeeded by a crisis of the legitimacy of the university in the eyes of its external supporting environment. The demands placed upon the university by the students are explained in part by a belief on the part of students that the authorities of the university were vulnerable to student pressure and that the autonomy of the university was relatively secure from intrusion by powers external to the university. As this perception proved false, and as external forces demonstrated their readiness and determination to abridge the autonomy of the university and to punish the recalcitrant, the demands of the students abated and the threat from without became the “social problem of the university.” The growth and prestige of the universities, their relative autonomy, and the current reversal of their fortunes are explained, in part, by an analysis of their role as a mechanism for stabilizing the labor market and of the growing unwillingness of the public to pay the price of maintaining this mechanism.

Smuts and Weizmann

Abstract: Perhaps few personal friendships have so influenced the course of political events during the twentieth century as the relationship between General Jan Christian Smuts, South Africa's celebrated prime minister, and Chaim Weizmann, the charismatic Zionist leader and Israel's first president. But the importance and significance of this little publicized relationship far transcends the personal elements involved or its contribution to Zionist success; rather, it helps to throw into perspective both the contradictions of western liberalism and the psychological climate which rationalized the dominant position of a white minority in South Africa on the one hand and of a new European settlement in Palestine on the other. Both Weizmann and Smuts stood in much the same way towards their respective "constituencics" and both represented in their "constituencies" the imperial factor in its economic, political and strategic dimensions. Without Weizmann there would have been no Balfour Declaration and without Smuts the Union brought forth in 1910 in South Africa might well have foundered. On the personal level it must be noted that during the entire thirty-three years of this relationship, extending from 1917 to Smuts' death in 1950, both men took for granted the moral legitimacy of each other's respective position. Thus, not a word is to be found in Weizmann's correspondence or writing questioning the racial basis of the South African state on which Zionism was so dependent or Smuts' own role in upholding its racist system. Similarly, Smuts assumed without question "the right" of Jewish settlers to occupy Palestine without regard to the rights of the indigenous Palestinian Arabs. In both cases, Smuts and Weizmann projected at the highest level the capacity

Will and legitimacy in the philosophy of hobbes: is he a consent theorist?

Abstract: I N a political philosopher who, like Hobbes, bases the authority or legitimacy of rulcrs, as wcll as the obligation or duty of the iuled, u11 the conscnt or agreement of the latter,’ and who is also systematic and wishes to account for every aspect of human activity within the framework of a single consistent philosophy, one is led to expect a philosophical underpinning for the theory of consent which will show why legitimacy and duty are to be conceived as the consequences of agreeing and promising. Now what is remarkable in Hobbes is that there seems to be a disjunction between the voluntarism which is at the heart of his notions of authority and obligation, and his account of ‘the will’ and of the nature of voluntary actions in the rest of his system. If this apparent disjunction turns out to be a true disjunction, then many of the difficulties which interpreters of Hobbes struggle with may be due to the fact-if it is a fact-that, despite his voluntarism, there is a gulf between his ethical theory and his account of volition, which is not overcome.2 One of the most interesting problems in the interpretation of Hobbes is whether there is a ‘genuine’ doctrine of duties in his political philosophy, or whether terms such as ‘promise’, ‘duty’, ‘obligation’, etc., must be understood in a metaphorical sense : that is, as what is logically necessary to the creation and preservation of society, but not morally necessary or dutiful. Clearly one can forbid murder on the simply rational ground that it will bring on a series of murders, including the murder of the first murderer: here the logic of life-assuming that life is a good, or at least the pre-condition of all further goods-will demand that one abstain from murder, perhaps as part of a more general endeavour of ‘seeking peace’. And it is, of course, quite possible to view Hobbes’ ‘natural law’ prohibiting murder in this way. But it is quite another thing to say that one should abstain from murder because it is wrong, and not merely contradictory of a social ‘logic’. For a rather long time it was commonly held that Hobbes viewed moral principles purely in terms of self-preservation and social logic : that the reason that one adhered to his promises, for example, was not that his act bound him morally to fulfil his voluntary act, but that it would be contradictory or ‘absurd’ to make social arrangements and then later to violate them-in short, that moral behaviour was self-interested rational behav io~r .~ And there were plenty of passages in Hobbes which lent weight to such a view-for example, one in Chapter 2 of

Legitimacy of Governance In Higher Education: A Comparative Study

Abstract: This survey of faculty perceptions of the legitimacy of govern ance uncovered complex patterns that varied with the issue in volved, with the type of institution involved, and across institutions within some types. Perceived legitimacy of governance does not appear to be an all-or-nothing proposition, but one which varies with specific conditions of governance on specific issues at specific institutions. David W. Leslie is Assistant Professor of Education at the Center for Higher Education, University of Virginia.

