Showing papers on "Legitimacy published in 1983"
Book•
31 Oct 1983
TL;DR: In this article, a series of papers devoted to issues of development management in the search for greater efficiency in setting and pursuing developing goals is presented, where the authors suggest counteraction measures ranging from commissions of inquiry, ombudsmen to investigate citizen complaints, courses and seminars, simplification of administrative and financial procedures.
Abstract: This study is one in a series of papers devoted to issues of development management in the search for greater efficiency in setting and pursuing developing goals. The widespread occurrence of corruption in developing countries, whereby public money is illicitly diverted for private gain, has raised substantial concern. The particular circumstances of developing countries as well as government monopoly of economic activities, conditions of political softness, widespread poverty and socioeconomic inequalities, ambivalence toward the legitimacy of governmental organizations, and systematic maladministration appear to be conducive to corruption. The data shows that corruption has a deleterious effect on administrative performance and economic and political development. The paper suggests counteraction measures ranging from commissions of inquiry, ombudsmen to investigate citizen complaints, courses and seminars, to simplification of administrative and financial procedures.
155 citations
TL;DR: The notion of legitimacy has a long and distinguished history in social and political thought, and the rather intense preoccupation with the legitimacy of the modern state' as a problem is a rather recent and striking phenomenon as discussed by the authors.
Abstract: Recent scholarship in the social sciences has come to pay increasing attention to the legitimacy of political authority. While the notion of legitimacy itself has a long and distinguished history in social and political thought, the rather intense preoccupation with the legitimacy of the modern state' as a problem is a rather recent and striking phenomenon.2 This preoccupation derives from the argument that the modern state, for a variety of reasons, faces a rather serious problem of credibility and acceptability among its citizens. Common to most conceptions of the legitimacy issue is the notion that, as the range and scope of the state's activities increase, there is a corresponding but disproportionate increase in the need for legitimationa need that the state in turn seeks to satisfy by even further expanding its activities, thus perpetuating the spiral of increasing legitimacy needs that are forever harder to satisfy.3 A principal objective of this article is to show that this theoretical concern with the issue of legitimacy has
113 citations
Book•
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22 Sep 1983
TL;DR: A comprehensive selection of the amajor writings in the field of sociology and economics can be found in this article, where the authors examine classic conceptions of the state, the formation of modern states, the significance of citzenship, the roles of economy and capital, the interaction of power and legitimacy, states in relation to the world economy, and - finally - the future of the modern state.
Abstract: For centuries the state has been the central element in the work of political scientists and philosophers. It is the focal point of many debates in sociology and economics. "States and Societies" provides a comprehensive selection of the amajor writings in the field. States and Societies addresses itself to fundamental questions. Is the state an independent entity above conflicts in society? Or is it enmeshed in those conflicts? Can we differentiate between types of state? Does the state diminish or increase freedom when it intervenes in our lives? In seven separate sections the editors examine classic conceptions of the state, the formation of modern states, the significance of citzenship, the roles of economy and capital, the interaction of power and legitimacy, states in relation to the world economy, and - finally - the future of the state. Extracts from the work of Machiavelli, Rousseau, Hobbes and other major theorists introduce the history of the state; essential contemporary articles by Anderson, Poulantzas, E.P. Thompson, Nozick and others focus on the nature and development of the state. Introdductions and analyses by the editors themselves provide a continuous critical narrative, linking separate themes. The whole is prefaced by David Held's substantial introductory essay, which provides a far-reaching analysis of the concept of the modern state.
87 citations
TL;DR: In the decades after the Russian Revolution, the debate over the reasons for the Bolsheviks' rapid rise to power between February and October 1917 has been, despite all intentions, implicitly politicized and has involved an attempt to explain not only the progress of a major revolution but also the roots of a new type of social and political order as mentioned in this paper.
