Showing papers on "Legitimacy published in 1997"

The Psychology of Legitimacy: A Relational Perspective on Voluntary Deference to Authorities

Abstract: People within organized groups often internalize their feelings of obligation to obey group rules and the decisions of group authorities. They believe that group authorities and rules are legitimate and, hence, entitled to be obeyed. Because of this belief, group members voluntarily accept and obey rules and decisions from group authorities. This review draws on evidence from studies of authorities in political, legal, managerial, educational, and family settings to explore why people view as legitimate and voluntarily defer to group authorities. Two theories about legitimacy are contrasted: resource-based theories, represented by instrumental models, and identification based theories, represented by the relational model. The findings provide strong support for the existence of a relational component of legitimacy, suggesting that authorities draw an important part of their legitimacy from their social relationship with group members. The findings also show that there is an instrumental component to legit...

From Intergovernmental Bargaining to Deliberative Political Processes: The Constitutionalisation of Comitology

Abstract: This article argues that the irresistible rise of Comitology is an institutional response to the deep‐seated tensions between the dual supranational and intergovernmentalist structure of the Community on the one hand, and its problem‐solving tasks on the other. Comitology has accordingly provided a forum in which problems are addressed through evolving and novel processes of interest formation and decision‐making. However, neither legal nor political science have been able properly to evaluate the workings of the committee system, both disciplines remaining trapped within normative structures and traditional methodologies ill‐suited to the analysis of these institutional innovations. As a consequence, this article advocates the trans‐disciplinary study of Comitology, and furthermore argues that the two disciplines might be drawn together by the concept of ‘deliberative supranationalism’: being on the one hand a normative approach which seeks both to preserve the legitimacy of national democracies and to set limits upon the traditional Nation State within a supranational community; and on the other, a theoretical tool which is nonetheless responsive to and accomodating of ‘real‐world’ phenomena.

Directly‐Deliberative Polyarchy

Abstract: This essay by Joshua Cohen and Charles Sabel promotes visions of democracy, constitutionalism and institutional innovations which may help to open up new dimensions in the search for legitimate European governance structures and their constitutionalisation. Faced with Europe's legitimacy problems, proponents of the European project often react by pointing to the many institutional failings in the (national) constitutional state. These reactions, however, seem simplistic, offering no normatively convincing alternatives to the once undisputed legitimacy of a now eroding nation state. The essay by Cohen and Sabel forecloses such strategies. Summarising and endorsing critiques of both the unfettered market system and the manner of its regulatory and political correction, it concludes that the many efforts to establish new equilibria between well‐functioning markets and well‐ordered political institutions are doomed to fail, and opts instead for fundamental change: conservative in their strict defence of fundamental democratic ideals, such ideas are radical in their search for new institutional arrangements which bring democratic values directly to bear. How is the concept of directly‐deliberative polyarchy complementary to and reconcilable with our notions of democratic constiutionalism? To this question the readers of the essay will find many fascinating answers. Equally, however, how might the debate on the normative and practical dilemmas of the European system of governance profit from these deliberations? Which European problem might be resolved with the aid of the emerging and new direct forms of democracy identified in this essay? How might direct democracy interact with the intergovernmentalist and the functionalist elements of the EU system? Although this essay contains no certain answers to these European questions, its challenging messages will be understood in European debates.

The Local Governance of Crime: Appeals to Community and Partnerships

Abstract: 1. Introduction 2. The Genesis of the Partnership Approach and Appeals to Community in Crime Control 3. The Shifting Social and Political Context: Questions of Legitimacy and Responsibility 4. Partnerships, Conflicts, and Power Relations 5. The Contestable Nature of Community 6. Fragmentation of the State? 7. Questions of Accountability 8. Local or Social Justice? 9. Towards Conclusions

On the Virtues of the Old Institutionalism

Abstract: Institutions are staffed and are created to do the job of regulating organizations. This staffing, and all the creative work that is involved in financing, governing, training, and motivating institutional actions by that staff in organizations, has been lost in recent institutional theorizing. This staffing was central to the old institutionalism, which is why it looked so different. The argument is exemplified by applying the insights of classical institutionalists to the legitimacy of court decisions as determined by the law of evidence, to the legitimacy of competition and the destruction of other organizations by competition, to the noncontractual basis of contract in commitments to maintain competence to do the performances required in contracts, and to the failure of institutions of capitalist competition and the substitution of mafia-like enforcement of contracts in postcommunist Russia. The institutions of the new institutionalism do not have enough causal substance and enough variance of charact...

