Showing papers on "Politics published in 1972"

Participation in America : Political Democracy and Social Equality

Abstract: "Participation in America" represents the largest study ever conducted of the ways in which citizens participate in American political life. Sidney Verba and Norman H. Nie addresses the question of who participates in the American democratic process, how, and with what effects. They distinguish four kinds of political participation: voting, campaigning, communal activity, and interaction with a public official to achieve a personal goal. Using a national sample survey and interviews with leaders in 64 communities, the authors investigate the correlation between socioeconomic status and political participation. Recipient of the Kammerer Award (1972), "Participation in America" provides fundamental information about the nature of American democracy.

World Handbook of Political and Social Indicators

Abstract: Published in: American Journal of Political Science , Vol. 41, No. A Political Handbook of the World. World Handbook of Political and Social Indicators. He holds a B.A. from Swarthmore College and the M.A. and Ph.D. in political science The World Handbook of Political and Social Indicators (1972, co-author). essay M g school class as a social system, Parsons (1959) explicated two functions of Jodice D A 1983 World Handbook of Political and Social Indicators.

Patron-Client Politics and Political Change in Southeast Asia

Abstract: The analysis presented here is an effort to elaborate the patron-client model of association, developed largely by anthropologists, and to demonstrate its applicability to political action in Southeast Asia. Inasmuch as patron-client structures are not unique to Southeast Asia but are much in evidence, particularly in Latin America, in Africa, and in less developed portions of Europe, the analysis may possibly have more general value for understanding politics in preindustrial societies. After defining the nature of patron-client ties and distinguishing them from other social ties, the paper discriminates among patron-client ties to establish the most important dimensions of variation, examines both the survival and transformations in patron-client links in Southeast Asia since colonialism and the impact of major social changes such as the growth of markets, the expanded role of the state, and the creation of local regimes. Finally, the paper shows how patron-client bonds interact with electoral politics to create distributive pressures which, in turn, often lead to inflationary fiscal policies and vulnerability of regimes to losses of revenue.

Political Clientelism and Ethnicity in Tropical Africa:* Competing Solidarities in Nation-Building

Abstract: The concept of political clientelism is one if the few genuinely crosscultural concepts available to political scientists for the comparative study of transitional systems. As a descriptive concept, political clientelism helps us uncover patterns of relationships which deviate markedly from those ordinarily associated with class or ethnicity. As an analytic concept political clientelism provides crucial insights into the internal dynamics of social and political change. Moreover, if, as some contend, patterns of resource allocation are more meaningful indicators of political development than their conceptual opposites, political clientelism may well supply the critical “missing link” between micro- and macro-sociological or system-centered theories of political development.

American Business and Public Policy: The politics of foreign trade

Abstract: American Business and Public Policy is a study of the politics of foreign trade. It challenges fifty years of writ-ing on pressure politics. It includes nine hundred interviews with heads of corporations, including 166 of the 200 largest corporations; another 500 interviews with congressmen, lob-byists, journalists, and opinion leaders; and eight community studies making this book the most intensive survey in print of the politics of business. It is a realistic behavioral examination of a major type of economic decision. The authors introduce their study with a history of the tariff as a political issue in American politics and a history of American tariff legislation in the years from Europe's trade recovery under the Marshall Plan to the challenge of the Common Market. They examine in succession the changing attitudes of the general public and the political actions of the business community, the lobbies, and Congress. American Business and Public Policy is a contribution to social theory in several of its branches. It is a contribution to understanding the business community, to the social psychol-ogy of communication and attitude change, to the study of political behavior in foreign policy. American Business and Public Policy is at once a study of a classic issue in American politics-the tariff; decision-making, particularly the relation of economic to social-psycho-logical theories of behavior; business communication-what businessmen read about world affairs, what effect foreign travel has on them, where they turn for political advice, and how they seek political help; pressure politics, lobbying, and the Congressional process.

Wittgenstein and Justice: On the Significance of Ludwig Wittgenstein for Social and Political Thought

Abstract: Hanna Pitkin argues that Wittgenstein's later philosophy offers a revolutionary new conception of language, and hence a new and deeper understanding of ourselves and the world of human institutions and action.

