Showing papers on "Politics published in 1968"

Political Order in Changing Societies

Abstract: This now-classic examination of the development of viable political institutions in emerging nations is a major and enduring contribution to modern political analysis. In a new Foreword, Francis Fukuyama assesses Huntington's achievement, examining the context of the book's original publication as well as its lasting importance. "This pioneering volume, examining as it does the relation between development and stability, is an interesting and exciting addition to the literature."--American Political Science Review "'Must' reading for all those interested in comparative politics or in the study of development."--Dankwart A. Rustow, Journal of International Affairs

The policy-making process

Abstract: I. INTRODUCTION. 1. Challenges Facing Policy Making. 2. The Limits of Analysis. 3. Incrementalism and the Intelligence of Democracy. II. CONVENTIONAL GOVERNMENT AND POLITICS. 4. The Imprecision of Voting. 5. Elected Functionaries. 6. Bureaucracy. 7. Interest Groups in Policy Making. III. BROADER INFLUENCES ON POLICY MAKING. 8. The Privileged Position of Business. 9. Political Inequality. 10. Impaired Inquiry. IV. IMPROVING POLICY MAKING. 11. Making the Most of Analysis. 12. More Democracy?

Protest as a Political Resource

Abstract: The frequent resort to protest activity by relatively powerless groups in recent American politics suggests that protest represents an important aspect of minority group and low income group politics. At the same time that Negro civil rights strategists have recognized the problem of using protest as a meaningful political instrument, groups associated with the “war on poverty” have increasingly received publicity for protest activity. Saul Alinsky's Industrial Areas Foundation, for example, continues to receive invitations to help organize low income communities because of its ability to mobilize poor people around the tactic of protest. The riots which dominated urban affairs in the summer of 1967 appear not to have diminished the dependence of some groups on protest as a mode of political activity.This article provides a theoretical perspective on protest activity as a political resource. The discussion is concentrated on the limitations inherent in protest which occur because of the need of protest leaders to appeal to four constituencies at the same time. As the concept of protest is developed here, it will be argued that protest leaders must nurture and sustain an organization comprised of people with whom they may or may not share common values. They must articulate goals and choose strategies so as to maximize their public exposure through communications media. They must maximize the impact of third parties in the political conflict. Finally, they must try to maximize chances of success among those capable of granting goals.

The Institutionalization of the U.S. House of Representatives

Abstract: Most people who study politics are in general agreement, it seems to me, on at least two propositions. First, we agree that for a political system to be viable, for it to succeed in performing tasks of authoritative resource allocation, problem solving, conflict settlement, and so on, in behalf of a population of any substantial size, it must be institutionalized. That is to say, organizations must be created and sustained that are specialized to political activity.1 Otherwise, the political system is likely to be unstable, weak, and incapable of servicing the demands or protecting the interests of its constituent groups. Secondly, it is generally agreed that for a political system to be in some sense free and democratic, means must be found for institutionalizing representativeness with all the diversity that this implies, and for legitimizing yet at the same time containing political opposition within the system.2 Our growing interest in both of these propositions, and in the problems to which they point, can begin to suggest the importance of studying one of the very few extant examples of a highly specialized political institution which over the long run has succeeded in representing a large number of diverse constituents, and in legitimizing, expressing, and containing political opposition within a complex political system—namely, the U.S. House of Representatives. The focus of my attention here will be first of all descriptive, drawing together disparate strands—some of which already exist in the literature3—in an attempt to show in what sense we may regard the House as an institutionalized organ of government. Not all the necessary work has been done on this rather difficult descriptive problem, as I shall indicate. Secondly, I shall offer a number of speculative observations about causes, consequences, and possible lessons to be draw from the institutionalization of the House.