Legitimacy in Public Administration: A Discourse Analysis

Abstract: The Legitimacy Issue and Academic Discourse The Framing of the Issue The Political Background of the Issue The Misfounding of the Field A Selected Intellectual History of the Field I The Founding through Simon's Modernism A Selected Intellectual History of the Field II From Minnowbrook to the Present Beyond Reason

Managing multiple identities: Discourse, legitimacy and resources in the UK refugee system

Abstract: In this article, we examine how the concept of a `refugee' is discursively constituted within the UK refugee system. We examine the actions and interactions of four organizations in particular: the British government, the Refugee Legal Centre, the British Refugee Council and the Refugee Forum, as they struggle to establish an understanding of `refugee' conducive to their goals and interests. Within this institutional field, the social construction of refugees takes place at two different levels: at the broadest level, the idea of a refugee is defined through an ongoing discursive process involving a wide range of actors; while at a more micro level, individual cases are processed by a limited subset of organizations based on this broad definition. We show that while the government controls the processing of individual cases through its formal authority and control of resources, all four organizations participate in the definition of a refugee and they all, therefore, play a role in refugee determination. ...

Everyday Evaluation on the Run

Abstract: Over the past decade, the idea of a 'culture of evaluation' or of research has become widespread. Where once it had to be argued that people's everyday evaluative thinking and feeling rationality had legitimacy, this is now largely considered unremarkable. And where once people's input was seen as essentially 'biased', stakeholder involvement is now considered essential, both as a source of experiential 'data' as well as for its users' own successfully reflexive practice. Indeed, the codes of conduct of the world's evaluation societies now mandate it as part of fully professional practice. The sequel to this book, Building in Research and Evaluation: Human Inquiry for Living Systems, describes a deep rationale for why this should be so.

Procedural Fairness and Compliance with the Law

Abstract: First it is shown that it is difficult to enforce the law using only the threat of punishment. Authorities need the willing, voluntary compliance of most citizens with most laws, most of the time. Second, such voluntary compliance is linked to judgments about the legitimacy of authorities and the morality of the law. Third, public views about the legitimacy of legal authorities are linked to judgments about the fairness of the procedures through which those authorities make decisions. Finally, an important element in procedural justice judgments involve evaluations of the manner in which authorities treat citizens. Taken together, these findings suggest that an important component of the effective exercise of authority involves non-instrumental issues. By including such non-instrumental concerns in the study of compliance with the law we can more completely understand the dynamics of obedience with social authorities.

Political legitimacy and housing : stakeholding in Singapore

Abstract: Preface, Acknowledgements, Introduction, 1. Public Housing policies compared: US, ex-socialist nations and Singapore, 2. From city to nation: planning Singapore, 3. Resettling a Chinese village: a longitudinal study, 4. Modernism and the vernacular: public spaces and social life, 5. Adjusting religious practices to different house forms, 6. A practicable concept of community in high rise housing environment, 7. Public Housing and political legitimacy, 8. Return of the imaginary Kampung as resistance

The Representativeness of State-Level Bureaucratic Leaders: A Missing Piece of the Representative Bureaucracy Puzzle