Abstract: IN THE SIXTY-FIVE YEARS AFTER THE OCTOBER REVOLUTION, Western scholars have been unable to formulate a consensus on the reasons for the Bolsheviks' rapid rise to power between February and October 1917. Deep divisions continue to exist among academic historians in Europe and America on fundamental questions of value, causation, and methodology, while a more frigid scholarly Cold War separates Western historians from their Soviet counterparts. Carried on in the polite and moderate language appropriate to "scientific" prose, the debate over 1917 has been, despite all intentions, implicitly politicized and has involved an attempt to explain not only the progress of a major revolution but also the roots of a new type of social and political order, one that some praise as socialism and others condemn as Stalinism or totalitarianism. Because possible justifications of the "legitimacy" of the Soviet system seem to be implied in certain explanations of how the Bolsheviks came to power, much of the literature emphasizes the artificiality, the accidental or manipulated quality, of the October Revolution and concomitantly de-emphasizes the deep and long-term social developments that provided both the context and the momentum in which Lenin's party was able to emerge victorious. Historians have understandably had difficulty separating their political preferences for or abhorrence of the Soviet Union from their treatment of the complexities of the revolutionary years. Frequently, history has been written backwards, beginning with the knowledge of the single-party dictatorship, Stalin, collectivization, and the Great Purges and retreating in time toward the heady days of 1917 to find what went wrong. Western interpretations of the Russian Revolution are arrayed all along the political spectrum, from nostalgic reactionary views regretting the passage of the tsarist regime to radical apologia for the necessity of violence and terror. But none are free, or ultimately can be free, from explicit or unconscious value judgments about the benefits or costs of this revolution.
74 citations
Book•
01 Apr 1983
TL;DR: Mintz as discussed by the authors investigated the private lives of five of the most famous and influential novelists Robert Louis Stevenson, George Eliot, Harriet Beecher Stowe, Catharine Sedgwick, and Samuel Butler Mintz traces patterns of intersection between family dynamics and larger cultural problems of authority, legitimacy, and discipline in nineteenth-century Britain and America.
Abstract: The stereotypical Victorian family, although represented in innumerable daguerrotypes, is as much fantasy as reality. The Victorian family took many forms, and in this ambitious and highly original book, Steven Mintz enters five different homes in order to shed light on critical aspects of middle-class character and family during the era. By investigating the private lives of five of the most famous and influential novelists Robert Louis Stevenson, George Eliot, Harriet Beecher Stowe, Catharine Sedgwick, and Samuel Butler Mintz traces patterns of intersection between family dynamics and larger cultural problems of authority, legitimacy, and discipline in nineteenth-century Britain and America. More specifically, he explores the struggles to achieve a personal independence within a Victorian home and the larger historical struggle to adapt the older traditions of deference, authority, and responsibility to the emerging realities of a democratic age."
68 citations
Book•
15 Jun 1983
TL;DR: In this paper, a collection of essays about technical and scientific communication is presented, which is one of the best (i.e., stimulating) collections of essays to appear so far.
Abstract: Occasionally, it's nice to be wrong. I opened this book reluctantly, fearing that it might be one of those collections by which a profession self-consciously asserts its coming of age and academic legitimacy. What I found instead was one of the best (i.e., stimulating) collections of essays about technical and scientific communication to appear so far.
51 citations
45 citations
Book•
01 Jan 1983
41 citations
TL;DR: Freedman as discussed by the authors argues that the administrative process is far more flexible than government according to the original constitutional scheme could be, and provides a brief description of the rise of the contemporary administrative state and the tension between its operation and the founders' concept of the separation of powers.
Abstract: tion," Harvard Law Review, Vol. 89 (1976), pp. 1281-1316; Roger Cramton, "Judicial Lawmaking in the Leviathan State," Public Administration Review, Vol. 36 (September/October 1976), pp. 551-555. 53. Hannah v. Larche, 363 U.S. 420 (1960). 54. See for instance, Branti v. Finkel, 445 U.S. 507, 518 (1980), which requires the public employer to "demonstrate that party affiliation is an appropriate requirement for the effective performance of the public office involved" when making a patronage dismissal. 55. Hamilton v. Love, 328 F. Supp. 1182, 1194 (1971). 56. See Robert Vaughn, The Spoiled System (New York: Charterhouse, 1975); Richard A. Merrill, "Procedure for Adverse Actions Against Federal Employees," Virginia Law Review, Vol. 59 (1973), pp. 196-287. 57. Goldberg v. Kelly, 397 U.S. 254 (1970); Goss v. Lopez, 419 U.S. 565 (1975). 58. Dimock, Law and Dynamic Administration, p. 114. 59. 414 U.S. 632 (1974). Argued and decided with Cohen v. Chesterfield Co. School Board. 60. Wyatt v. Stickney, 325 F. Supp. 781 (1971); 334 F. Supp. 387 (1972). 61. See Federalist #10. 62. See Peter Woll, American Bureaucracy, second ed. (New York: Norton, 1977). Woll is among several scholars with a constitutional focus who argue cogently that the administrative process is far more flexible than government according to the original constitutional scheme could be. See also, Davis, Administrative Law and Government. James 0. Freedman, Crisis and Legitimacy (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1978), chapter 2, provides a brief description of the rise of the contemporary administrative state and the tension between its operation and the founders' concept of the separation of powers. 63. Henry Jacoby, The Bureaucratization of the World (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1978). 64. Buckley v. Valeo, 424 U.S. 1, 280-281 (1976). 65. Freedman, Crisis and Legitimacy. 66. Allen Schick, "A Death in the Bureaucracy," Public Administration Review, Vol. 33 (March/April 1973), pp. 146-156; "Budgeting Expert Calls Carter Plan 'Disaster,'" Houston Post, April 8, 1977, p. 14A, quotes Peter Phyrr, originator of zero based budgeting, as calling the federal effort to institute ZBB all-at-once "absolute folly."
