Showing papers on "Politics published in 1970"

Why men rebel

Abstract: Why Men Rebel was first published in 1970 after a decade of political violence across the world. Forty years later, serious conflicts continue in Africa, Asia and the Middle East. Ted Robert Gurr reintroduces us to his landmark work, putting it in context with the research it influenced as well as world events. Why Men Rebel remains highly relevant to today's violent and unstable world with its holistic, people-based understanding of the causes of political protest and rebellion. With its close eye on the politics of group identity, this book provides new insight into contemporary security challenges.

Transitions to Democracy: Toward a Dynamic Model

Abstract: I What conditions make democracy possible and what conditions make it thrive? Thinkers from Locke to Tocqueville and A. D. Lindsay have given many answers. Democracy, we are told, is rooted in man's innate capacity for self-government or in the Christian ethical or the Teutonic legal tradition. Its birthplace was the field at Putney where Cromwell's angry young privates debated their officers, or the more sedate House at Westminster, or the rock at Plymouth, or the forest cantons above Lake Lucerne, or the fevered brain of Jean Jacques Rousseau. Its natural champions are sturdy yeomen, or industrious merchants, or a prosperous middle class. It must be combined with strong local government, with a twoparty system, with a vigorous tradition of civil rights, or with a multitude of private associations. Recent writings of American sociologists and political scientists favor three types of explanation. One of these, proposed by Seymour Martin Lipset, Philips Cutright, and others, connects stable democracy with certain economic and social background conditions, such as high per capita income, widespread literacy, and prevalent urban residence. A second type of explanation dwells on the need for certain beliefs or psychological attitudes among the citizens. A long line of authors from Walter Bagehot to Ernest Barker has stressed the need for consensus as the basis of democracy-either in the form of a common belief in certain fundamentals or of procedural consensus on the rules of the game, which Barker calls "the Agreement to Differ." Among civic attitudes

Power and Poverty: Theory and Practice

Abstract: Preface Like so many of its kind, this book was hatched in the classroom. More than ten years in the making, it grew out of a jointly taught seminar at Bryn Mawr College for undergraduate students in political science and economics. The result of many hours of discussion, research, and refinement of written drafts, the book is truly a joint product. To put it another way, although our individual contributions are still identifiable in the final version, everything in the book bears both our imprints. Our original interest in the subject matter is well suggested by the title of our course, The Problem of Power in Contemporary Society. Intrigued by the controversy between "elitist" and "pluralist" students of community power, typified respectively by Floyd Hunter and Robert A. Dahl, we focused initially on the limitations of each approach. Out of this came our first joint article, "Two Faces of Power," reprinted almost unchanged as Chapter I of this book. The next step was definitional. Early on, we had been impressed with the many meanings assigned to power, meanings unstated as often as not. We also observed that the concepts of power, authority and influence were often used inter-changeably, leading to imprecision of analysis and, not seldom, confusion. The product of our musings along these lines was "Decisions and Nondecisions: An Analytical Framework," first published in 1963 and reprinted here in modified form in Chapter II and part of Chapter III. Neither of these articles attracted much attention at the time it first appeared. Within a few years, however, they "caught on," attracting both devotees and severe critics. The latter, by and large, acknowledged the theoretical significance of the nondecision concept, which is our major innovation, but they directed strong (and still continuing) fire at the empirical worth of the notion. How, they asked, can anyone establish the existence of a "non-event"? The criticism, though anticipated and though inappropriately put (nondecisions are anything but non-events), was basically well taken and had to be met. As soon as possible after each of us had fulfilled independent commitments of other kinds, we rejoined forces for an empirical analysis of the relationship between the anti-poverty effort and the political process in Baltimore, Maryland. Our chief objectives were: to clarify the concept of nondecision-making, demonstrate its empirical utility, and analyze the diverse means of exercise and the impact of power and its correlates in relationship to political ideology and institutions in a community undergoing change. The city of Baltimore was admirably suited to our purposes. Throughout the period of our field research, long-submerged tensions rose to the surface, culminating in a major race riot which signaled the beginning of an overt political conflict between leaders of "inner-city" blacks and white political elites. ……