A Critique of Pure Anarchism

Abstract: In defense of anarchism Robert Paul Wolff contends that the moral autonomy of individuals cannot be made compatible with legitimate political authority. A state is legitimate, he maintains, if (and perhaps only if) authorities in the state have a right to command where subjects correlatively have an obligation to obey. However, he also holds both that all autonomous individuals have a primary obligation to refuse to be ruled by all authorities and that all men are normally obliged to remain autonomous. It allegedly follows that anarchism is the only political theory consistent with autonomy (9, 18f).n We propose to show that his arguments concerning legitimacy contain a crucial inconsistency and that his conclusions concerning the incompatibility of authority and autonomy fail.

Freedom, Anarchy, and the Law : An Introduction to Political Philosophy

Abstract: Taylor provides an excellent analysis of the purpose, justification, and legitimacy of government.

Power and the University: A Perspective on the Current Crisis.

Abstract: The current "crisis of legitimacy" affecting higher education in the United States is seen as a result of incompatible demands on the university by its internal versus external constituencies. From this perspective, information on the nature of student power sentiment is crucial input for understanding the current crisis, and particularly for understanding the role of university administrations, who find themselves at the intersection of conflicting pressures. Recent data from two state universities are brought to bear on this issue, confirming the basic incompatibility of student and "outside" forces for change, and the substantial but probably tenuous legitimacy afforded university administrations.

Pressure-Group Demands and Organizational Objectives: The CNTU, the Lapalme Affair, and National Bargaining Units

Abstract: strongly felt aspirations, of the groups' membership That paper went on to suggest, however, that interest group leaders in their relations with government might seek objectives other than the advancement of the interests of their groups' membership: specifically, that objectives related to organizational maintenance and enhancement might be among the more important objectives sought by interest group leaders In another work2 a theoretical framework for the study of the pursuit of organizational maintenance and enhancement was set out at some length It was stated, in essence, that the organizational objectives of interest group leaders were advanced through the pursuit of legitimacy and mandate Legitimacy, in this context, refers to the position of the interest as a respectable and accepted part of the political and social system Mandate, in this context, refers to the position of a particular spokesman group as the recognized and accredited representative of the interest on behalf of which its leaders claim to speak One means of strengthening the mandate of a group, it was pointed out, is through expansion of its membership In the case of labour organizations one of the more convenient means of expanding the membership is by raiding another labour organization The works cited above did not go beyond suggesting that interest group leaders pursued objectives related to organizational maintenance and enhancement concurrently with or in lieu of objectives related to the satisfaction of the needs of the membership It was not suggested that interest group leaders might

Discours religieux et métamorphose des pratiques sociales

Abstract: The sermonizing in the Catholic Church aims at producing a speech which participates in the ritual moment in which it is produced and the universe of meaning of those to whom it is addressed at the same time — to clarify : the faithful united in congregation. It is a question of bringing to light several aspects of semiotic and sociological logic to work in this pro duction. The sermonly production is registered, in a dominant way, in an asymmetrical social relation around the couple clergy/laymen. The former is the legitimate producer of a sociopolitical knowledge of which the legitimacy of production passes across the mediation of religious knouledge. This is, in effect, the only one to be perceived, by the producers of speech, as capable of furnishing to speech itself a legitimacy, and thus as capable of reaffirming the asymmetric position in the pro duction process.