Abstract: A long tradition of research in public administration revolves around the concept of representative bureaucracy (e.g., Krislov, 1974; Grabosky and Rosenbloom, 1975; Thompson, 1976; Cayer and Sigelman, 1980; Dometrius, 1984; Meier, 1993a; see also Meier, 1993b, for a comprehensive review of representative bureaucracy theory and research). According to the theory of representative bureaucracy, the demographic composition of the bureaucracy should mirror the demographic composition of the public. In this way, the preferences of a heterogeneous population will be represented in bureaucratic decision making. The theory has been more precisely defined in recent years to include the following types of representation: passive, where the bureaucracy has the same demographic origins as the population it serves, and active, where bureaucrats act on behalf of their counterparts in the general population. Active representativeness theory holds that values linked to demographic origins will be translated into programs, policies, or decisions that benefit individuals of similar origins (Meier, 1993b). Initially, representative bureaucracy theory generated a good deal of controversy because the notion of a public bureaucracy acting as a representative political institution was considered a perversion of democratic rule (Krislov and Rosenbloom, 1981). Despite these early challenges, the theory has gained considerable attention as a legitimation for bureaucratic policy making and as a justification for social policies such as affirmative action (Saltzstein, 1979; Rosenbloom and Featherstonhaugh, 1977). The preponderance of representative bureaucracy research has focused on the demographic representativeness of public bureaucracies, an issue that remains salient not only to researchers but also to elected officials with appointing authority.(1) The composition of government work forces is illustrative of the level of openness of bureaucracies to persons of all backgrounds (Meier, 1993b). It serves as an indicator of equality of opportunity and access. In addition, it can promote the legitimacy of government bureaucracies in that diverse communities may have a greater sense of enfranchisement when the bureaucracies that serve them (e.g., police, health, social services, etc.) are visibly diverse. In these ways, passive representativeness has important symbolic value. Our research joins the debate as to where the study of representative bureaucracy should be concentrated. We depart from previous research by focusing on agency leaders, as opposed to overall agencies or street-level bureaucrats. Top political appointees serve as our locus of representativeness. Many scholars and practitioners have argued that representation is important not just at the upper, policy-making levels, but at the lower levels as well (Meier 1993b; Meier and Stewart, 1992; Thompson 1976). The interest is in "street-level bureaucrats," a term coined by Lipsky (1980), which refers to those direct service providers (e.g., police officers, social workers) who have some discretion over the delivery of public services in their domains. In representative bureaucracy parlance, street-level bureaucrats are an important cohort of public employees because they have the power to influence the quality and quantity of services their agencies deliver. While many have acknowledged the significance of street-level bureaucrats as agency representatives (e.g., Thompson, 1976), few have contested the importance of agency leaders as pivotal bureaucratic decision makers. Policy leaders appointed by governors are an integral part of the policy-making machinery of state government. As the pace of devolution accelerates, political appointees will exercise substantial influence over policy development and participate in key resource allocation choices. This study supplies a missing piece of the representative bureaucracy puzzle in that it focuses on the most influential policy makers. …

Bringing in the New World Order: Liberalism, Legitimacy, and the United Nations

Abstract: The end of the cold war and the attendant security vacuum unleashed aflurryof intellectual activity and international commissions that reflected on the world that was being left behind and the world that should be created in its place. The reports under review are among the best and most influential of the lot. This article focuses on three issues raised by these reports. First, the portrait of the new international order offered by these reports is a liberal international order. Second, the concept of legitimacy appears in various guises, and the UN is considered the site for the legitimation of a particular order. Few international orders are ever founded or sustained by force alone, something well understood by the policymakers who drafted these reports and wisely heeded by international relations theorists who attempt to understand their actions and the international orders that they construct and sustain. Third, these reports envision the UN as an agent of normative integration. As such, it contributes to the development and maintenance of a liberal international order by increasing the number of actors who identify with and uphold its values.

Legality and Legitimacy: Carl Schmitt, Hans Kelsen and Hermann Heller in Weimar

Abstract: 1: Legality and Legitimacy -- Refractions from Weimar. 2: Friend and Enemy: Schmitt and the Politics of Law. 3: The Pure Theory in Practice: Kelsen's Science of Law. 4: The Legitimacy of Legal Order: Hermann Heller's Legal Theory. 5: Lessons from Weimar: The Legitimacy of Legality

Criteria for Evaluating the Legitimacy of Corporate Social Responsibility

Abstract: The goal of this paper is to provide a general discussion about the legitimacy of corporate social responsibility. Given that social responsibility projects entail costs, it is not always obvious under what precise conditions managers will have a responsibility to engage in activities primarily designed to promote societal goals. In this paper we discuss four distinct criteria for evaluating the legitimacy of corporate projects for institutionalizing social responsibility: (1) local knowledge (2) level of responsibility (3) shared consensus, and (4) relationship to financial performance. We conclude our discussion by noting that in those cases where the firm possesses knowledge about a specific problem and its solution, is directly responsible for causing harm, where a shared consensus among all relevant stakeholders exists, and financial performance will be enhanced, social responsibility projects are ideal. Obviously, no program will meet all of the criteria. In fact, our model specifically suggests that there is often a trade-off between the first three criteria and the last. For example, in those situations where the corporation directly imposes harm on third parties, and where a high degree of consensus exists among all stakeholders, there is little need to link the social responsibility program to financial performance. By contrast, as the corporation seeks proactive solutions to problems which are only incidental to the corporation, and where little consensus exists, the predicted relationship to financial performance becomes more crucial. By formally examining the trade-offs among these four criteria we more fully understand the complex relationship between social responsibility and financial impacts.

