Showing papers on "Legitimacy published in 1992"

A Relational Model of Authority in Groups

Abstract: Publisher Summary This chapter focuses on one particular aspect of authoritativeness: voluntary compliance with the decisions of authorities. Social psychologists have long distinguished between obedience that is the result of coercion, and obedience that is the result of internal attitudes. Opinions describe “reward power” and “coercive power”, in which obedience is contingent on positive and negative outcomes, and distinguish both of these types of power from legitimate power, in which obedience flows from judgments about the legitimacy of the authority. Legitimate power depends on people taking the obligation on themselves to obey and voluntarily follow the decisions made by authorities. The chapter also focuses on legitimacy because it is important to recognize, that legitimacy is not the only attitudinal factor influencing effectiveness. It is also influenced by other cognitions about the authority, most notably judgments of his or her expertise with respect to the problem at hand. The willingness of group members to accept a leader's directives is only helpful when the leader knows what directives to issue.

The Emerging Right to Democratic Governance

Abstract: Legitimacy in 1991 flows not from the barrel of a gun but from the will of the people. U.S. Secretary of State James A. Baker III I know what real democracy is, what democracy is worth. A thirty-seven-year-old Soviet lieutenant colonel who early on sided with anticoup forces More than two centuries have elapsed since the signatories of the U.S. Declara^ tion of Independence sought to manifest two radical propositions. The first is that governments, instituted to secure the “unalienable rights” of their citizens, derive “their just powers from the consent of the governed.” We may call this the “democratic entitlement.” The second proposition, perhaps less noted by commentators, is that a nation earns “separate and equal station” in the community of states by demonstrating “a decent respect to the opinions of mankind.” The authors of the Declaration apparently believed that the legitimacy of the new Confederation of American States was not made evident solely by the transfer of power from Britain but also needed to be acknowledged by “mankind.” This we may perceive as a prescient glimpse of the legitimating power of the community of nations.

Measuring Political Legitimacy.

Abstract: Political legitimacy is a key concept in both macro and micro theories. Pioneers in survey-based research on alienation and system support envisioned addressing macro questions about legitimacy with the sophisticated empiricism of individual-level methodology but failed; and a succession of innovations in item wording and questionnaire construction only led to an excessive concern with measurement issues at the individual level. I return to an enumeration of the informational requirements for assessing legitimacy in hopes of finding a conceptualization that better utilizes available survey indicators to tap relevant macro dimensions. I specify formal measurement models for both conventional and revised conceptualizations of legitimacy orientations and compare the fit of the two models systematically on data from the U.S. electorate. The revised model appears preferable on both theoretical and empirical grounds.

Democracy and Development in Africa

Abstract: 1 The Facts: A Summary Scorecard A short three years ago, the African continent was dominated by unrepresentative, mostly predatory regimes that had lost whatever legitimacy they may have initially possessed In 1992, although unrepresentative regimes still outnumber democrative governments, a dramatic process is underway to restore the fundamentals of political legitimacy Because of Africa's poverty, observers who perceive economic progress as logically and chronologically superordinate to political pluralism see this process as anomalous The experience of a few Asian countries (eg Korea) appears to support their view But in Africa this proposition is counterfactual: predatory authoritarianism has been a central cause of Africa's economic underdevelopment not its handmaiden Correspondingly, political pluralism is a necessary (though not sufficient condition for African economic recovery and not a luxury to be postponed until middle-income Nirvana is achieved In the table below, the 52 African countries are classified in 2 x 2 matrices according to 'stability' and 'representativeness' in March 1989 and 1992, respectively1 This classification contains some inevitable simplifications Stability and representativeness are difficult concepts Both of them are continuous variables, although the figures present them as dichotomous Also, the evaluation of any given country as stable or unstable, representative or unrepresentative, has a subjective and arbitrary element The discussion of the content of African democracy, below, may help to clarify the rationale for the classification The trend, however, is unmistakable Just 4 of the 52 African countries (Botswana, Gambia, Mauritius and Senegal) could be considered stable democracies in March 1989; three more (Madagascar, Tanzania and Zimbabwe) were moving in that direction; 40 countries almost 4 out of 5 were ruled by unrepresentative and unaccountable governments

Institutional Perspective on Policing

Abstract: This article suggests that American municipal police departments are highly institutionalized organizations and should be studied in terms of how their formal structure and activities are shaped by powerful myths in their institutional environment. The incorporation of powerful myths into the structure and activities of police departments enables them to attain legitimacy; with legitimacy comes stability and protection from outside interference by powerful sovereign actors who are present in the enveloping institutional environment. However, legitimacy problems arising from conflicting institutional myths may precipitate full-blown organizational crises. Such police department crises are resolved ceremonially through a ritual that combines the public degradation of the department and the removal and replacement of the disgraced police chief by a new chief with a "legitimating" mandate.

