Showing papers on "Modernization theory published in 1979"

Chile: The Legacy of Hispanic Capitalism

Abstract: INTRODUCTION 1 LAND AND SOCIETY 2 THE POLITICS OF CONQUEST 3 HISPANIC CAPITALISM 4 INDEPENDENCE AND THE AUTOCRATIC REPUBLIC 5 MODERNIZATION AND MISERY 6 NITRATE 7 POLITICS, LABOUR AND THE SOCIAL QUESTION 8 CHILEAN DEMOCRACY 9 CHRISTIANS AND MARXISTS 10 DICTATORSHIP 11 CONCERTACION: THE PAST AND PRESENT

Politics in the Middle East

Abstract: Preface. 1. Political Development and the Challenge of Modernization. 2. States, Beliefs, and Ideologies. 3. The Genes of Politics: Groups, Classes and Families. 4. The Politics of Patrimonial Leadership. 5. The Politics of Leaders and Change. 6. Institutions of Government: Militaries, Bureaucracies, and Legislatures. 7. The Arab-Israeli Connection: The Politics of Competitive State-Building. 8. The Politics of War and Revolution in the Persian Gulf. 9. Petroleum, Politics, and Development. Index.

The Persian Economy in the Mid-19Th Century

Abstract: A new chapter in Persia's economic history started in the late 1860s and early 1870s. Although it is true that the deviation was not complete, and that certain economic changes were already becoming evident somewhat earlier, the more significant developments, which changed the economic structure of Persia and modernized its economic system, did not begin before the last thirty odd years of the 19th century. It is the aim of this study to present an outline of the main characteristics of the Persian economy prior to the period of modernization and change, namely in and around the 1850s.

Corruption and Political Development in the U.S.S.R.

Abstract: The study of corruption has advanced in recent years from a backwater on the social science map to higher academic ground. Two broad concerns underlie this progress and pervade the concepts and procedures now current in the field. One concern is to change the nature of inquiry from an inquisition of immoral individuals to an investigation of the actual workings of corruption in the society. The second is to apply systems analysis to these workings, with an eye to gaining new insights into the processes of modernization and political

Traditionalism in a Modern Setting: A Comparison of Anglo- and Mexican-American Value Orientations

Abstract: Charles R . Chandler is Associate Professor of Sociology at Texas Tech University. The research reported in this paper was funded by the Ethnic Studies Institute of Texas Tech. The author wishes to thank the Institute and the interviewers who worked on the project. Of the latter, a special thanks is due to Eligio Vega, Marian Meriwether, and Emily LaBeff. 0 NE OF THE MASTER THEMES in social science for the past two hundred years has been the transformation of individuals and societies from "traditional" to "modern." Although differing in terminology and emphasis, practically every major writer on human society has been concerned with this change, and most conceptualized the transition in terms of ideal typical dichotomization or at least a continuum between extreme societal forms or individual traits. Lerner (1968:387), in reviewing this body of work, presents one of the many lists that have been developed to define the meaning of modernity. Along with economic growth, public participation in the polity, and increments in mobility, Lerner includes "diffusion of secular-rational norms" and change in "modal personality that equips individuals to function effectively in a [modern] social order" (Lerner 1968:387). Concern with such cultural and psychological components of modernization has led to development of survey instruments for measuring "value orientations" (Kluckhohn 1951:409); Kluckhohn and Strodtbeck 1961; Kahl 1965, 1968) and "individual modernity" (Inkeles 1969; Inkeles and Smith 1974). A basic idea in these writings is that modern industrial-urbanbureaucratic social structure requires for its successful operation individuals who have internalized values, norms, and beliefs compatible with such a structure. It follows that individuals who adhere to traditional viewpoints will experience difficulties in understanding, adjusting to, or changing already established societal arrangements of the modern type. It is precisely in such a situation that, according to many writers, some segments of the Mexican-American population find themselves. Since Parsons (1951: 198-200) first described Spanish Americans as being characterized by particularistic-ascriptive orientations, as opposed to the universalistic-achievement pattern of the dominant Anglo Americans, controversy has continued over whether some of the difficulties encountered by Mexican and Spanish Americans are attributable to their adherence to value positions incongruent with modern society. Field studies conducted in Texas and New Mexico expanded upon Parson's comments and seemed to provide convincing evidence that, at least in come communities, Mexican and Spanish Americans clung to values characterized by fatalism, low achievement drives, past and present time perspectives, close integration with the extended family, and inability to operate effectively in secondary groups (see Romano 1960; Kluckhohn and Strodtbeck 1961; Madsen 1964; Rube1 1966). Anglos were described in opposite terms, their orientations being toward active mastery of the world, high achievement, future time, and weak commitments to family of orientation accompanied by trust in strangers and facility in secondary relations. The latter are some of the value orientations considered most appropriate to life in modern socie-