The Democratic Implications of Civil Society in China

Abstract: Acknowledgements - Abbreviations - List of Tables - Introduction - The Making of Semi-Civil Society in Deng's Era - Chinese Theories of Civil Society - Roles of Civil Society in the 1989 Democracy Movement - Political Civil Society in Exile - Legitimacy, the Arts of Rule and Civil Society - Civil Society, Pluralization and the Boundary Problem - The Limits of Civil Society - Conclusion - Bibliography - Index

Political Democracy and Economic Growth: Pooled Cross-Sectional and Time-Series Evidence

Abstract: Interest in the relationship between political democracy and economic growth has been long-standing.See, for example, S. M. Lipset, ‘Some Social Requisites of Democracy: Economic Development and Political Legitimacy’, American Political Science Review, 53 (1959), 69–105. Recently this work has been reanalysed b y J. Helliwell, ‘Empirical Linkages between Democracy and Economic Growth’, British Journal of Political Science, 24 (1994), 225–48; and by R. Burkhart and M. Lewis Beck, ‘Comparative Democracy: The Economic Development Th esis,’ American Political Science Review, 88 (1994), 903–10. Recently, there has been an explosion of empirical research emanating from political science and economics that once again attempts to understand the relationship between democracy and economic growth. The goal in much of this research has been to explain the variation in per capita growth rates that exists across nations. This goal has translated into a straightforward empirical mod elling strategy: regress a country's growth rate on a democracy variable and a number of control variables and see whether the partial correlation between democracy and economic growth is statistically significant. The last few years has seen the publicat ion of over twenty empirical studies; however, the results are far from conclusive. In their recent review of twenty-one statistical findings investigating this relationship, Przeworski and Limongi explain that ‘eight found in favor of democracy, eight in favor of authoritarianism, and five discovered no difference.’ Of the thirteen studies surveyed by Sirowy and Inkeles, three find a negative effect of democracy on economic growth, four find this negative effect in some situations, and six find no relationship whatsoever.See A. Przeworski and F. Limongi, ‘Political Regimes and Economic Growth’, Journal of Economic Perspectives, 7 (1993), 1002–37; and L. Sirowy and A. Inkeles, ‘The Effects of Democracy on Economic Growth and Inequality: A Review,’ Studies in Comparative International Development, 25 (1990), 126–57. See also R. Levine and D. Renelt, ‘Cross-Country Studies of Growth and Policy: Methodological, Conceptual, and Statistical Problems’ (World Bank Working Paper, No. 608, Washington, DC, 1991). These conclusions are far from reassuring or instructive.

Conflict, the Continuum and Chronic Emergencies: A Critical Analysis of the Scope for Linking Relief, Rehabilitation and Development Planning in Sudan

Abstract: The concept of the 'relief-to-development continuum' has been the subject of renewed interest in recent years. Concerned by the rise in relief budgets over the past decade and the absolute fall in development aid resources, support has been growing for the concept of developmental relief. In the context of complex political emergencies, it has been argued further that as effective development aid can reduce vulnerability to the impact of natural hazards, so it might also be used to contribute to a process of conflict prevention. In this way, the concept of the relief-development continuum has become entwined with broader discussions about the contribution of official development assistance management. Drawing on a Review of Operation Lifeline Sudan (OLS), this paper cautions against uncritical application of the concept of the continuum in complex political emergencies and rehabilitation in particular, in the current Sudanese context. It argues that in order to move legitimately from relief aid programming to development aid programming, three fundamental conditions must be in place: first, a minimum level of security, respect for human rights and humanitarian access. Second, empirical evidence from the field needs to demonstrate that the emergency is over. Finally, moving from relief to development aid programming is contingent on donor governments accepting the legitimacy of national governmental structures and of the rebel movements. In other words, for donor governments, moving along the continuum is in significant part determined by foreign policy considerations, not only technical ones. Consideration needs to be given to the actual and perceived legitimation of the different movements that a move to rehabilitation might be seen to imply. The paper argues that none of these conditions had been satisfied in Sudan by mid-1997. Instead of a process of normalisation paving the way to long-term development, the current situation in Sudan is better described as a chronic political emergency. In such a context, uncritical pursuit of developmental strategies may negatively affect the welfare of conflict-affected populations.