The virtues of gradualism and legitimacy in the transition to a market economy

Abstract: This paper presents a simplified model of sectoral restructuring in Eastern Europe A move towards allocative efficiency is desired by the reform-minded government, but the shift to higher productivity which such efficiency requires would lead to massive layoffs and labour reallocation in the transition period We look at the impact of political constraints (unanimity and/or majority worker approval) on reform proposals when the government faces a heterogeneous workforce, holding private information on relative outside opportunities When the budgetary consequences of exit compensations are so important as to make partial reforms preferable to full reforms, gradualism emerges as the optimum in a dynamic context without government commitment It is also shown that under democratic majority rule, a government in control of the agenda of reforms can win majority approval for plans which end up hurting majority interests intertemporally by threatening to switch majorities in future reform proposals(This abstract was borrowed from another version of this item)

Terrorism and democracy

Abstract: When there is a confrontation between the absolute politics of terrorism and the compromising politics of democracies, the former seems to be in a position of advantage. This essay discusses the strengths of democracies (non‐violent change through elections, open criticism in and by the media, courts that protect the weak against the strong) as well as their weaknesses (freedom of movement and association, abundance of accessible targets and a legal system that requires solid proof). The weaknesses of democratic societies are increased by some features of the market system (it not only increases wealth but also inequality, sells weapons to supporters of terrorism, manages their banking and offers them access to the media through the commercial basis of the concept of news value). Ultimately, the struggle between terrorism and democracy is one for legitimacy and maintaining the latter is strategically more important for democratic governments than winning short‐term victories through tactical ‘quick fixes’...

Gender Images in Public Administration: Legitimacy and the Administrative State

Abstract: Preface Chapter 1 Gender and Public Administration Chapter 2 "On Tap But Not on Top": Women in the Administrative State Chapter 3 "Sharpening a Knife Cleverly": The Dilemma of Expertise Chapter 4 "Look Like a Lady, Act Like a Man": The Dilemma of Leadership Chapter 5 The Hero Factory: The Dilemma of Virtue Chapter 6 From the Ground(s) Up: Women Reformers and the Rise of the Administrative State Chapter 7 Paths Toward Change References Index About the Author

Economic and Political Liberation in Egypt and the Demise of State Feminism

Abstract: In the late 1950s and the 1960s, an Egyptian welfare state was developed to provide the economic basis of a new social contract between the Nasser regime and its key class allies. Its main beneficiaries were the men and women of both the middle class and the labor aristocracy, who were to staff and run its expanding state sector. For Egyptian women, who were scorned by the pre-1952 states, the new welfare state offered explicit commitment to public equality for women. It contributed to the development of state feminism as a legal, economic, and ideological strategy to introduce changes to Egyptian society and its gender relations. In its own turn, state feminism contributed to the political legitimacy of Gamal Abdel Nasser's regime and its progressive credentials.

Gendered states : feminist (re)visions of international relations theory

Abstract: Preface, J. Ann Tickner introduction - states of gender and gendered states, V. Spike Peterson what exactly is wrong with the liberal state as an agent of feminist change?, Mona Harington gender and the security paradox, Rebecca Grant sovereignty, power and gender - a feminist's critique of coup and invasion in Grenada, Dessima Williams women and revolution - structure and legitimacy in the "new age", Mary Ann Tetreault the "state" of nature - a garden unfit for women and other living things, Anne Sisson Runyan sovereignty, identity, sacrifice, Jean Bethke Elshtaln feminists and realists on autonomy and obligation in international relations, Christine Sylvester on the discourses of sovereignty - gender and critique in the theory of international relations, R.B.J. Walker.