Work and Family in Industrialized Societies.

Abstract: This paper is based on a six-country cross-national research study of Alternative Policies for the Care of Children under the Age of Three. The study is sponsored by the German Marshall Fund and directed jointly by Sheila B. Kamerman and Alfred J. Kahn, codirectors, Cross-national Studies, Columbia University School of Social Work. 1. Although I have no question about the importance and value of "home work," the term "work" is used here to mean market work. Recent scholarship has revealed that this dichotomy between work and family did not occur at the same time for all families (or all family members) in all industries or in all places. Over time, however, this has become the dominant pattern. The literature on this subject is far too extensive to be reviewed here. For illustrative purposes, see Tamara K. Hareven, "Modernization and Family History: Perspectives on Social Change," Signs 2, no. 2 (Summer 1977): 89-115; Rosabeth Moss Kanter, Work and Family in the United States: A Critical Review and Agenda for Research and Policy (New York: Russell Sage Foundation, 1977). 2. For the consequences for children, see Urie Bronfenbrenner, "The Origins of Alienation," Scientific American 231 (1974): 53-61, and "Who Cares for America's Children?" in The Family: Can It Be Saved? ed. Victor C. Vaughan III and T. Berry Brazelton (Chicago: Year Book Medical Publishers, 1976). For the consequences for women, see George Brown, Marie Bhrolchain, and Tirrel Harris, "Social Class and Psychiatric Disturbance among Women in an Urban Population," Sociology (May 1975); Ann Oakley, Housewife (London: Allen Lane, 1974); and N. Fonda and Peter Moss, eds., Mothers in Employment (Uxbridge, England: Brunel University, 1976). For a very different perspective-the negative consequences on family life when the separation of work and home occur in a country undergoing modernization, where women historically have always been in the labor force-see Christina Oppong, "Modernization and Family Change in Ghana: With Special Reference to Work" (paper presented at the Aspen Institute-Iran Workshop, Iran, May 25 to June 2, 1978).

The Iranian Revolution

Abstract: That Islam played a significant role in events in Iran during 1978 and 1979 is hardly in question. What is much less clear is the nature and significance of that role. For many observers the Iranian 'revolution' was an upsurge of religious revivalism against materialism and corruption in high places. Others saw it as a rejection by the common people of the economic benefits of modernization and Westernization. For some it was a spontaneous reaction by a democratic faith against tyranny and absolutism. Yet others attributed to the most prominent of its leaders, the Ayatollah Khomeini, almost supernatural, messianic powers. No one seemed to be able, or even to desire, to offer a rational explanation of a situation in which a society that had been following a path of modernization and secularization for more than fifty years suddenly appeared to go into reverse, to throw overboard as it were the gains and achievements of two generations. This article does not set out to explain what happened, or even to give a consecutive account of the events of recent months, but rather to offer an analysis of the religious situation as it prevailed in Iran on the eve of the upheavals of 1978. It may be that such an analysis will help to place Iranian Islam in correct perspective and to assess more accurately the part it plays in political and social developments. It is part of conventional thinking in the West to consider religion as a 'reactionary* social force the 'opium of the people' -