Business counselling services directed towards female entrepreneurs - some legitimacy dilemmas

Abstract: This paper follows on from a governmental business support programme directed towards female entrepreneurs in the rural districts of Sweden. The implementation of a gender segregated business counselling service is discussed from feminist and neo-institutional perspectives. The intention is to explore the components of the counselling service's identity formation within an institutionalized field of business. Female entrepreneurship as ‘the other’ leads 1.0 legitimacy dilemmas concerning the interactions between the counselling service and the Local Enterprise Boards. The study illustrates a situation where legitimacy is acquired by directing the search-light to external resources.

Democracy in Spain: Legitimacy, discontent, and disaffection

Abstract: This article examines changes in perceptions of democracy in Spain over the last two decades. A variety of empirical indicators gleaned from numerous surveys are used to distinguish between democratic legitimacy and political discontent, as well as between this (which includes the well-known indicator of dissatisfaction with the way democracy works) and political disaffection. The article traces the different ways in which these attitudes have evolved in Spain over the last twenty years, and demonstrates that they belong to different dimensions. It also includes the results of two tests showing that these two sets of attitudes are conceptually and empirically distinct: a factor analysis confirms the distinct clustering of the indicators at the, individual level, whilst cohort analysis identifies different patterns of continuity and change across generations.

Political Islam : essays from Middle East Report

Abstract: Modern political movements proclaiming missions and legitimacy based on religious tradition are a feature of many late 20th-century societies Although such movements are not exclusive to the Middle East, political Islam has achieved high visibility because of the serious challenge to established power it has posed in a region central to the West's strategic interests This reader brings together both original articles and writing on political Islam published over the last decade in "Middle East Report" It challenges generalizations about what the Western media and political establishments usually call "Islamic fundamentalism" and demonstrates the complexity of these movements It also covers themes such as civil society, the state and political economy, gender relations and popular culture

Status, Power, and Legitimacy

Abstract: Status, Power, and Legitimacy presents methodological, theoretical, and empirical essays by Joseph Berger and Morris Zelditch, Jr.--two of the leading contributors to the Stanford tradition in the study of micropro-cesses. This three-part volume brings together major contributions to the development of this tradition, in addition to a number of newly written essays published here for the first time. Berger and Zelditch integrate the essays and relate them to a larger body of theory and research as they explore the importance of a generalizing orientation in sociology. Their view of theory as flux and process, the blending of social process with theory-building, produces a picture of the social world in line with the great tradition of George Herbert Mead, Max Weber, and Georg Simmel. Status, Power, and Legitimacy explores the relation between the scope of a theory and testing, applying, and developing it; the relation between abstract, general theories and empirical generalizations; and how to use an understanding of this relation to construct theories that are neither historically nor culturally bound. In the first part, Berger and Zelditch discuss strategies of theory construction, the development of abstract, general theories of social processes, and the different ways in which theories grow. Status processes are the focus of the second part, which includes: the formation of reward expectations; the role of status cues in interaction; the evolution of status expectations; and the application of status characteristics theory to male-female interaction. Lastly, the authors dissect power and legitimacy: the effect of expectations on power; the legitimation of power and its effect on the stability of authority; and legitimation under conditions of dissensus. This volume is a fine theoretical effort of great depth and breadth. Berger and Zelditch review the background of each paper, place the new concepts and principles introduced by each paper in context and examine subsequent research generated by the paper. They carve out new research areas in the social world of class, status, power, and authority. This volume will be of interest to those in the fields of sociology and, in particular, social theory.