Ambition and politics : political careers in the United States

Abstract: For decades scholars have studied career patterns of elected officials, and, in a good many instances, after reading the results one admits the findings are interesting but is tempted to ask, "So what?" Too often there is little effort to show the significance of the evidence. But suppose someone were to collect biographical information on all holders of the office of governor and United States senator over a fifty-year period and then subject these data to intensive and imaginative analysis. Would that offer us any insights? Professor Schlesinger has done exactly that and the answer is definitely affirmative. Not only are the data collected in incredible volume, but almost every question that could be asked has been, and along the way some significant theory about American politics is derived. It is a book not easy to read, but well worth rereading. What are some of those insights? In the first place, he demonstrates that the degree of party competition in states is not as decisive a determining factor for career patterns as one might assume. The character of party organization and the constitutional structure and history of a state seem to be more decisive. Regional patterns are shown for the typical initial elective office and for the last office held before attaining senatorial or gubernatorial position. One can at least speculate about the place of the legislature in state politics by noting whether that institution is commonly among the stepping-stones to higher office in a state (it is a common stepping-stone in the South and in New England). He demonstrates variations in career patterns that apparently follow from party organizational differences, observing that the stronger the central party's control the less likely a regular order of succession will be observed. In short, Schlesinger provides an interesting corroboration of observations made by V. 0. Key and others about the impact of the party primary. The primary has had the effect of taking control over nominations out of the hands of party leaders and placing it in the hands of officeholders who use incumbency as a means to self-promotion. Perhaps the most interesting chapter is the one which develops theoretical points. The usual theory of two-party competition says that both parties will seek median ground in order to compete effectively.

Uniting Of Europe: Political, Social, and Economic Forces, 1950-1957

Abstract: This work uses the European Coal and Steel Community (ECSC) as a case study of the community formation processes that occur across traditional national and state boundaries. Haas points to the ECSC as an example of an organization with the "power to redirect the loyalties and expectations of political actors." Haas contends that, based on his observations of the actual integration process, the idea of a "united Europe" took root in the years immediately following World War II. His careful and rigorous analysis tracks the development of the ECSC, including, in his 1968 preface, a discussion of the eventual loss of the individual identity of the ECSC through its absorption into the new European Community. Featuring a new introduction by Haas analyzing the impact of his book over time, as well as an updated bibliography, "The Uniting of Europe" is a aimed at political scientists and historians of modern and contemporary Europe.

Measures of political attitudes

Abstract: J.P. Robinson, P.R. Shaver, and L.S. Wrightsman, Scale Selection and Evaluation. J.A. Krosnick, Maximizing Questionnaire Quality. K. Knight, Liberalism and Conservatism. S. Feldman, Economic Values and Inequality. S.E. Finkel, L. Sigelman, and S. Humphries, Democratic Values and Political Tolerance. M. Biernat and C.S. Crandall, Racial Attitudes. M.J. Reef and D. Knoke, Political Alienation and Efficacy. J. Citrin and C. Muste, Trust in Government. J. Hurwitz and M. Peffley, International Attitudes. V. Price, Political Information. J.M. Shanks, Political Agendas. H.F. Weisberg, Political Partisanship. H.E. Brady, Political Participation.

Political Socialization and the High School Civics Curriculum in the United States

Abstract: Attempts to map the political development of individuals inevitably become involved with the relative contribution of different socialization agencies throughout the life cycle. Research has focused to a large extent on the family and to a much lesser degree on other agents such as the educational system. At the secondary school level very little has been done to examine systematically the selected aspects of the total school environment. To gain some insight into the role of the formal school environment, this paper will explore the relationship between the civics curriculum and political attitudes and behavior in American high schools. A number of studies, recently fortified by data from Gabriel Almond and Sidney's Verba's five-nation study, stress the crucial role played by formal education in the political socialization process. [None of the other variables] compares with the educational variable in the extent to which it seems to determine political attitudes. The uneducated man or the man with limited education is a different political actor from the man who has achieved a high level of education.1 Such conclusions would not have greatly surprised the founders of the American republic, for they stressed the importance of education to the success of democratic and republican government. Starting from its early days the educational system incorporated civic training. Textbooks exposing threats to the new republic were being used in American schools by the 1790's. By 1915, the term “civics” became associated with high school courses which emphasized the study of political institutions and citizenship training.2

The Social and Political Thought of Karl Marx

Abstract: Preface Introduction 1 Hegal's political philosophy reconsidered 2 The proletariat: the universal class 3 Homo faber 4 Alienation and property 5 Praxis and revolution 6 The revolutionary ialectics of capitalist society 7 The French Revolution and the terror: the achievements and limits of political revolution 8 The new society Epilogue Bibliography Index