The Cultural Determinants of Entrepreneurship and Economic Development: A Case Study Of Mendoza Province, Argentina, 1861–1914

Abstract: Analyses of the cultural factors supporting modernization and development have moved along a continuum from the clear-cut formulations of Parsons, Schumpeter, and Weber to the paradoxical assertions of contemporary scholars. The failure of countries like Argentina to achieve sustained development after spectacular starts has contributed to the confusion. This study examines two popular cultural explanations for such developmental problems, and finds them both wanting. Men-doza's experience suggests the need to adjust development programs to local cultural exigencies, rather than the reverse, as most analysts have argued. A four-part sequence to this effect is presented.

Political Generations in China

Abstract: The rapid changes in China of the past few years have quite properly focused much attention on the problems of political succession at the top levels of Chinese politics. In part this is recognized as a generational issue because of the advanced age of the first set of leaders of the People's Republic. Indeed, this is still a question of contemporary significance. Teng Hsiao-p'ing, for example, is alleged to have said that he turned down the premiership in favour of Hua Kuo-feng because he was in his 70s whereas Hua was in his 50s. Therefore, unlike Teng, the latter could expect to guide the modernization programme through to the year 2000. One of the major problems overshadowing the current Chinese leadership (both at the levels of the Political Bureau and even the Central Committee) is that soon a new generation of leaders will replace the old. It is perhaps because of this that the current leadership has been so concerned to consolidate the new order and to set the new modernization programme upon what is hoped will be an irreversible course. At the same time one of the reasons for the reluctance of many officials at all levels of China's bureaucracies to implement the new policies with the enthusiasm and initiative expected in Peking is precisely the fear that the new policies may be reversed by a new set of leaders whose succession in the nature of things cannot be long delayed.

Urbanization and urban problems Studies in the modernization of the Republic of Korea: 1945-1975

Abstract: Mills, Edwin S.; Song, Byung-Nak.1979.Urbanization and urban problems,Report,[London]Harvard University Press,Harvard East Asian Monographs/88,335

Women, Modernization, and Education in Kuwait

Abstract: Education is generally considered one of the most important influences in moving individuals in developing countries from traditionalism toward modernity. In fact, Inkeles indicates that the amount of formal schooling a man has had emerges as the single most powerful variable in determining his modernity score.' This modernity test is not a test of what is learned in school but, rather, "a test of attitudes and values touching on basic aspects of a man's orientation to nature, to time, to fate, to politics, to women and to God." Education provides individuals with the necessary skills which enable them to influence actively the economic and the political structure of a society. The level and extent of men's and women's education in any society determines-to a great extent-the degree of participation in the country's economy. In developing, nonagricultural countries, education is a most significant variable in providing women with access to a wider variety of role repertoires and the opportunity for active participation in the economy of the country. In her study of women in the work force of Islamic countries, Youssef indicated that one of the factors which accounts for low female participation in the nonagricultural labor force is low educational level." Furthermore, El-Sanabary concludes that women's education is lagging behind men's education in all the Arab states and that the potential of women is therefore underdeveloped and underutilized.4 Compared with the wide focus of the previous studies on Moslem women in Arab states, this study concentrates on the education of women in the small Persian Gulf sheikhdom of Kuwait. Although the education of women in Kuwait started later than in other Arab countries, it moved ahead of education in these countries.5 In addition to the better educa

Beauty and the 'I' of the Beholder: Identity Aesthetics and Social Change Among the Ashanti

Abstract: Though frequently belittled, African tourist arts are often as conceptually sophisticated as traditional works. Messages expressed in secular modern forms complement the demands of a changing society just as effectively as traditional art once reinforced complex meanings inherent in political and religious rituals. Ethnographic evidence from the Ashanti--where artists today violate traditional norms of harmony with deliberate grotesquerie catering to Western tastes--shows such art to be highly functional. Turner's notion that sacra are channelled through distortion, and Peacock's concept of the "rite of modernization" are used to establish that the Ashanti artist today is a cultural broker whose work, by a process of inversion, reinforces traditional cultural values.