Sitting on a Man: Colonialism and the Lost Political Institutions of Igbo Women

Abstract: Colonialism resulted in the loss of political position and power for Igbo women in Nigeria; the Victorian assumption on the part of the British colonial administrators that women were incapable of political leadership resulted in the failure of the administrators to preceive the traditional role played by women in Ibgo political life and eventually led to the British imposition of political institutions on the Igbo which provided political roles for men only. In the traditional culture there was a balance of power between men and women. Issues relevant to men were decided by concensus of all the men in the village. Women ran their affairs through the womens town meeting where they also arrived at decisions through consensus on such matters as trade farming and family relationships. If the womens decisions were not accepted by the men the women took group action such as publicly berating a man or beating on his house until he repented or by conducting a village-wide cooking strike if the men refused to clear the paths to the market. These forms of collective action were referred to as sitting on a man or "making war on the man" and were viewed as legitimate by the men in the community. When the British extended their control over Igbo they viewed the diffuse authority patterns of the Igbo as a sign of anarchy and proceeded to divide up the region into districts and arbitrarily appoint natives usually someone predisposed to the British position as the warrent chief for the district. These chiefs were given complete authority and the traditional decision making power for both sexes was ignored. The women responded by holding a town meeting and deciding to "make war" on the repressive warrant chiefs. In towns throughout the region the women congregated at the administrative centers burned the buildings and berated the new chiefs. The British responded in typically ethnocentric fashion; they failed to perceive the traditional system at work and quelled what they considered to simply be unruly mob behavior. Later reforms lead to the restoration of political pwer for Lgbo men but not for the women. Missionaries also contributed to the decline in political power for women. They viewed the womens town meeting as a pagan ritual and reserved job related education for Igbo men only.

The Politics of Heroin in Southeast Asia

Abstract: But there was a large group of friends who cooperated with us, and we with them, in uncovering the political dimensions of the international heroin traffic. There are many persons in Southeast Asia who helped us immeasurably by supplying us with firsthand accounts of incidents and other "inside" information whose names may not be mentioned out of respect for their personal safety, but whose assistance is greatly appreciated. This group includes students, past and present government officials, law enforcement personnel, and journalists.

The politics of expertise

Abstract: not even have been fully aware of the extent of this consistency of method’’ (p. 2). Schermer and Jary believe that Wechselwirkung (‘‘reciprocal effect’’) is the key to understanding Simmel’s thoroughgoing dialectics when analyzing social interaction. Previous Simmelians have noted his penchant for ‘‘the dialectic’’ as a favored form of societal interpretation, and they fall into two opposing camps: for some, like the authors of this book, Simmel’s dialectical analysis is a virtue, giving his interpretation of social life a vitality and credibility lacking in most other classical theorists; for others, it shows that Simmel was indeed a flaneur, a virtuoso of the light, telling touch but incapable of the theoretical body blow routinely ministered by Marx, Durkheim, or Weber. He seems literally and figuratively a ‘‘light-weight’’ theorist quite by intention. As Levine pointed out long ago, Simmel had to earn his professorial income by charming the large audiences who bought admission tickets to his performances, and the pressure to entertain while also edifying dictated to some extent his choice of materials to dissect. Frisby borrowed directly from Walter Benjamin’s approach to Baudelaire when he characterized Simmel’s achievements as being those of a ‘‘roving sketcher of city life’’ (p. 11), or, worse yet, a dilettante, ‘‘salon entertainer,’’ or ‘‘bourgeois aesthete.’’ Schermer and Jary will have none of this. Their detailed study offers a short biography of Simmel that serves as preliminary to extended studies of his ‘‘model and method’’ (p. 13) by bringing forward his more famous studies of social interaction: fashion, the poor, and the secret (Chapters Three to Five, pp. 83–164). Following this rigorous hermeneutic, the authors venture into terra incognita, the most innovative and probably most valuable part of the book, wherein they take apart Simmel’s way of understanding ‘‘the absolute and the relative,’’ his use of social fictions as proposed by Hans Vaihinger’s ‘‘philosophy of ‘as if,’’’ and, most intriguingly, a claimed kinship between Simmel’s sociology and Darwin’s theories culminating in a ‘‘Simmel-Darwin model’’ (p. 227). The book concludes with a summary of Simmel’s contemporary relevance and a very full bibliography that will likely supersede others. If this book were to be issued in paperback, it would likely find an appreciative audience among the growing number of younger theorists coming to terms with Simmel’s genius for the first time.

