Modernization theory

About: Modernization theory is a research topic. Over the lifetime, 14641 publications have been published within this topic receiving 232469 citations.

Changing Labour Markets in Europe: The Role of Institutions and Policies.

Abstract: Small economy macroeconomics from redistribution to the modernization of working time equal opportunities and employment policy social dialogue and industrial relations.

Changing course or changing clothes? Reflections on the ideological evolution of the British National Party 1999–2006

Abstract: Copsey examines the ideological development of the British National Party (BNP) under the leadership of Nick Griffin. Until recently, Griffin's programme of ‘modernization’ had considered ideology ...

Industrialization, Modernization and the Quality of Life

Abstract: At issue here is the general effect of the industrialization and modernization of society on the quality of life of national populations. Evidence from both objective and subjective measures indicates that in the overwhelming majority of cases the changes associated with these social forces have meant an improved quality of life for most people in most historical periods. This is most evident on the objective indicators. So far as concerns the subjective measures, although the trends generally hold across countries, they are often contradicted by the distinctive propensities of some national populations. Within country differences on the subjective measures prove to be much less marked than one would be led to expect on the basis of common theories of stratification. Changes in the objective condition of individuals and groups are regularly reflected in short-term changes in subjectively reported satisfaction. However, there seems to be a mechanism operating which mutes these effects and leads to the differential long-term stability of reported satisfaction for any given nation.

Unmasking Japan Today: The Impact of Traditional Values on Modern Japanese Society

Abstract: The Process of Japanese Modernization The Japanese Family-Change and Continuity Changes in the Japanese Family System Popular Culture/Lifestyles of the Japanese Family Emerging Family Problems Education and Youth The Japanese Educational System Japanese Youth Today Women and Labor Force Participation The Changing Status of Women Japanese Women in the Work Force The Graying of Japan Aging as a Socio-Cultural Process The Economics of Aging The Impact of Aging on Family Relations Conclusion: From Modernization to Internationalization References Index.

A critique of the china threat theory: a systematic analysis

Abstract: Proponents of the "China threat" theory argue that it is inconceivable for China to have a peaceful rise; a superpower China will inevitably be a threat to the United States. This article analyzes the military and economic aspects of the "China threat" theory from theoretical, methodological, and strategic points of view. The theory's flaws are in its assumptions, which this article tackles by providing counter examples as well as by highlighting external and internal problems facing China that can complicate its rise to great-power status. In addition, the "China threat" theory is based on linear projection and imperfect historical analogies that are as misleading conceptually as they are strategically counterproductive to Sino-American strategic relations. This, of course, is not to argue that China poses no threat; it is, however, to suggest that the nature of any threat is far more nuanced than the "China threat" theorists claim it to be. Key words: East Asian Security, U.S.-China relations Introduction China's rise has been viewed with uncertainty and anxiousness in the West. Its rapid economic growth, military modernization, and in recent years a surge in energy demand have made many in the United States talk about a "China threat." Policy makers, strategic thinkers, academics, and pundits have started exploring strategies of "containing" China, and rejecting the concept of "peaceful rise."1 There are many reasons for such fears. Robert Kagan, for example, has used history to argue that China's rise will not be peaceful. He has asserted: "The history of rising powers . . . and their attempted 'management' by established powers provides little reason for confidence or comfort. Rarely have rising powers risen without sparking a major war that reshaped the international system to reflect new realities of power."2 Others have expressed the threat from a rising China in starker terms. Bill Gertz, for example, has argued that "The People's Republic of China is the most serious national security threat the United States faces at present and will remain so into the foreseeable future . . . The reason Americans should take the threat from China so seriously is that it puts at risk the very national existence of the United States."3 The U.S. government has been more nuanced and reserved about the perceived threat from China, but it has also sounded the alarms. The 2006 Quadrennial Defense Review Report, for example, asserted that "China has the greatest potential to compete militarily with the United States and field disruptive military technologies that could over time offset traditional U.S. military advantages."4 Of course, different administrations have had different attitudes toward the "China threat." President George W. Bush's administration, however, made it clear that-unlike the Clinton administration- it saw China as a strategic competitor. The following quote from Condoleezza Rice-then a foreign policy adviser to then-Governor George W. Bush-is telling. Arguing against the Clinton administration's policy of engagement of China, Rice wrote: Even if there is an argument for economic interaction with Beijing, China is still a potential threat to stability in the Asia-Pacific region. Its military power is currently no match for that of the United States. But that condition is not necessarily permanent. What we do know is that China is a great power with unresolved vital interests, particularly concerning Taiwan and the South China Sea. China resents the role of the United States in the Asia- Pacific region. This means that China is not a "status quo" power but one that would like to alter Asia's balance of power in its own favor. That alone makes it a strategic competitor, not the "strategic partner" the Clinton administration once called it. Add to this China's record of cooperation with Iran and Pakistan in the proliferation of ballistic-missile technology, and the security problem is obvious. …