The Weimar Republic : the crisis of classical modernity

Abstract: Part 1: the Weimar republic and the continuity of German history - political turning-points, modernization and its tribulations, the demographic revolution, society at the crossroads, the halt to economic growth, four political generations. Part 2 New directions, 1918-23: old legacies and a new start, 1918-19 - hopes, decisions, disappointments, the making of the constitution - openness and compromise, the peace treaty and its problems, winding up the war on the domestic front, a revolution that failed, or a compromise that would survive? the post-war crisis, 1920-23 - fulfilment and defiance, the inflationary decade, 1914-24, the republic on the defensive. Part 3 Modernization and its tensions: generation gaps and emancipatory struggles - the demographic transformation, "Superfluous" younger generation, the "new woman", rationalism and sexuality, mother's day and male fantasies the post-war economy - rationalization and structural crisis - a trial run for corporatism, the irrational consequences of rationalization, the "Sick Economy" of Weimar, the attack on the "Trade Union State" the welfare state - expansion and crisis - the creation of the welfare state, the limits of social engineering, the Kulturstaat and its contradictions, from retrenchment to selection social milieux and political formations - social milieux in the 1920s - levelling and new segmentation, socialist working-class society 150 Catholic society, white-collar workers and the old Mittelstand, the Jews - emancipation, assimilation and discrimination, the transformation of the public domain mass culture and the neue Sachlichkeit - late-Wilhelmine Avant-Garde and republican pluralism, towards a mass culture 167 radicalization and polarization, mass consumption "Americanism" versus Kulturkritik - for and against 179 "Modern Living" and the modern city, the two faces of Kulturkritik. Part 4 Deceptive stability, 1924-91: revisionist alternatives in foreign policy - reparations, Germany and the world economy, rapprochement in the west, eastern policy and its contradictions, the shift to confrontation and GroBraum policy in 1930 the illusion of domestic stability - the electoral landscape - trends and problems, varieties of coalition, the ingredients of presidential supremacy, the republic's legitimacy at stake the fragmentation of the political culture - the challenge from the elites, revolt in the provinces, the dynamism of the national socialist movement, the totalitarian temptation. Part 5 Total crisis, 1930-33: the world economic crisis - causes of the world economic crisis, the course of the crisis in Germany, the experience of crisis, the government's response the erosion of options - the path towards authoritarianism, actions and reactions, 1930-32, the end of the Weimar republic, anti-fascism paralysed, 30 January 1933. Part 6 Review - the crisis of classical modernity.

Power in Africa: An Essay in Political Interpretation

Abstract: Preface - PART 1: THE MEANINGS OF POLITICAL INTERPRETATION - Introduction - Paradigms Lost: Development Theory - Class Theory - Underdevelopment Theory - Revolutionary Theory - Democratic Theory - PART 2: CONCEPTS FOR THE ANALYSIS OF POWER IN AFRICA - Introduction - The Political Community - Political Accountability - The State - Civil Society - Production - PART 3: THE CONSTRUCTION OF THE AFRICAN POST-COLONIAL POLITICAL ORDER - Introduction - The Crisis of Nationality and Sovereignty - The Crisis of Legitimacy and Representation - The Crisis of Accumulation and Inequality - The Crisis of Good Government and Political Morality - The Crisis of Violence and Survival - PART 4: POLITICAL CHANGE AND CONTINUITY IN CONTEMPORARY AFRICA - Introduction - The Dynamics of Political Africanisation - The Dialectics of the Hegemonic Drive - The Politics of Dependence - The Reproduction of Power - Notes - Index

Ritual as intellectual property

Abstract: This article discusses the existence of property rights in ritual symbolism, focusing particularly on disputes over these rights. A universe of such rights is comparable in certain respects to a prestige economy such as the Kula system. They both manifest the same conception of property as a symbolic representation of persons. Both involve contests for the control of high-status forms of property, between political actors competing for prestige and legitimacy. Some illustrations are given of the uses of this perspective in analysing processes of change in ritual systems.