The Moral Contours of Teacher Education

Abstract: In this article, I describe the nature of and necessity for moral reasoning in everyday life and in programs in teacher education, consider ways teacher educators can consider moral issues with their students, and provide examples of how some educators have incorporated such issues in actual and proposed programs. Exchanges over school issues with moral connotations often focus on controversies such as censorship of books, appropriateness of sex education, or the legitimacy of creationism versus evolutionism. The Christian Coalition, other fundamentalist organizations, and groups with different perspectives have provoked controversies like these. Some recent efforts of the New Right have sought to regain what they perceive as lost intellectual ground, with cultural and ethical repercussions (Bennett, 1989; Cheney, 1988; Wynne, 1987; Wynne & Ryan, 1993). This ground was lost, so the argument goes, because of changes in the canon in higher education; progressive alternatives to more mainstream educational programs in public schools, especially during the 1960s; movements that promoted greater diversity and inclusiveness within the curriculum as well as among students; and a focus on issues of race, class, gender, and sexual orientation in public school and college classrooms. Those with alternative intellectual and political commitments (Asante, 1991,1992; Delpit, 1995; Gates, 1992; hooks; 1994; Kozol, 1991) have, in turn, challenged the perspective and agenda of the New Right. Such debates demonstrate that education is an ethically and politically contested domain, that the articulation of different points of view on basic moral questions is a central element of the educative process (Beyer & Liston, 1996). At the same time, these debates may be misleading, for they tend to be characterized by particularly heated, even inflammatory exchanges, accompanied by shrill, sometimes personalized accusations and counter-accusations that divide people into sides that talk past, rather than to or with, each other. Debates that grab headlines in the local and national media like those between proponents of creationism and evolutionism may hide the fact that value-laden perspectives underlie a good deal of the commonplace in education, and indeed help shape daily school practice. Moral Issues and Moral Reasoning Moral discourse operates on questions or dilemmas resolved neither by reference to empirical realities nor by logical or linguistic analyses, though the latter may clarify the relevant issues involved in moral disagreements. Moral questions arise whenever we ponder what is the right thing to do, or when we are puzzled about competing claims to action and the values on which those claims rest. Moral deliberation is central to daily lives as well as to decisions about social justice; for instance, in issues ranging from how I treat others on a day-to-day basis, to what my obligations are to members of my community, to what public policies will most help the least advantaged members of society. We may disagree about what makes for a good, responsible, or fulfilling life, as well as about the actions most likely contributing to the realization of that life. Discussion of alternative conceptions of the good life may not be commonplace outside some university classrooms and religious institutions, but issues concerning the politics of affirmative action and the legitimacy of capital punishment frequently contain implicit conceptions of what a good or worthwhile life is. Similarly, concrete classroom questions like those concerning which curriculum content should be selected, what student socialization patterns should be reinforced, what pedagogical practices should be emphasized, and when, how, and by whom evaluative activities should be incorporated, must be understood in relation to ideas about what constitutes a good or rewarding life (Beyer & Apple, in press; Macdonald, 1975). …

What is there to legitimize in the european union ... and how might this be accomplished

Abstract: This paper focuses on the problematique of building the legitimacy (one of the most used and misused concepts in Political Science) of governance (one of the most fashionable concepts in contemporary political discourse) within the contextof the European Union (one of the most novel of political experiments). Whether intentionally or not, the EU has become a formidable producer of such arrangements, but lacks a "formula" for their legitimation. The author presents three sets of principles that might be used to guide the design of European Governance Arrangements (EGAs) in order to enhance their legitimacy. He concludes with some caveats, underlining inter alia that EGAs will not resolve all policy issues in the supra-national realm, and they will not work unless firmly based on explicitly political choices involving their charter, the composition of participants and the rules for decision-making. Purely technocratic or administrative considerations will not suffice.;

Islam and Democracy in Turkey: Toward a Reconciliation?