Wallerstein's World-Economy: How Seriously Should We Take It?

Abstract: Since well before the symposium on Sinology and the Social Sciences, carried in this journal more than a decade ago, modernization theory has provided a key theoretical orientation for many Western students of China. 1 Immanuel Wallerstein has launched a major frontal attack on modernization theory and has proposed an alternative of considerable interest to those of us studying late imperial and modern China. Indeed, "Wallersteinism" is becoming something of a major academic growth industry.2 Wallerstein's perspective is not without problems, but his views deserve fuller exposure in the China field because of their implications for the study of change in Chinese society. Wallerstein's structuralist challenge to modernization theory comes at an opportune moment.3 For more than a hundred years, since Ricardo's time, British and American liberal social science have posited neutral markets and mutually beneficial exchange among independent national economies; those groups vigorous and enterprising enough profit from their participation in the marketplace, while those who resist the trend of history are doomed. When Marx and Engels wrote about the bourgeoisie's use of cheap commodities, "with which it batters down all Chinese walls . . . compel[ling} all nations, on pain of extinction, to adopt the bourgeois mode of production . . ."4 they were writing with a frame of reference t-hat others later developed into "modernization theory."

The Populist Front in Rural Development: Or Shall We Eliminate the Bureaucrats and Get on with the Job?

Abstract: Distrust of the bureaucracy as an instrument of progress is nothing new. But it is flourishing with extraordinary vigor in this era when little else is taken for granted. Waves of suspicion now pervade the American domestic scene; and on the international front both the World Bank and the UN specialized agencies are now encountering the same skepticism that has already overtaken the once-exuberant U.S. foreign aid program. There is a fashionable turn in the old populism that rejects, in the United States and abroad, technicians and administrators, along with politicians and judges. The current populism began on the international scene after social reforms initiated by planning agencies and aid donors, and entrusted to technicians and administrators, simply failed to materialize. High expectations of the 1960s were frustrated both in Latin America and Southeast Asia as the results of their development and reform activities were examined and appraised. Technocratic approaches to a better quality of life, relying on guided democracy and planned social change, are now pejorative terms. The experiments in political modernization and administrative reform that flourished during the past fifteen years have produced political hypertension and administrative disillusionment. The public has begun to reject centralized authority whether located in national capitals or in city halls. One solution is the current effort to seek more effective and thorough-going means of involving citizens in decisions made and actions carried out in their name. International banks and foreign aid agencies are attempting to export demand politics and popular participation along with capital and technology. It would seem that the only good bureaucrats are those charged with the task of disarming, or at least unmasking, other bureaucrats.

Modernization and welfare development: The case of Germany

Abstract: s.

The Revival of Islamic Fundamentalism: the Case of Iran

Abstract: ,The Iranian revolution has highlighted one of the principal religious and political developments of our time, the revival of Islamic fundamentalism, from Indonesia to Morocco and from Turkey to central Africa.' In the short run it will cause more problems for the West. In the long run, however, it may be more dangerous to the Soviet Union in Muslim Soviet Central Asia.2 The Western model of modernization, industrialization, and rational bureaucracy, of an agnostic intelligentsia and consumerist masses, has had some notable non-Western successes: Japan, South Korea, Hong Kong, Taiwan and Singapore. But all these have been in the Sinic Confucian cultural area, characterized by unbroken, proud culture and a system of ethics rather than revealed religion. Even so, in China itself three great convulsions, the T'ai-p'ing and Boxer Rebellions and the Cultural Revolution, have shown that the result of China's current attempt to shift back to modernization must remain in doubt. For the rest of the underdeveloped world, Western-style modernization is attractive and alienating, sought after and rejected, admired and hated. Most of the third world admires some of its results: affluence, upward social mobility, technological progress, and, therefore, assured national independence. It rejects others: agnosticism, corruption, materialism, amorality, ruthless competition, and technocracy. The more rapid, corrupt, and inegalitarian-especially in major cities-modernization is, the more violent is its rejection. The revolts against Western-style modernization have usually included the