39 citations
TL;DR: The problem of legitimacy in social theory has been studied in this article, where Weber's theory of legitimacy has been used to explain the legitimacy of the general will and the social contract of the Social Contract.
Abstract: Introduction: The problem of legitimacy in social theory Part One: Rousseau's Political Philosophy 1. Rousseau's theory of political legitimacy: the general will 2. The intellectual background of "The Social Contract" 3. Conflicting misinterpretations and unilateral assessments 4. The theory of democratic legitimacy 5. Concluding remarks: Rousseau the 'anarchist' Part Two: Weber's Sociology of Legitimacy 6. An outline of Weber's theory of legitimacy 7. A brief assessment of Weber's theory of legitimacy 8. Historicism and Sociology Conclusion
TL;DR: In this article, the relationship between political symbols and the legitimation of national leadership in Ghana, Guinea, Senegal, and Sierra Leone is studied, focusing on ways in which their leaders have used myths and symbols in an attempt to foster or enhance the legitimacy of their regimes in the face of severe economic and political crises.
Abstract: This study focuses on the relationship between political symbols and the legitimation of national leadership in Ghana, Guinea, Senegal, and Sierra Leone. We are particularly interested in ways in which their leaders have used myths and symbols in an attempt to foster or enhance the legitimacy of their regimes in the face of severe economic and political crises.
TL;DR: In this article, the authors consider the relevance of data from a recent survey to the thesis that the welfare state is currently running the risk of a crisis of political legitimacy, focusing respectively on the role of ideology and the maximization of individual values in the production of dissenting opinions about state policy.
Abstract: This paper considers the relevance of data from a recent survey to the thesis that the welfare state is currently running the risk of a crisis of political legitimacy. Two traditions in the discussion of legitimation issues are outlined, focusing respectively on the role of ideology and of the maximization of individual values in the production of dissenting opinions about state policy. The analysis of survey data indicates that there is no evidence for the view that attitudes to welfare provision add up to a consistent disaffection with policy. Perceptions of self-interest emerge as the best predictors of preferences, and these appear closely related to location in a typical family life-style.
TL;DR: In this article, the Assertion of Judicial Control over Piecemeal Changes is discussed in the context of Plan Jurisprudence as reform, and the problem of controlling majoritarian rule is discussed.
Abstract: PAGE I. PLAN JURISPRUDENCE AS REFORM ........................ 848 A. The Assertion of Judicial Control over Piecemeal Changes .............................................. 848 L Traditional Planning Law and Plan Jurisprudence.. 848 2. The Fasano Case ................................. 851 B. The Federalist No. 10 and Local Land Decisions ..... 853 C. A Historical Excursion into Plan Jurisprudence: Of Variances and Referenda .............................. 857 L Variances and the Quasi-Judicialization of Land Use Decisions ..................................... 857 2. Referenda and the Problem of Controlling Majoritarian Rule ................................. 863
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TL;DR: For the French historians of my generation, history remains a discipline inseparable from the nation, essential to the meaning of nationhood as mentioned in this paper, and history still has its rules, usages, university chairs, and learned societies, all of which furnish a common language and a professional consensus.