In Defence of Politics

Abstract: Preface to the Fifth Edition Acknowledgements 1. The Nature of Political Rule 2. A Defence of Politics Against Ideology 3. A Defence of Politics Against Democracy 4. A Defence of Politics against Nationalism 5. A Defence of Politics Against Technology 6. A Defence of Politics Against False Friends The non-political conservative The a-political liberal The anti-political socialist 7. In Praise of Politics Three Footnotes A Footnote to Rally the Academic Professors of politics (1964) A Footnote to Rally Fellow Socialists (1982) A Final Footnote to Rally Those Who Grudge the Price (1992) Epilogue (2000)

On the Concept of Ideology in Political Science

Abstract: Although the term “ideology” is ubiquitous in modern political discourse, it is used in diverse and usually ambiguous ways which limit its value as an analytical concept. The main ambiguity arises from the fact that, as most writers use it, the concept of ideology does not provide criteria for distinguishing ideological thought from nonideological thought. Lacking this power to make concrete discriminations, the concept fails to achieve empirical relevance. This paper attempts to remedy that deficiency and save the concept of ideology for the explanation of politics. The problem of conceptualization is approached by viewing ideology primarily as a cultural phenomenon. As such, it is argued, ideology has characteristics that distinguish it from other symbol systems. Of special importance in this regard is the identification of basic differentia between ideology on the one hand, and myth and Utopia (with which ideology is often confused) on the other. The features of ideology identified in this comparative analysis are then discussed in fuller detail with a view to understanding (1) the significance of ideology in politics, and (2) the way in which the concept of ideology can help us to understand politics, insofar as politics involves ideology.

The Muslims of British India

Abstract: Dr Hardy has attempted a general history of British India's Muslims with a deeper perspective. He shows how the interplay of memories of past Muslim supremacy, Islamic religious aspirations and modern Muslim social and economic anxieties with the political needs of the alien ruling power gradually fostered a separate Muslim politics. Dr Hardy argues (contrary to the usual view) that Muslims were able to take political initiatives because, in the region of modern Uttar Pradesh, British rule before 1857 and even the events of the Mutiny and Rebellion of 1857–8 had not been economically disastrous for most of them. He stresses the force of religion in the growth of Muslim political separatism, showing how the 'modernists' kept the conversation among Muslims within Islamic postulates and underlining the role of the traditional scholars in heightening popular religious feeling. Regarding any sense of Muslim political unity and nationhood as an outcome of the period of British rule, Dr Hardy shows the limitations and frailty of that unity and nationhood by 1947.

Political Feasibility and Policy Analysis

Abstract: study as a prelude to action is becoming the norm. In short, Frederick Taylor seems to be vindicated. Well not quite. As James Schlesinger put it: "In principle, everyone is for analysis; in practice, there is no certainty that it will be incorporated in the real-world decision process."2 After a number of years of working with this real-world decision process, Charles Schultze reflected that "what we can do best analytically we find hardest to achieve politically."3 Obviously, if analysis is to be worthwhile, it cannot go the way of planning activities where studies sit on the shelf and gather dust because of lost political opportunities. Like the multitude of salmon that set out

Crises of the Republic : lying in politics, civil disobedience, on violence, thoughts on politics and revolution

Abstract: crises of the republic lying in politics civil disobedience on violence thoughts on politics and revolution by is one of the very best seller books worldwide? Have you had it? Not? Silly of you. Currently, you can get this impressive book merely here. Find them is style of ppt, kindle, pdf, word, txt, rar, and zip. How? Just download or even read online in this website. Now, never ever late to read this crises of the republic lying in politics civil disobedience on violence thoughts on politics and revolution.

Politics in plural societies

Abstract: This course explores the inter-relationship between the individual, the plurality of groups, and the state. We shall discuss theoretical approaches to the construction, mobilization, and accommodation of plural identities in diverse polities. The first part of the course discusses the relationship between state-formation, governance, public policies, and conflict through the lenses of gender, race and ethnicity. The second part of the course studies some of the responses to cultural diversity. Is recognition of cultural groups desirable? What should be the extent and scope of cultural rights? What factors explain the successes and failures of institutional arrangements in varied empirical locations? The course draws upon debates and literature across sub-fields and disciplines.

Political socialization in the american family: the evidence re-examined

Abstract: Most studies in the past have found substantial correspondence between the political beliefs of an "offspring" and a "parental" generation-a fact which has led many writers to locate the primary source of political socialization in the family. R. W. Connell, who is Lecturer in Government at the University of Sydney, re-examines the evidence leading to this conclusion, and finds it less than persuasive.