Part two: Stress and health: Modernization in a traditional polynesian society

Abstract: Data from an interview survey of over seventy adult men on the island of Aitutaki in the Cook group were used to explore the physical, psychological, and social correlates of modernization. The data support the conclusion that physical/psychological symptoms and social conflicts tend to covary. Furthermore, those modernizing Aitutakian men who retain their traditional group orientation, rather than adopting a more individualistic strategy, report significantly fewer social conflicts with their kinsmen and neighbors, and fewer symptoms of psychological and physical health problems, than do other segments of the society. Some policy implications for the Cook Islands and similar developing nations are discussed.

Rosario and the Election of 1887: The Political Economy of Mining in Honduras

Abstract: TRADITIONAL Central American historiography conventionally dates the beginning of Honduran modernization from 1876 with the inauguration of the liberal regime of Marcos Aurelio Soto. Evidence supporting this year as a watershed in Honduran development consists of such "innovations" as suppression of the tithe, inauguration of public education, and codification of legal, commercial, mining, and administrative laws. From today's vantage point, much of this supposed transformation seems inconsequential: superficial reformism that produced few genuine benefits.' Much more interesting to contemporary historians is that Soto and his successor, Luis Bograin, helped initiate and facilitate the reestablishment of permanent economic links between Honduras and the North Atlantic market system.2 Honduras had, of course, been incorporated into earlier stages of this evolving economic system. Spanish colonists had intermittently participated in Spain's imperial economy by exporting such commodities as slaves and placer gold in the 1520s and 1530s, silver bullion in the 1570s, and in another brief cycle

Science and Culture in Traditional Japan. A.D. 600-1854

Abstract: Understanding the processes by which science enters and transforms a society has never been a simple task, and it is to the credit of authors Sugimoto and Swain that "Science and Culture in Traditional Japan (A.D. 600-1854)" makes this process understandable to general readers as well as specialists. Deliberately eschewing a merely scientific or technological focus, the two authors have undertaken to show the development of premodern science in Japan in the context of that country's social and intellectual milieu.Anyone who wishes to understand the development of Japan's science and technology over the last hundred years will appreciate this history of the centuries that preceded modernization, for it is the story of why and how Japan was ready and, more importantly, able to make the leap from Eastern to Western science. The book shows how Japan's long pattern of assimilation--in advancing and receding waves--of Chinese science (and some Western science) laid the foundation for an appreciation of the need for and value of the "new" Western knowledge."Science and Culture in Traditional Japan (A.D. 600-1854)" begins with the first Chinese Cultural Wave, in which Chinese science was introduced into Japan but not completely assimilated. The book then goes on to show how social and political conditions led to patterns of deliberate withdrawal from outside cultural influences, introducing in turn some five centuries of indigenous development. It tells of the pressures for a modern society with the second Chinese Cultural Wave and the first Western Cultural Wave in the sixteenth century; how the Western school of thought was largely ignored in favor of the Eastern tradition; and details the social and intellectual factors that would eventually challenge Japanese isolationism and force a confrontation with the modern Western scientific traditions in the nineteenth century. The book concentrates on the three traditional fields of Japanese science--astrology and calendrical astronomy, mathematics, and medicine--and includes extensive tables and historical charts covering scientific activity over ten centuries.This book is volume 6 in the MIT East Asian Science Series, under the editorship of Nathan Sivin.