Abstract: French historians of my generation have led a happy existence. They have easily found positions; they have had time to read and write; their work has been well received both in France and abroad; and they constitute a relatively homogeneous group, in which relations are more often friendly than not. Above all, they are the heirs to a historiographical tradition that is itself a success story. Renewed between the wars by the Annales under the aegis of Marc Bloch and Lucien Febvre, the discipline of history arrived at a virtual unanimity during the 1950s and 1960s among historians of my age. This consensus expressed itself in a collective agreement to extend the traditional boundaries of history, as "historical" projects were launched in areas previously staked out by other disciplines, such as the social sciences. Since the historians' guild has little taste either for epistemology or for the history of its own history, it was generally satisfied with this unanimous mood of conquest-which continues to stimulate very active, and sometimes brilliant, research. But such unanimity also encompasses an almost infinite variety of scholarly practices: the sociological unanimity of the discipline masks its epistemological fragmentation. Compared to the social sciences, history can claim greater seniority and legitimacy, and its recent renewal has not invalidated its credentials in these respects. For us, history remains a discipline inseparable from the nation, essential to the meaning of nationhood. Hence, history still has its rules, usages, university chairs, and learned societies, all of which furnish a common language and a professional consensus. Its prestige has not been impaired by the fact that, in the course of the fifty years that have elapsed since the first issue of the Annales, it has gradually ceased to see itself as the interpreter of the national phenomenon. Having espoused "modern" concerns, history now explores the secrets of societies, rather than those of nations; it has become that much harder to teach, but also more rewarding to construct and write. Moreover, history has
01 Jan 1983
TL;DR: The absence of such a challenge can be explained in part by the successful integration of part of the Islamic population through mechanisms of control, and timely concessions amounting to a policy of accommodation as discussed by the authors.
Abstract: One of the foundations of the communist claim to legitimacy in Yugoslavia is the assertion that the party has been able to do what none of its predecessors could do: regulate internationality conflict and thereby maintain political stability. Over the years, nationalist movements among one or another of the country's constituent nationalities have seriously challenged that claim. At no time, however, has the communist regime faced such a challenge from a movement based on Islam as a religious, cultural, or political force for mass mobilization. The absence of such a challenge can be explained in part by the successful integration -- some might say cooptation -- of part of the Islamic population through mechanisms of control, and timely concessions amounting to a policy of accommodation. However, that absence can also be explained by the fact that that part of the Islamic populati on which has mounted a serious challenge to the regime has done so on an entirely different basis.
01 Jan 1983
TL;DR: The Protestant Ethic not only had behavioral implications, as Max Weber and others have pointed out, but also had ideological implications in providing a moral legitimacy for capitalism as discussed by the authors, and thus there is a good deal of intellectual concern about the moral legitimacy of the capitalist system.
Abstract: The Protestant Ethic not only had behavioral implications, as Max Weber and others have pointed out, it also had ideological implications in providing a moral legitimacy for capitalism. The Protestant Ethic provided a moral justification for the pursuit of profit and the distribution of income that are a part of the system. Currently there is a good deal of intellectual concern about the moral legitimacy of the capitalist system. Thus it is important to trace the origins of the Protestant Ethic and recover the ideological functions it performs in a capitalistic society.
TL;DR: In this paper, the authors presented a note of concern to the annual meeting of the American Educational Research Association (AERA), under the title education and crisis: a note-of-concern.
Abstract: ∗ An earlier version of this paper was presented, under the title ‘Education and crisis: a note of concern’, to the Annual Meeting of the American Educational Research Association, New York (March ...
01 Nov 1983
TL;DR: The PAIGC was the most adept in its prosecution of a people's war as discussed by the authors, and it was able to mobilise villagers into bands of guerillas in Guinea-Bissau and Mozambique, leading to the development of parties which differed greatly from earlier African nationalist parties.
Abstract: People's war would succeed, where constitutional decolonisation had failed, in bringing revolution to Africa and thus in laying the foundations for a non neo-colonial path to development a transition to socialism. The ultimate significance of people's wars, however, does not lie in the nationalists' ability to mobilise villagers into bands of guerillas. The PAIGC was the most adept in its prosecution of a people's war. The political component of an African revolution would imply, mini-mally, the acquisition and establishment of political power in a post-colonial state whose structure, personnel, and policies would derive not from its colonial predecessor but from the legitimacy of a vanguard mass party rooted in the countryside. In Guinea-Bissau and Mozambique, the process of political mobilisation did indeed lead to the development of parties which differed greatly from earlier African nationalist parties. In Angola, as in Mozambique, the Portuguese had set up strategic hamlets, thereby restricting the impact of the party's attempts at reconstruction.
TL;DR: In this article, the historical relationship of political science to educational administration is traced out and a discussion of the distinctive relationship between political science and education policy and management is discussed. And the authors illustrate how political science can illuminate and assist this reassessment process.