On Limiting the Domain of Inequality

Abstract: THE most difficult issues of political economy are those where goals of efficiency, freedom of choice, and equality conflict. It is hard enough to propose an intellectually defensible compromise among them, even harder to find a politically viable compromise. These are ancient issues. The agenda of economics and politics have always featured policies whose effects on economic inequality and on efficiency in resource allocation are hopelessly intertwined. But it is only in the last five years that they have regained the center of attention of American economists, with whom stabilization, full employment, and growth took the highest priority for the preceding three decades. When a distinguished colleague in political science asked me about ten years ago why economists did not talk about the distribution of income any more, I followed my pro forma denial of his factual premise by replying that the potential gains to the poor from full employment and growth were much larger, and much less socially and politically divisive, than those from redistribution. One reason that distribution has returned to the forefront of professional and public attention is that great progress was made in the postwar period, and especially in the 1960's, toward solving the problems of full employment and growth. It is natural that debate should now focus on intrinsically harder issues of the composition and distribution of the national product, and it is also natural, though disappointing, to find people with short memories questioning whether full employment and growth ever were problems worth worrying about. There are of course other reasons for the recent shift of emphasis, notably the belated commitment of the society to racial equality and the diffuse concern for social justice that is one feature of the cultural revolution of the young. American attitudes toward economic inequality are complex. The egalitarian sentiments of contemporary college campuses are not necessarily shared by the not-so-silent majority. Our society, I believe, accepts and approves a large measure of inequality, even of inherited inequality. Americans commonly perceive differences of wealth and income as earned and

Sociologists, Economists, and Democracy

Abstract: "Rationalist theories of political behavior have recently risen in status to that of a new or, more accurately, rediscovered paradigm in the systematic study of politics. Brian Barry's short, provocative book played no small part in the debate that precipitated this shift. . . . Without reservation, Barry's treatise is the most lucid and most influential critique of two important, competing perspectives in political analysis: the 'sociological' school of Talcott Parsons, Gabriel Almond, and other so-called functionalists; and the 'economic' school of Anthony Downs and Mancur Olson, among others." Dennis J. Encarnation, "American Journal of Sociology""

The Study of Regional Integration: Reflections on the Joy and Anguish of Pretheorizing

Abstract: Why have we been studying something we call “regional integration” for about fifteen years ? We were stimulated by two otherwise unrelated trends: the flowering in the United States of systematic social science and the blooming in Europe of political efforts to build a united continent, to “integrate” Western Europe at least. But the story of integration encompassed a mixed bag of heroes ranging from such regional “integrators”as Napoleon Bonaparte and Simon Bolivar to nation-building statesmen such as Otto von Bismarck and Camillo Cavour. Some saw even in Adolf Hitler and Hideki Tojo certain characteristics of the political actor who seeks to integrate nations into a regional unit. Are we then studying any kind of political unification ?

Political Corruption: Readings in Comparative Analysis

Abstract: Corruption is once again high on the international policy agenda as a result of globalization, the spread of democracy, and major scandals and reform initiatives. But the concept itself has been a focus for social scientists for many years, and new findings and data take on richer meanings when viewed in the context of long-term developments and enduring conceptual debates. This compendium, a much-enriched version of a work that has been a standard reference in the field since 1970, offers concepts, cases, and fresh evidence for comparative analysis. Building on a nucleus of classic studies laying out the nature and development of the concept of corruption, the book also incorporates recent work on economic, cultural, and linguistic dimensions of the problem, as well as critical analyses of several approaches to reform. While many authors are political scientists, work by historians, economists, and sociologists are strongly represented. Two-thirds of the nearly fifty articles are based either on studies especially written or translated for this volume, or on selected journal literature published in the 1990s. The tendency to treat corruption as merely a synonym for bribery is illuminated by analyses of the diverse terminology and linguistic techniques that help distinguish corruption problems in the major languages. Recent attempts to measure corruption, and to analyze its causes and effects quantitatively are also critically examined. New contributions emphasize especially: corruption phenomena in Asia and Africa; contrasts among region and regime types; comparing U.S. state corruption incidence; European Party finance and corruption; assessments of international corruption rating project; analyses of international corruption control treaties; unintended consequences of anti-corruption efforts. Cumulatively, the book combines description richness, analytical thrust, conceptual awareness, and contextual articulation.