Abstract: Turkey's democracy has been consolidated by the inclusion of the religiouslyoriented into mainstream politics. This was facilitated by the increasing secularization of the Turks that made support for a radical religious revival less likely, and the increasing moderation of the worldviews of the religious groups themselves. The Refah Partisi (Prosperity Party, RP)' obtained the plurality of votes in Turkey's December 1995 general elections. In June 1996, the RP and the center-right secular True Path Party (TPP) formed a coalition government, and the RP's leader, Necmettin Erbakan, became prime minister for the first two years of the coalition. These developments caused consternation among many in Turkey, but, unlike the situation in Algeria, the military did not lift a finger to prevent them. Everybody, including the military, accepted the legitimacy of a government led by Erbakan. How has this uneasy marriage between democracy and Islam in Turkey been possible? In order to address this issue, we need to look at the relationship between Islam and democracy in Turkey from a historical perspective. Bernard Lewis has found some aspects of Islam incompatible with liberal democracy.2 Lewis has observed, however, that of the 46 states which were members of the Islamic Conference in 1993, only one, the Turkish Republic, could be described as a democracy in Western terms.3 Earlier, Lewis had expressed a guarded optimism about the future of democracy in Turkey: Twice before, in the course of their history, the Turks have set an example and served as a model for others-under the Ottomans, of militant Islam; under Kemal Ataturk, of secular patriotism. If they succeed in their present endeavor to create, without loss of character and identity, a liberal economy, an open society, and a liberal democratic polity, they may once again serve as a model to many other peoples.4 To use Juan J. Linz's terminology, in Turkey democracy has become the "only game in town;"5 no group with political influence and/or power, including the military and a great majority of the religiously oriented groups, would prefer an authoritarian regime to a democracy.6 Islam, on the other hand, has been integrated into Turkey's democracy in a myriad ways, while constitutional and legal secularism have been kept intact. Religious orders, movements, and sects have had representatives in the secular political parties as well as in the RP. On the other hand, Turkey's 1982 constitution, not unlike the previous 1961 constitution, stipulates that Turkey is a secular state and that this particular provision in the constitution cannot be repealed. The Constitutional Court can be activated by the president and by the political parties if these constitutional provisions are violated. In 1971, for example, the Court banned the Milli Nizam Partisi (National Order Party, NOP), also formed by Erbakan in the previous year, for using religion for political purposes. Ultimately, the military constitutes the major deterrent to the establishment of an Islamic state in Turkey. The consolidation of democracy in Turkey, including the successful inclusion of the religiously oriented groups, has been a consequence of an interactive relationship between Islam and democracy. In the 19th century, Islam was given short shrift as a source for public policymaking while some key ideas of democracy were allowed to flourish. From 1923, when the Republic was founded, until the mid-1940s, democracy itself was gradually established. While people's religious feelings were respected, Islamists, defined here as those who wish to see Islam play a greater role in the society and/or the polity, were not permitted to have their own political organizations. From the mid-1940s to the present, as democracy became consolidated, Islamists have been increasingly reincorporated into the political system. This was helped by a gradual change of attitude on the part of the bulk of the Islamists from an anti-regime stance to a pro-regime one. …

School Governance Regimes and Teachers' Job Satisfaction: Bureaucracy, Legitimacy, and Community

Abstract: Most approaches to improving education in the United States fail; some succeed in certain schools only to fail elsewhere. Why? The main thesis of this study is that various programs to school reform fail because they neglect to consider the role of legitimacy as an intervening factor as a school moves from a strict bureaucratic to a community governance regime. This article develops and estimates a causal model describing the relationship between bureaucracy, legitimacy, and community as predictors of teachers' job satisfaction-an important school outcome that is highly related to student achievement. Data for the study are from a national survey of National Education Association teacher members.

Accepting population control : urban Chinese women and the one-child family policy

Abstract: China's one-child family policy has been applauded by demographers and condemned by human rights activists. This study argues that most city district Chinese women would prefer more children yet comply with the one-child policy because they accept the moral legitimacy of state policy.

Trust: The Tacit Demand

Abstract: 1. A Blind Spot of Philosophy. 2. Trust and the Mental Life. 3. Asymmetry. 4. Does Trust Pay? 5. Individuals and Their Relations. 6. Learning From Others. 7. Legitimacy. 8. The Idea of Basic Trust. 9. The Ethical Demand. Literature. Index.

Authority, legitimacy and change: the rise of quality assessment in higher education

Abstract: Examines relationships which exist internationally between contexts, methods, and impact on institutions of external quality assessments in higher education. Argues that debates about quality assessment are frequently debates about power and change. Case studies of the University of Aalborg (Denmark), Uppsala University (Sweden), and Monash University (Australia) indicate the different kinds of impact quality assessment has on institutions. (Author/MSE)