A Stochastic Model of Social Mobility

Abstract: Ginsburg, Norton. 1961 Atlan of Economic Development. Chicago: University of Chicago Press. Huntington, Samuel P. 1965 "Political development and political decay." World Politics 17 (April) :386-430. Lerner, Daniel. 1958 The Passing of Traditional Society. Glencoe: The Free Press. Lenski, Gerhard E. 1966 Power and Privilege: A Theory of Social Stratification. New York: McGraw-Hill. Lipset, Seymour Martin. 1960 Political Man. Garden City, N.Y.: Doubleday and Co. Marsh, Robert M. and William L. Parish. 1965 "Modernization and communism: a re-test of Lipset's hypotheses." American Sociological Review 30 (December) :934-942. von der Mehden, Fred R. 1964 Politics of the Developing Nations. Englewood Cliffs, N.J.: Prentice-Hall. Nettl, J. P. 1967 Political Mobilization. New York: Basic Books. Pye, Lucian W. (ed.). 1963 Communications and Political Development. Princeton: Princeton University Press. Riggs, Fred W. n.d. "The comparison of whole political systems." University of Minnesota Center for Comparative Political Analysis, mimeographed. Rostow, W. W. 1960 The Stages of Economic Growth. London: Cambridge University Press. Russett, Bruce M., et al. 1964 World Handbook of Political and Social Indicators. New Haven, Conn.: Yale University Press. Sawyer, Jack. 1967 "Dimensions of nations: size, wealth, and politics." The American Journal of Sociology 73 (September) :145-172. de Schweinitz, Karl, Jr. 1964 Industrialization and Democracy. New York: The Free Press. Shannon, Lyle W. 1958 "Is level of development related to capacity for self-government?" American Journal of Economics and Sociology 17 (July): 367-382. 1959 "Socio-economnic development and political status." Social Problems 7 (Fall):157-169. Simpson, Dick. 1964 "The congruence of political, social, and economic aspects of development." International Development Review 6 (June): 21-25.

The Spirit of Chinese Politics

Abstract: Preface to the New Edition The Authority Crisis in Modernization The Comforts of Hierarchy and Ideology Politics without Modern Men The Millstone of Greatness The Discovery of Hate Authority, Self Discipline, and Order Broken Fathers and the Bitter Search for New Authorities Willpower and Morality: The Dynamics of Action Organizational Behavior and the Martial Spirit The Dynamics of Chinese Politics Erratic State, Frustrated Society Index

Psychological Factors in Civil Violence

Abstract: Until recently many political scientists tended to regard violent civil conflict as a disfigurement of the body politic, neither a significant nor a proper topic for their empirical inquiries. The attitude was in part our legacy from Thomas Hobbes's contention that violence is the negation of political order, a subject fit less for study than for admonition. Moreover, neither the legalistic nor the institutional approaches that dominated traditional political science could provide much insight into group action that was regarded by definition as illegal and the antithesis of institutionalized political life.

Personal Rulership, Patrimonialism, and Empire-Building in the New States

Abstract: The concrete lessons of recent history have helped us to appreciate the paramount importance of the political preconditions of social and economic development in the new states. The basic problem of political stability must be solved before all others—or everything else may be in vain. For this reason, some of the scholarly attention that used to be focused on social and economic development has shifted to political organization and has given prominence to terms such as “nation-building,” “political culture,” and “democratization.”

Confucian China and Its Modern Fate: A Trilogy

Abstract: First published in 1965 These volumes analyze modern Chinese history and its inner process, from the pre-western plateau of Confucianism to the communist triumph, in the context of many themes: science, art, philosophy, religion and economic, political, and social change Volume Three includes: Liao P'ing and the Confucian Departure from History The place of Confucius in Communist China Historical, moral and intellectual significance"

Addresses to the German Nation

Abstract: In the winter of 1807, while Berlin was occupied by French troops, the philosopher Johann Gottlieb Fichte presented fourteen public lectures that have long been studied as a major statement of modern nationalism. Yet Fichte's Addresses to the German Nation have also been interpreted by many as a vision of a cosmopolitan alternative to nationalism. This new edition of the Addresses is designed to make Fichte's arguments more accessible to English-speaking readers. The clear, readable, and reliable translation is accompanied by a chronology of the events surrounding Fichte's life, suggestions for further reading, and an index. The groundbreaking introductory essay situates Fichte's theory of the nation state in the history of modern political thought. It provides historians, political theorists, and other students of nationalism with a fresh perspective for considering the interface between cosmopolitanism and republicanism, patriotism and nationalism.