Dimensions of Political Alienation

Abstract: In recent years there has emerged in this country a radical questioning and rejection of established political institutions unparalleled since the Civil War in its intensity and scope. One objective indicator of this trend since World War II is the marked rise in voluntary renunciation of American citizenship, an act which represents the formal and final estrangement of the individual from his former political ties. Available evidence suggests that estrangement from the polity is also widespread in countries throughout the world as fundamental questions are being raised about the legitimacy of political institutions and political leadership.Attitudes toward the political system have long been a concern of political scientists. Major orienting theories of the political system suggest that citizen support plays a crucial role in determining the structure and processes of political systems. Almond and Verba, for example, use the concept “civic culture” to refer to a complex mix of attitudes and behaviors considered to be conducive to democratic government. Easton underscores the fundamental importance of attitudes for system stability, focusing especially on “diffuse support” as a prerequisite for the integration of political systems. He suggests that “(w)here the input of support falls below [a certain] minimum, the persistence of any kind of system will be endangered. A system will finally succumb unless it adopts measures to cope with the stress.”The conversion of these general theoretical ideas into systematic empirical theory requires further rigorous and comprehensive analyses of types of citizen support and the development of empirical indicators for this domain.

Obligations: Essays on Disobedience, War, and Citizenship

Abstract: * Introduction * Part 1: Disobedience *1. The Obligation to Disobey *2. Civil Disobedience and Corporate Authority *3. The Obligations of Oppressed Minorities * Appendix: On the Responsibility of Intellectuals * Part 2: War *4. The Obligation to Die for the State *5. Political Alienation and Military Service *6. Conscientious Objection *7. Prisoners of War: Does the Fight Continue After the Battle? * Part 3: Citizenship *8. The Obligation to Live for the State *9. Political Solidarity and Personal Honor *10. The Problem of Citizenship Appendix: Three Kinds of Citizenship *11. A Day in the Life of a Socialist Citizen * Index

I Get By With a Little Help From My Friends

Abstract: Ending the war in Vietnam, preventing similar conflicts elsewhere, solving the problems associated with the pollution of our environment, and securing a just domestic social order are among the most important political issues of our time. These issues have one characteristic in common: the securing (or non-securing) of these objectives will be shared by all citizens of the United States. Consequently, these and similar phenomena can be analyzed in terms of collective goods: goods that, if consumed by one member of a specified group, cannot be withheld from the other members. Indeed, much of politics can be seen to be concerned with the securing (or non-securing) of collective goods. The reason for this is well expressed by Mancur Olson:

Corruption and Political Development: A Cost–Benefit Analysis

Abstract: “Private Vices by the dextrous Management of a skillful Politician may be turned into Publick Benefits.”—Bernard Mandeville, 1714Corruption, some say, is endemic in all governments. Yet it has received remarkably little attention from students of government. Not only is the study of corruption prone to moralism, but it involves one of those aspects of government in which the interests of the politician and the political scientist are likely to conflict. It would probably be rather difficult to obtain (by honest means) a visa to a developing country which is to be the subject of a corruption study.One of the first charges levelled at the previous regime by the leaders of the coup in the less developed country is “corruption.” And generally the charge is accurate. One type of reaction to this among observers is highly moralistic and tends to see corruption as evil. “Throughout the fabric of public life in newly independent States,” we are told in a recent work on the subject, “runs the scarlet thread of bribery and corruption …” which is like a weed suffocating better plants. Another description of new states informs us that “corruption and nepotism rot good intentions and retard progressive policies.”Others have reacted against this moralistic approach and warn us that we must beware of basing our beliefs about the cause of coups on post-coup rationalizations, and also of judging the social consequences of an act from the motives of the individuals performing it. Under some circumstances Mandeville is right that private vice can cause public benefit.

Silent Surrender: The Multinational Corporation in Canada

Abstract: First published in 1970, Silent Surrender helped educate a generation of students about Canadian political economy. Kari Levitt details the historical background of foreign investments in Canada, their acceleration since World War II, and the nature of intrusions by multinational corporations into a sovereign state. Silent Surrender was prophetic in predicting that the ultimate consequence of relinquishing control of the Canadian economy to United States business interests would be political disintegration through the balkanization of the country and its eventual piecemeal absorption into the American imperial system. Republished with a new preface by noted scholar Mel Watkins and a postscript by the author, Silent Surrender's basic argument and underlying economic analysis remain remarkably fresh, particularly the question of whether cultural integration into continental American life has proceeded to a point where Canada is no longer a meaningful national community.

The Rise of Free Trade Imperialism: Classical Political Economy the Empire of Free Trade and Imperialism 1750–1850

Abstract: Preface 1. Introduction 2. Theory and politics of Free Trade Empire in the eighteenth century 3. The agrarian critique and the emergence of orthodoxy 4. The third school: Wakefield and the radical economists 5. The Wakefield program for middle-class empire 6. Parliament, political economy, and the Workshop of the World 7. Cobdenism and the 'dismal science' 8. Mercantilist revival 9. Classical political economy, the Empire of Free Trade, and imperialism Selected Bibliography Index.