Civil Society in Reforming Communist Regimes The Logic of Emergence

Abstract: Analyses of the development of a "civil society" in Soviet-type regimes began during the 1980-1981 Solidarity period in Poland, as scholars attempted to explain patterns of autonomous social participation in the face of a state-directed society.' Since 1985, as tens of thousands of unofficial groups and political parties emerged in the USSR in response to Gorbachev's reforms of glasnost' and perestroika, the same concept of civil society has been applied there to characterize independent social activism.2 Despite the ubiquitous use of the concept in both Central Europe and the USSR, there has been little attempt to compare the development of civil societies in Soviet-type regimes, largely because the USSR presents a unique case, given its particular historical experience and the indigenous development of Marxism-Leninism.3 Despite the obvious national differences, however, such a comparison can prove fruitful as western political science strives to place the pieces of the posttotalitarian puzzle together from information on group activity and collective action by encouraging more systematic analyses of the causes and forms of increased social participation in reforming Communist states.4 While the swift and complex social developments in Central Europe and the USSR defy strict categorization, we base our analysis on discernible trends in civil society development as it has emerged in Central Europe and compare them with those of the (now former) Soviet case. The experience of Central Europe suggests that there are four stages in the ongoing development of civil society: defensive, in which private individuals and independent groups actively or passively defend their autonomy vis-a-vis the party-state; emergent, in which independent social groups or movements seek limited goals in a widened public sphere which is sanctioned or conceded by the reforming party-state; mobilizational, in which independent groups or movements undermine the legitimacy of the party-state by offering alternative forms of governance to a politicized society; and institutional, in which publicly supported leaders enact laws guaranteeing autonomy of social action, leading to a contractual relationship between state and society regulated eventually by free elections. It is our contention that during the first two stages, "defensive" and "emergent," civil society in Central Europe and the USSR can be compared on the basis of regime type. That is, the Communist regimes of posttotalitarian social systems shaped the character of civil society development. In Soviet-style regimes, systemic crises in the context of posttotalitarianism engendered the particular form of civil society development during its first two stages, as social actors attempted to protect their autonomy from party and state penetration and, when afforded the opportunity, to express their interests or press their claims in an expanded public sphere. Expanding independent activism increasingly contradicted the legitimacy and power base of the single ruling party, leading to the end of

Institutional Legitimacy, Policy Legitimacy, and the Supreme Court

Abstract: As they relate to the Supreme Court, institutional legitimacy and policy legitimacy have most frequently been studied in isolation. In this article, a holistic framework is proposed and examined. The political capital hypothesis holds that the Supreme Court can introduce institutional support in its efforts to generate legitimacy for particular policies, but that the Court risks its institutional backing by advancing controversial edicts. Therefore, institutional legitimacy functions as an expendable political capital with which the Supreme Court can confer some increment of policy legitimacy. Two experiments are conducted to test this dynamic, with results providing strong support for the hypothesized process of legitimation.

Impossible jobs in public management

Abstract: If you think your job is hopelessly difficult, you may be right. Particularly if your job is public administration. Those who study or practice public management know full well the difficulties faced by administrators of complex bureaucratic systems. What they don't know is why some jobs in the public sector are harder than others and how good managers cope with those jobs. Drawing on leadership theory and social psychology, Erwin Hargrove and John Glidewell provide the first systematic analysis of the factors that determine the inherent difficulty of public management jobs and of the coping strategies employed by successful managers. To test their argument, Hargrove and Glidewell focus on those jobs fraught with extreme difficulties "impossible" jobs. What differentiates impossible from possible jobs are (1) the publicly perceived legitimacy of the commissioner's clientele; (2) the intensity of the conflict among the agency's constituencies; (3) the public's confidence in the authority of the commissioner's profession; and (4) the strength of the agency's "myth," or long-term, idealistic goal. Hargrove and Glidewell flesh out their analysis with six case studies that focus on the roles played by leaders of specific agencies. Each essay summarizes the institutional strengths and weaknesses, specifies what makes the job impossible, and then compares the skills and strategies that incumbents have employed in coping with such jobs. Readers will come away with a thorough understanding of the conflicting social, psychological, and political forces that act on commissioners in impossible jobs."

Citizenship struggles in Soviet successor states.