The Governance of the Military

Abstract: First, this paper traces the root sources of the crisis of legitimacy now gripping both the civil and military components in the governance of the American military establishment Then it shows how our national reactions to revolutionary changes in post-World War II military technology and in world politics shattered the long-standing 1789 constitional formula for a controlled military impulse Next it focuses on certain aspects of the legitimacy crisis Constitutional assumptions underlying amateur-expert relations in military governance have been unhinged by the tendency of the civil order to subordinate its own judgment of an "emergency need" to the judgment of the professional military experts Further, old constitutional fiscal controls over the military establishment have been shattered by the Congress, and Congress has allowed its own constitutional power to "declare war" to be swallowed up by the grants to the president or his assumption of a unilateral discretionary power to "make war" Finally,

The Creator and His Work

Abstract: Forever succession has been the touchstone of the legitimacy and stability of a new political regime founded by the genius of the charismatic ruler. Can the reins of government, without break of the established order, be passed on to a qualified successor? The Principate did never become hereditary in the dynastic sense that, according to an established code, a member of the ruling family could take possession of the position of the previous incumbent, as it had been the invariable rule of the absolute monarchy of the antiquity and still prevails in the modern constitutional monarchy.

From Colony to Republic: a Case Study in Bureaucratic Change

Abstract: It is axiomatic, but certainly deserving of periodic repetition, that the longterm configuration of political, social and economic institutions in Iberian America has been determined both by the apparatus, operation and rationale of the metropolitan state, as well as by the premises and patterns of colonization. Equally apparent is the premise that the politico-administrative crisis associated with the achievement of independence in early nineteenth-century Latin America must be studied in the light of this ' set' of New World institutions, and particularly in relation to what Richard Morse calls the Spanish patrimonial state.1 According to Morse, the construct of ideas known as Spanish neo-Thomism and generally attributed to Francisco Suarez (1548-1617), ' offer sophisticated theoretical formulation of the ideals and many sociological realities of the Spanish patrimonial state'.2 Greatly condensed and simplified, Suarezian thought holds that: (i) natural law is clearly distinguishable from conscience-society is ordered by objective, infallible natural law, rather than by consensus, which is nothing more than collective conscience and therefore fallible; (2) although the power of the sovereign originates with the collectivity of men, it does not revert in the case of a collapse of central authority, since the people do not delegate, but rather alienate sovereignty to the prince; (3) only in certain cases can the law of the sovereign lose force or legitimacy, as would be the case if the law were unjust, excessively harsh, or if the majority had already ceased to obey it; (4) the prince is bound only by his own law, and is responsible only to God, or to His representative.3 Suarezian neo-Thomism, Morse argues, has in large part determined the characteristics of the Spanish patrimonial state on the one hand, and colonial

Theories of fascism: a study of some interpretations of the rise of the Nazi Party in Germany

Abstract: A selection of texts analysing the structural sources of the success of the NSDAP in Weimar Germany is reviewed critically. A general approach to the selected texts is implicit, and an attempt is made to develop a framework, essentially Weberian, for analysis of the success of the Nazi Party in Germany. Lipset’s analysis of the relation between the middle class and fascism is found insufficient to explain the success of the NSDAP and is discussed in the light of his own voting data evidence. A weberian analysis of the middle class relationships involved is tentatively developed. This is followed by a consideration of Kornhuser’s claims for the explanatory capacity of mass society theory. It is found that pluralist values are taken for granted, and mass analysis is not found to supersede class analysis, though it may be of value on the level of individual motivation. Parsons’ analysis, similar to Kornhauser’s of the consequences of fundamentalist reaction to social change, in conjunction with particular aspects of German social structure, is found to be conducted on the level of normative integration, basically not related to class conflict and capitalist development. Dahrendorf makes the contribution of Parsons historically more concrete in suggesting which classes were served by National Socialist ideology; he singles out the role and position of the state in German society, but fails to consider the general consequences of capitalist development. The force of Sweezy’s contribution is placing class conflict between the working class, industrialists, and the middle class in exactly this context. However, it is suggested that this theory of the relationship between state and society gives his argument of a situation of class equilibrium leading to eventual fascist takeover of the state, a certain deterministic tenor. Weber’s concept of Legitimacy, with respect to relationships of authority is introduced here. Thalhiemer’s model of a particular totality of class relationships, leading to the executive becoming independent of the bourgeoisie is found to need elaboration with respect to historical content, but points to the extra-capitalist sources of fascism. Finally a consideration of the contribution of ‘The Authoritarian Personality’ is attempted, though no clear assessment of the contribution of psychology to sociology in understanding social action is reached.