Politics, Position, and Power: The Dynamics of Federal Organization

Abstract: The fifth edition of this classic work identifies and analyses the implications of the shift toward administration of federal programs by third parties such as state and local governments, non-profit corporations, and private institutions. Seidman demonstrates how control of regulations, rather than structure, has become the centre of the struggle for position and power. Through this portrayal, Seidman shows how the courts have become primary actors in the administration process. Completely updated and revised to cover the Bush and Clinton administrations, this new edition is essential for understanding the changing nature of government and public administration today.

The Irish Education Experiment: The National System of Education in the Nineteenth Century

Abstract: This volume focuses on the creation, structure and evolution of the Irish national system of education. It illustrates how the system was shaped by the religious, social and political realities of nineteenth century Ireland and discusses the effects that the system had upon the Irish nation: namely that it was the chief means by which the country was transformed from one in which illiteracy predominated to one in which most people, even the poorest, could read and write.

Caste in Modern India

Abstract: IT IS my aim in this essay' to marshal evidence to show that during the last century or more, the institution of caste has found new fields of activity. The manner in which the British transferred political power to the Indians enabled caste to assume political functions. In independent India, the provision of constitutional safeguards to the backward sections of the population, especially the Scheduled Castes and Tribes, has given a new lease of life to caste. It is hardly necessary to add that this contrasts with the aim of bringing about a casteless and classless society which most political parties, including the Indian National Congress, profess. The political system of pre-British India was characterized by clear territorial cleavages marking off the territory of one chieftain or raja from the territories of others. Usually, above the chieftain or the raja, there was the viceroy of an emperor or the emperor himself, and below the chief were the headmen of single villages. The boundaries of a chief's or raja's domain were mobile, being subject to expansion or contraction depending upon the military prowess of the chief vis-a-vis other chiefs, and also upon the firmness with which the viceroy or emperor exercised his control. However, while the boundaries were mobile over a period of time, at any single moment they constituted effective barriers between people living in different chiefdoms. Such a political system naturally imposed severe limits on the horizontal extension of caste ties. In short, political frontiers determined the effective, if not the maximum, social space of each caste living within them.2 The fact that over a period of time the boundaries were mobile meant that cultural ties frequently cut across the existing political boundaries. The coincidence of the cultural and political frontiers, a principle which is explicitly recognized in the Report of the States Reorganization Commission, is, on the whole, a new event in Indian history. A natural consequence of the territorial limits imposed by the political system on the horizontal tendency of castes was the stimulus it gave to castes living in an area to co-operate with each other. Occupational specialization stressed this

Political Trust and Racial Ideology

Abstract: No government yet established has had the loyalty and trust of all its citizens. Regardless of the popularity of its leaders or how careful they are in soliciting opinions and encouraging participation in the process of policy-making, there are always those who see inequalities and injustices in the society and harbor suspicions of the government's motives and intentions. Resentment and distrust are elements of disaffection and the first step toward resistance. Therefore, even the most dictatorial governments have usually striven to increase their credibility and popularity. For democratic governments, however, the problem of combating distrust and encouraging voluntary acceptance of its institutions and decisions is a paramount concern. One of democratic theory's distinctive characteristics is its strong emphasis on voluntary consent, both as a basis of political obligation and as a central attribute of citizenship. The concern expressed by democratic thinkers about the elements of due process and the protection of opportunities for widespread participation is directed toward the creation of citizens who voluntarily accept the society's goals; “the demand for consent is the demand that the government must be more than self-appointed and must, in some significant way, be the chosen instrument through which the body politic and community acts ….” Democracy's guiding ideal is the substitution of mutual understanding and agreement for coerciveness and arbitrary authority in all phases of social and political life. The existence of distrustful citizens who are convinced that the government serves the interests of a few rather than the interests of all is a barrier to the realization of the democratic ideal.

Personality and Politics: Problems of Evidence, inference, and Conceptualization

Abstract: It is widely recognized that politics often is profoundly shaped by the personalities of the actors in the political process. Yet the scholarly literature on "personality and politics" is one of the most vexed, controversial, and methodologically gnarled bodies of inquiry in the social sciences. The author of this book, an acknowledged authority in the field, attempts to lay out conceptual and methodological standards for carrying out personality-and-politics inquiries-ranging from psychological case studies of single actors, through multi-case analyses of types of political actors, to aggregative analyses of the impact of individuals and types of individuals on political systems and processes. For the Norton Library edition, Professor Greenstein has written an introduction dealing with current issues and examples.