A Test of a Partial Theory of Potential for Political Violence

Abstract: Potential for political violence is defined by a summated scale built from two cumulative scales measuring approval of and readiness to engage in behaviors which constitute progressively greater challenge to a political regime. A prevalent explanation of potential for political violence proposes that the major direct antecedent is relative deprivation. The partial theory proposed here does not assign a central role to relative deprivation; rather, diffuse support for the political authority structure, and belief that political violence has led to goal attainment in the past, are proposed as major direct antecedents. Relative deprivation is denned by position on the Cantril Self-Anchoring scale with respect to three welfare values. The measure of diffuse affect for the political authority structure is a weighted summation of items measuring the degree to which political authorities are believed to wield power honestly, benevolently, and justly. Belief that political violence has led to goal attainment is denned as a summation of items measuring the degree to which the use of political violence by dissident groups is thought to have been helpful. The data base is a sample of a population in which instances of political violence have been frequent in the past. A linear additive model of Potential for Political Violence, with Trust in Political Authorities and Efficacy of Past Violence as describing variables, shows an accuracy of prediction which is satisfactory and superior to that yielded by a multiplicative model.

Constitutions of the countries of the world

Abstract: For over 30 years, "CCW" has distinguished itself as the gold standard for full-text, integrated versions of 192 country constitutions, translated into English by constitutional scholars familiar with the legal systems, judicial language, and official language of the foreign jurisdictions they cover. Complementing the official documents are Introductory and Comparative Notes that examine recent amendments and highlight pertinent historical, political and economic factors. Where especially useful, a summary of topics treated is provided as well, helping the reader zero in on the most relevant articles of the constitution quickly. In some cases a chronology is also provided. Its clear and easy organization makes this set a pleasure to use. Constitutions are arranged alphabetically by country name, with each country housed in a self-contained pamphlet. Painstakingly translated, comprehensively annotated and clearly organized, this collection provides lawyers, scholars and students with an ideal tool for comparative research in constitutional law, history, and politics. It is updated approximately eight times per year.

Elections and Politics in Single-party Systems: the Case of Kenya and Tanzania

Abstract: This paper sets out to consider two related questions: the significance of elections in single-party systems in underdeveloped countries, and the kind of study which political scientists have made of such elections.1

The causes of the English Revolution 1529-1642

Abstract: Dividing the nation and causing massive political change, the English Civil War remains one of the most decisive and dramatic conflicts of English history. Lawrence Stone's account of the factors leading up to the deposition of Charles I in 1642 is widely regarded as a classic in the field. Brilliantly synthesising the historical, political and sociological interpretations of the seventeeth century, Stone explores theories of revolution and traces the social and economic change that led to this period of instability. The picture that emerges is one where historical interpretation is enriched but not determined by grand theories in the social sciences and, as Stone elegantly argues, one where the upheavals of the seventeenth century are central to the very story of modernity. This Routledge Classics edition includes a new foreword by Clare Jackson, Trinity Hall, Cambridge.

Dilemmas of social reform: poverty and community action in the United States

Abstract: This title is a classic work on social reform. It is an account of the origins and development of community action from its beginnings in the Ford Foundation Gray Area Programs and the President's Committee on Juvenile Delinquency, through the rise and decline of the War on Poverty and the Model Cities program. In the ruthlessly impartial examination of various poverty programs, two social scientists one British, one American-explain why programs of such size and complexity have only a minimal chance of success. They describe the realities of reform and point up how the conservatism of bureaucracy, the rivalries among political and administrative jurisdictions, and the apathy of the poor have often hindered national and local efforts. On the other hand, they show how these obstacles can be overcome by an imaginative combination of leadership, democratic participation, and scientific analysis.

Conquest and Consent: Thomas Hobbes and the Engagement Controversy

Abstract: The opening months of 1649 saw the climax of the revolution staged by the Independent Party. The king was executed, the House of Lords abolished, the Commonwealth of England proclaimed. This outcome, however, was far more radical than most of the moderates in the Presbyterian Party had wanted, and far more revolutionary than the instinctive royalism of most Englishmen could readily countenance. One of the most immediate tasks of the new government was thus to persuade such moderate and hostile groups that the revolution was really over. They had to be given reasons for obeying and submitting to the newly established Commonwealth rather than trying to continue the fight. There was a need, in short, for a theory of political obligation in terms of which the new government might be legitimated. And it was clear that any such theory would in turn need to satisfy two contrasting conditions. It would need to be couched in a sufficiently familiar form to be acceptable to Presbyterian and even Royalist opinion. But it also needed to be capable of performing the revolutionary task of justifying the duty to obey a merely de facto and usurping political power.