Abstract: The breakup of the Soviet Union has transformed yesterdays internal migrants secure in their Soviet citizenship into todays international migrants of contested legitimacy and uncertain membership. This transformation has touched Russians in particular of whom some 25 million live in non-Russian successor states. This article examines the politics of citizenship vis-a-vis Russian immigrants in the successor states focusing on the Baltic states where citizenship has been a matter of sustained and heated controversy. The author concludes that "formal citizenship cannot be divorced from broader questions of substantive belonging. Successor states willingness to accept Russian immigrants as citizens and immigrants readiness to adopt a new state as their state will depend on the terms of membership for national minorities and the organization of public life in the successor states." Data are from a variety of published sources. (EXCERPT)

Civil Society in Europe and Africa: Limiting State Power through a Public Sphere*

Abstract: The concept of civil society has gained currency in African studies. It is used in a variety of different ways, but usually refers to the emergence of new patterns of political participation outside of formal state structures and one-party systems (Bratton 1989, 407). In the absence of capable state institutions, the literature on Africa has started to shift attention away from the state and governing elites, and towards social actors who are devising various strategies to survive the nested crises of state action, economic development, and political legitimacy (Doornbos 1990). As an alternative conceptualization of possibilities of economic and social development, civil society is becoming an all encompassing term that refers to social phenomena putatively beyond formal state structures—but not necessarily free of all contact with the state. Virtually no theoretical work, however, has been done on the concept as it relates to an African environment, with the exception of Bayart (1986) and, more recently, Bratton (1989). This essay explores in a more theoretical manner than has hitherto been the case what such a notion means within an African context by asking whether the growing use of the term contributes substantively to our understanding of new forms of participation and associational activity in Africa. The answer is affirmative, provided that this concept is elaborated and specified in ways which take into account the complex interaction between normative, economic, and organizational dimensions of civil society.

The Frontiers of Catholicism: The Politics of Ideology in a Liberal World

Abstract: Why does the Catholic Church take a politically conservative stance on some issues, such as abortion and birth control, while on others, such as social programmes and nuclear policy, it resembles the Left? Why do some Catholic groups reject the legitimacy of Church hierarchy and yet choose to remain within it? To explain these apparent contradictions, Gene Burns examines the origins of contemporary diversity and conflict in the Catholic Church, also illuminating the processes of ideological change. Drawing on interviews and archival research, Burns follows the development of ideological trends that are obviously at odds with the traditional values of Catholicism. For example, several American bishops have become outspoken critics of the government, and many American nuns became committed feminists in advance of most American women. With insights into the American Catholic Church, the modern papacy, and the Latin American Church, "The Frontiers of Catholicism" is as much a political study of ideological dynamics as it is an institutional study of religious change.

Reverse brain drain in South Korea: state-led model.

Abstract: Korea’s reverse brain drain (RBD) has been an organized government effort, rather than a spontaneous social phenomenon, in that various policies and the political support of President Park, Chung-Hee were instrumental in laying the ground work for its success. Particular features of Korea’s RBD policies are the creation of a conducive domestic environment (i.e., government-sponsored strategic R & D institution-building, legal and administrative reforms), and importantly, the empowerment of returnees (via, i.e., exceptionally good material benefits, guarantees of research autonomy). President Park played the cardinal role in empowering repatriates at the expense of his own civil bureaucracy, and his capacity for such patronage derived from Korea’s bureaucratic-authoritarian political system. Returning scientists and engineers directly benefited from this political system as well as Park’s personal guardianship. For Park, empowerment of returning “brains” was necessary to accomplish his national industrialization plan, thereby enhancing his political legitimacy in domestic politics. An alliance with the R & D cadre was functionally necessary to successfully consolidate strong presidential power, and politically non-threatening due to the particular form of “pact of domination” in Korea’s power structure. RBD in Korea will continue in the near future given Korea’s drive for high technology, and the remarkable expansion of local industrial and educational sectors. Korea’s future RBD, however, needs to pay closer attention to the following four problems: research autonomy; equality issues; skill-based repatriation of technicians and engineers rather than Ph.D.’s; and subsidies to small and medium industry for RBD.

Governance Without Government: Citizenship in a changing global order

Abstract: If world politics is presently marked by the emergence of new forms of governance without government, what does this imply for the world's citizens who have long been accustomed to governance being sustained by governments? How do they respond to authorities who are not created by constitutions, who are not located in formal governmental structures, and whose legitimacy may be in flux? And whatever may be their responses, can there be profound transformations in the nature of global governance without alterations in the skills and orientations of citizens? That is, if new dimensions of citizenship are likely to evolve in response to the emergent global order, how will they in turn shape the way in which the new institutions of governance develop? Such are the questions addressed by this concluding chapter. It explores possible relationships between the emergence of a new global order – the foundations of which were laid well before the end of the Cold War – and the changing competence of people throughout the world. In so doing it seeks to demonstrate that such vast transformations as the emergence of a new order at the macro level of politics cannot occur without corresponding, or at least compatible, changes taking place among citizens at the micro level.