A history of Brazil

Abstract: List of IllustrationsAcknowledgmentsIntroduction1. Interactions: New Challenges and ContinuitiesThe LandThe IndianThe EuropeanDiscovery and ChallengesPatterns for the Future2. The Colonial ExperienceSocial AmalgamationTerritorial ExpansionEconomic and Political Dependency3. Nation BuildingPsychological and Intellectual Formation of NationhoodThe Braganzas in BrazilPolitical IndependenceChaos Into Order4. Modernization and ContinuityCoffee as a Motor of ChangeMaterial TransformationProgress and DependencyStatesmen and Diplomats5. Change and ContinuityNew Social Groups and New IdeasAbolition, Immigration, and LaborThe Middle Groups and the MilitaryIncorporating Rural Folk into Capitalism6. The New BrazilThe Old Republic AscendingThe Triumph of DiplomacyExploiting the AmazonThe Decline of the Old Republic7. The Challenge of ChangeNew Themes in HistoryIntellectual and Political FermentShifting Patterns of PowerNationalism and Industrialization8. Reform, Radicalization, and ReactionDemocratizationDevelopmental NationalismsGrowing PainsA Political SurpriseThe Promise or Threat of Reform9. The Past as PresentMilitary DictatorshipThe Masquerade of DemocracyFrontiers of ChallengeAppendix 1: Chiefs of State of BrazilAppendix 2: A Chronology of Significant Dates in Brazilian HistoryA Glossary of Portuguese Words Used in the TextThe Novel as History: A Bibliographic EssayIndex

The American Constitution;: Its Origins and Development

Abstract: The hallmarks of this authoritative text have been strengthened throughout: its clear exposition of judicial rulings and their significance, its even-handed discussion of larger trends in American constitutional history, and a broad approach that brings politics and social developments to bear on constitutional cases. The Seventh Edition also takes account of the major constitutional developments of the 1980s: the constitutional implications of divided government-situation in which rival parties respectively control the presidency and the Congress; the controversies over abortion, affirmative action, and issues of free speech; the general debate over original intent and constitutional change.

Political Integration as a Multidimensional Phenomenon Requiring Multivariate Measurement

Abstract: I view international political integration as a distinctive aspect of the more inclusive process (international integration, generally) whereby larger groupings emerge or are created among nations without the use of violence. Such groupings can be said to exist at a variety of different analytical levels. At each level we can conceive of a number of nations linked to each other in certain salient ways. For example, their populations may be linked by feelings of mutual amity, confidence, and identification. Or their leaders may hold more or less reliable expectations, which may or may not be shared by the populations, that common problems will be resolved without recourse to large-scale violence. Or a grouping might be defined as an area which is characterized by intense concentrations of economic exchange or the free circulation of productive factors (labor, capital, services). In describing these phenomena we speak of social community, security community, and of economic union. Political integration can be said to occur when the linkage consists of joint participation in regularized, ongoing decisionmaking. The perspective taken here is that international political integration involves a group of nations coming to regularly make and implement binding public decisions by means of collective institutions and/or processes rather than by formally autonomous national means. Political integration implies that a number of governments begin to create and to use common resources to be committed in the pursuit of certain common objectives and that they do so by foregoing some of the factual attributes of sovereignty and decisionmaking autonomy, in contrast to more classical modes of cooperation such as alliances or international organizations.

The Recruitment of Political Leaders: A Study of Citizen-Politicians

Abstract: This study is based on data collected by the City Council Research Project, Stanford University. The project was concerned with decision making in small, natural-state legislative groups, legislative behavior within the city council, the kinds of people who become members of the city council, how they are chosen, how they learn their jobs, and the many problems they have to deal with.

The Irony of Democracy: An Uncommon Introduction to American Politics

Abstract: A study of American government In this eleventh edition, Thomas Dye again presents an unrepentant elitist approach to American democracy, contending that it is the elites, and not the masses, that govern the country While the theme of the text may be uncommon, Dye provides a solid introduction to American government and politics through contrasting elite theory to democratic theory and to modern pluralist political theory in examinations of the US Constitution, political history, power structures, public opinion, mass media, elections, parties, interest groups, the Presidency, Congress, the Bureaucracy, and more The text strongly encourages students to formulate their own political views, and to decide for themselves whether elite theory indeed applies