Abstract: Social and economic trends over the past decade have dramatically accentuated the political problems of public education in industrialized nations. In stark contrast to the period of prosperity, growth, and school system expansion following World War II, educators now are confronted simultaneously with four kinds of decline: declining enrollments, declining economic-budgetary circumstances, declining public confidence in schooling, and a declining legitimacy of administrative authority. In combination, these four developments have transformed and increasingly politicized the environment of education. As a consequence, a fundamental reassessment of educational policy and management is under way in many settings. This paper illustrates how political science can illuminate and assist this reassessment process. Following a discussion of the context of decline, the historical relationship of political science to educational administration is traced out. This sets the stage for a discussion of the distinctive f...
TL;DR: The 21 April 1967 military coup in Greece almost immediately became the subject of widespread scholarly concern and a profusion of studies surfaced dealing with the reasons that propelled the Colonels to assume direct political power in "the cradle of democracy".
Abstract: The 21 April 1967 military coup in Greece almost immediately became the subject of widespread scholarly concern. A profusion of studies surfaced dealing with the reasons that propelled the Colonels to assume direct political power in "the cradle of democracy."' Some of these studies analyzed the role of military professionalism2 -considered by most scholars of civilianmilitary relations to be the most salient characteristic of modern military organizations as a variable in determining the behavior of the armed forces with respect to intervention.3 Another body of scholarly literature has at-
TL;DR: In this article, the authors proposed a decentralization scheme for Papua New Guinea, which was illsuited to the political culture, the country's economic and financial balance and the available human resources.
Abstract: Since 1977, after pressure from secessionists, Papua New Guinea has, with both boldness and hesitancy, sought to decentralize its unitary state. Nineteen elected provincial governments, which are financially dependent on the centre, now control the former colonial districts and the national government public servants within them. National parliamentarians, while competing with provincial governments, have gained strong influence over some of these nominally autonomous bodies. The hoped-for popular mobilization and the intended sensitization and improved co-ordination of the public service have not occurred widely, but rather abuses of position, waste of resources and a decline in the legitimacy of the state have resulted. This scheme, which was ill-suited to the political culture, the country's economic and financial balance and the available human resources, is being re-assessed at the national level.
TL;DR: The patterns of health care in Mexico reflect inequities and contradictions in the society and economy at large and flow from the erosion of the egalitarian aims of the revolution concomitant with the expansion of capitalism and the concentration of the benefits of "modernization" in the hands of privileged elites.
Abstract: Despite a victorious social revolution, a self-proclaimed "revolutionary" government, and a significant post-war economic growth, Mexico has not achieved a just or equitable social system. The Mexican Revolution led to the emergence of a new bureaucratic class whose "trickle-down" development strategy sacrificed social welfare to capital accumulation. Mexican morbidity and mortality patterns resemble those of more impoverished developing nations without revolutionary experience. The patterns of health care in Mexico reflect inequities and contradictions in the society and economy at large and flow from the erosion of the egalitarian aims of the revolution concomitant with the expansion of capitalism and the concentration of the benefits of "modernization" in the hands of privileged elites. Mexico's health problems are symptomatic of a general socio-economic malaise which questions the legitimacy of the Revolution.
TL;DR: In this paper, Tun Hussein Onn formally resigned as Prime Minister of Malaysia following a slow recovery from complicated heart surgery, and was succeeded by former UMNO "radical," Datuk Seri Dr. Mahathir bin Mohamad.
Abstract: In July 1981 Tun Hussein Onn formally resigned as Prime Minister of Malaysia following a slow recovery from complicated heart surgery. He was succeeded by former UMNO "radical," Datuk Seri Dr. Mahathir bin Mohamad. Datuk Musa Hitam, another former "radical," was named the Deputy Prime Minister after he defeated party rival Tengku Razaleigh Hamazah in a hard-fought contest for the post of United Malays National Organization (UMNO) Deputy President. It was believed that the new administration would seek a fresh mandate from the people well before the mid-1983 constitutional deadline for elections. Election rumors were in the air by the end of 1981,1 so it came as no big surprise when general elections were called for April 1982.2 The campaign period was 15 days, the briefest ever, and as in other post-1969 elections, a ban on rallies was imposed for "security reasons" (e.g., to avoid the inflaming of ethnic emotions).3 For the first time, polling would be on a Thursday instead of the traditional Saturday, in order to accommodate the five Peninsular states who use Friday, the Muslim holy day, as their holiday.4 The ruling National Front (Barisan Nasional) coalition of eleven parties (6 Peninsular Malaysia, 2 Sabah, and 3 Sarawak) went into the elections from a position of overwhelming strength,5 and, as in every election since 1955, the question was not "who" would form the government but rather by "how much" would the government be reelected. Elections remain important, however, as a barometer of support for the government and for reaffirming legitimacy.