Union in Peril: The Crisis over British Intervention in the Civil War

Abstract: 'An attractively written, cogently argued study that merits a prominent place on the bookshelves of Anglo-American and Civil War scholars' - "Journal of American History". 'Jones offers a fresh revision ...on why England failed to intervene in the American fratricidal struggle...[His] book combines a delightful writing style with excellent bibliography and footnotes. It is based on solid research, primarily in original sources. It is a work that will serve well both the scholar and the general reader' - "American Historical Review". 'Thought-provoking ...Jones does a laudable job of presenting both the British arguments for and against intervention and the foundations of the crisis in the relationship between [Great Britain and the United States]' - "Library Journal". 'A model diplomatic history' - "Choice".The Lincoln administration feared that Great Britain would officially recognize the Confederacy during the Civil War, thereby granting legitimacy to secession and undermining the U.S. Constitution. What did happen, and why, is brilliantly described by Howard Jones in "Union in Peril: The Crisis over British Intervention in the Civil War". Howard Jones, University Research Professor in history at the University of Alabama, is the author of numerous books, including "To the Webster-Ashburton Treaty: A Study in Anglo-American Relations, 1783-1843" and "Course of American Diplomacy: From the Revolution to the Present".

The Failure of the Task Force on Food Assistance: A Case Study of the Role of Legitimacy in Issue Management

Abstract: Public relations professionals generally consider issue management to be one of the primary ways in which public relations helps organizations to participate in the process of determining public policy. I view issue management as a competitive process in which an organization attempts to gain support for its position on issues. The theoretical concept of legitimacy as a resource vital for issue managers attempting to gain support is developed. In short, I theorize that members of publics will not support the position of an organization unless they believe that the issue is a legitimate one and that the issue manager and the organization's policy proposal also are legitimate. The research examines the issue of hunger to test this theory and the extent to which President Ronald Reagan's Task Force on Food Assistance succeeded in establishing legitimacy. Results show that the task force commissioners did not establish legitimacy on the hunger issue; therefore, their major policy proposals failed.

Education and Society in Hong Kong: Toward One Country and Two Systems

Abstract: The "Hong Kong Becoming China" multi-volume series is published for an international readership. It aims to provide both expert analysis and the documentary basis for an informed understanding of Hong Kong's transition as a free society and capitalist economy toward socialist Chinese sovereignty under the "One country, Two systems" formula. This series explores the crucial dimensions of Hong Kong's current developments in this transitional process, as well as their global implications. This volume explores the implications that the return of sovereignty over Hong Kong in 1997, and the accompanying transitional processes, will have for education. The major issues addressed include: the social, historical and international context; the legitimacy of educational policy and the challenge of bringing up citizens in the People's Republic of China (PRC); the present and future role of education in social class and gender stratification, the use of Putonghua and English in schools; and comparisons between education in Hong Kong and the PRC and the potential for future convergence.

Canadian immigration policy: state strategies and the quest for legitimacy

Abstract: Current trends in Canadian immigration policy are reviewed based primarily on interviews with policymakers and others who have contributed to policy development. "This paper discussed how the state attempts to orchestrate the play of power among various actors representing interest groups in communications leading to the formulation of recent immigration and refugee policies. It also concerns the contingent political forces in Canadian society which shape the options open to the state in its efforts to lead policy in this area. Specifically we examine two cases of policy formulation one concerning legislation designed to control refugee inflows and the other concerning the recent targets for immigrants and refugees." (SUMMARY IN FRE) (EXCERPT)

Politics and society : an introduction to political sociology

Abstract: * INTRODUCTION * What is Political Sociology? * THE STATE, POWER AND AUTHORITY * Introduction * The State and Society * Power, Authority and Legitimacy * The Distribution of Power * POLITICAL BEHAVIOUR AND SOCIETY * Introduction * Political Socialisation * Political Participation * Political Recruitment * POLITICAL COMMUNICATION, PUBLIC OPINION AND IDEOLOGY * Introduction * Political Communication * Public Opinion and Society * Ideology and Society * REVOLUTION, DEVELOPMENT AND MODERNISATION * Introduction * Revolution * Development and Modernisation Theory * CONCLUSION * Whither Political Sociology? * Bibliography * Index