The Structure of Political Conflict in the New States of Tropical Africa

Abstract: Having assumed the burden of understanding political life in two-and-a-half dozen unruly countries, political scientists who study the new states of tropical Africa must leap with assurance where angels fear to tread. We have borrowed, adapted, or invented an array of frameworks designed to guide perceptions of disparate events, and Africa is now uniformly viewed through the best lenses of contemporary comparative politics with a focus on political modernization, development and integration. Unfortunately, it appears that when we rely exclusively on these tools in order to accomplish our task, the aspects of political life which we, as well as non-specialists, see most clearly with the naked eye of informed common sense, remain beyond the range of our scientific vision. In our pursuit of scientific progress, we have learned to discern such forms as regular patterns of behavior which constitute structures and institutions; but the most salient characteristic of political life in Africa is that it constitutes an almost institutionless arena with conflict and disorder as its most prominent features. In recent years, almost every new African state has experienced more or less successful military or civilian coups, insurrections, mutinies, severe riots, and significant political assassinations. Some of them appear to be permanently on the brink of disintegration into several new political units. With little regard for the comfort of social scientists, the incidence of conflict and disorder appears unrelated to such variables as type of colonial experience, size, number of parties, absolute level or rate of economic and social development, as well as to the overall characteristics of regimes. The downfall of what was widely regarded as the continent's most promising democracy in January, 1966, was followed in February by the demise of what many thought to be the continent's harshest authoritarian regime.

Youth as a Force in the Modern World

Abstract: The unprecedented number of young people in the world today can be isolated as one of the crucial reality factors conditioning political and cultural developments. Age distribution is only one demographic variable in the complex of social and political life, but the tremendous growth of world population in the twentieth century has magnified its dynamic potentialities. To gain perspective, it will be useful to briefly consider the role of youth in the light of historical experience.

Violence in Republican Rome

Abstract: Why did the aristocracy of the Roman Republic destroy the system of government which was its basis? The answers given by ancient authorities are moral corruption and personal ambition. The modern student finds only too inevitable the causal nexus of political conflict, violence, military insurrection and authoritarian government. Yet before the era of intense violence Rome had an apparently stable constitution with a long history. In this revised edition of his classic book, for which he has written a new introduction, Andrew Lintott examines the roots of violence in Republican law and society and the growth of violence in city war and the power of armies. It suggests in conclusion that this disaster was more the outcome of folly in the choice of political means than depravity in the choice of ends.

The Affluent Worker: Political attitudes and behaviour

Abstract: Preface 1. Introduction 2. Party choice and political orientations 3. The politics of affluence 4. Politics and group affiliations 5. Conclusions Appendixes References Index.

An Islamic Response to Imperialism: Political and Religious Writings of Sayyid Jamal ad-Din "al-Afghani"

Abstract: "Keddie has rendered a valuable service ...Afghani merits the attention of Western students of the contemporary international scene and the Muslim renaissance since he made the first significant attempt to answer the modern Western challenge to the Muslim world." (Eastern World). "Sayyid Jamal ad-Din al-Afghani (1838-1897), the well known religious reformer and political activist, led a busy and complex life full of obscure and clandestine ventures...[Keddie] draws on a wide range of primary and secondary sources. In part I an attempt is made to provide an accurate biography and a consistent analysis of Afghani. Part II contains translations of some of his most important writings...Although Afghani was concerned with the wide ranging need for Islamic reform, he devoted most of his life to the more urgent political problems confronting Muslims - problems arising out of their weakness in dealing with the Western Christian powers. Hence the tide of this book. The picture that emerges here confirms Afghani's long standing reputation as a defender of Muslim interests - not against borrowing European advances in science and technology, but against foreign political, economic, or military encroachment." (Middle East journal). "Jamal ad-Din was a mysterious figure and most of the mysteries were of his own making ...it has been left to Professor Keddie to apply the methods of the critical historian to the matter...This book shows how successful she has been ...there has emerged for the first time a credible picture of Jamal ad-Din's life ...The second part contains translations of works by Jamal ad-Din himself, and these are valuable because most of them were written in Persian and have either not been easily available at all or else have been available only in Arabic translation. This is particularly true of the Refutation of the Materialists." (International journal of Middle East Studies). "For the first time a significant collection of the writings of al-Afghani are now available in English, and so, for the first time, this controversial figure has had more life breathed into him." (American Historical Review).