Showing papers on "Politics published in 1984"

Strong Democracy: Participatory Politics for a New Age

Abstract: Preface to the Twentieth Anniversary Edition Acknowledgments Preface to the 1990 Edition Preface to the 1984 Edition Part I. Thin Democracy: The Argument Against Liberalism 1. Thin Democracy: Politics as Zookeeping 2. The Preconceptual Frame: Newtonian Politics 3. The Epistemological Frame: Cartesian Politics 4. The Psychological Frame: Apolitical Man 5. Thin Democracy in the Twentieth Century: The Potential for Pathology Part II. Strong Democracy: The Argument for Citizenship 6. Strong Democracy: Politics as a Way of Living 7. A Conceptual Frame: Politics in the Participatory Mode 8. Citizenship and Participation: Politics as Epistemology 9. Citizenship and Community: Politics as Social Being 10. The Real Present: Institutionalizing Strong Democracy in the Modern World Index

Spheres Of Justice: A Defense Of Pluralism And Equality

Abstract: * Complex Equality * Membership * Security and Welfare * Money and Commodities * Office * Hard Work * Free Time * Education * Kinship and Love * Divine Grace * Recognition * Political Power * Tyrannies and Just Societies

Southern Politics in State and Nation

Abstract: More than thirty years after its original publication, V. O. Key's classic remains the most influential book on its subject. Its author, one of the nation's most astute observers, drew on more than five hundred interviews with Southerners to illuminate the political process in the South and in the nation.Key's book explains party alignments within states, internal factional competition, and the influence of the South upon Washington. It also probes the nature of the electorate, voting restrictions, and political operating procedures. This reprint of the original edition includes a new introduction by Alexander Heard and a profile of the author by William C. Havard. "A monumental accomplishment in the field of political investigation." Hodding Carter, New York Times "The raw truth of southern political behavior." C. Vann Woodward, Yale Review "[This book] should be on the 'must' list of any student of American politics." Ralph J. Bunche V.O. Key (1908-1963) taught political science at the University of California, Los Angeles, and at Johns Hopkins, Yale, and Harvard universities. He was president of the American Political Science Association and author of numerous books, including American State Politics: An Introduction (1956); Public Opinion and American Democracy (1961); and The Responsible Electorate (1966)."

Under Western Eyes: Feminist Scholarship and Colonial Discourses

Abstract: It ought to be of some political significance at least that the term 'colonization' has come to denote a variety of phenomena in recent feminist and left writings in general. From its analytic value as a category of exploitative economic exchange in both traditional and contemporary Marxisms (cf. particularly such contemporary scholars as Baran, Amin and Gunder-Frank) to its use by feminist women of colour in the US, to describe the appropriation of their experiences and struggles by hegemonic white women's movements,' the term 'colonization' has been used to characterize everything from the most evident economic and political hierarchies to the production of a particular cultural discourse about what is called the 'Third World.'2 However sophisticated or problematical its use as an explanatory construct, colonization almost invariably implies a relation of structural domination, and a discursive or political suppression of the heterogeneity of the subject(s) in question. What I wish to analyse here specifically is the production of the 'Third World Woman' as a singular monolithic subject in some recent (western) feminist texts. The definition of colonization I invoke is a predominantly discursive one, focusing on a certain mode of appropriation and codification of 'scholarship' and 'knowledge' about women in the third world by particular analytic categories employed in writings on the subject which take as their primary point of reference feminist interests as they have been articulated in the US and western Europe. My concern about such writings derives from my own implication and investment in contemporary debates in feminist theory, and the urgent political necessity of forming strategic coalitions across class, race and national boundaries. Clearly, western feminist discourse and political practice is neither singular nor homogeneous in its goals, interests or analyses. However, it is possible to trace a coherence of

Contradictions of the welfare state

Abstract: Claus Offe is one of the leading social scientists working in Germany today, and his work, particularly on the welfare state, has been enormously influential both in Europe and the United States "Contradictions of the Welfare State" is the first collection of Offe's essays to appear in a single volume in English, and it contains a selection of his most important recent work on the breakdown of the post-war settlement The political writings in this book are primarily concerned with the origins of the present difficulties - what Offe calls the 'crises of crisis management' - of welfare capitalist states He indicates why in the present period, these states are no longer capable of fully managing the socio-political problems and conflicts generated by late capitalist societies and discusses the viability of New Right, corporatist, and democratic socialist proposals for restructuring the welfare state The book also offers fresh and penetrating insights into a range of other subjects, including social movements, political parties, law, social policy, and labor markets There is an interview with Claus Offe, prepared especially for this volume, and a substantial introductory chapter by John Keane which links the essays and explores Offe's central themes Claus Offe has researched and lectured widely throughout Europe and North America and is Professor in the Faculty of Sociology at the University of Bielefeld John Keane is an editor of Telos and Senior Lecturer in Political Theory and Sociology at the Polytechnic of Central London This book is included in the series, Studies in Contemporary German Social Thought, edited by Thomas McCarthy

The origins of the civil rights movement: Black communities organizing for change

Abstract: This important and provocative book reflects a trend in recent scholarship concerning the modern struggles for black advancement. Scholars have increasingly moved from a national to a local perspective in their effort to understand the momentous changes in American racial relations since 1954. The newer scholarship has begun to examine the distinctive qualities of the local black movements that both grew out of and spurred the campaign for national civil rights laws. Earlier studies have told us much about nationally prominent civil rights leaders such as King, but only recently have scholars begun to portray the southern black struggle as a locally based social movement with its own objectives instead of merely as a source of mass enthusiasm to be mobilized and manipulated by the national leaders. In short, what has been called the civil rights movement is now understood as more than an effort to achieve civil rights reforms. Revisionist scholarship such as Morris's has challenged many widely held assumptions regarding black activism of the 1950's and 1960's. In the 1960's, black activism was usually categorized with other forms of collective behavior, which were seen as ephemeral outbursts of emotions. In this view, protest activity was an expression of the yearning of blacks to realize a longstanding civil rights reform agenda and thereby become part of the American mainstream. While recognizing that black protesters were impatient with the pace of racial change and with the caution of NAACP leaders, scholars nevertheless assumed that the political significance of mass militancy was limited. Mass militancy merely gauged integrationist sentiments among blacks and allowed national civil rights leaders to demonstrate the urgency of their concerns. Only such leaders, it was assumed, possessed the political sophistication and access to institutionalized power that was necessary to transform amorphous racial frustrations and resentments into an effective force for social reform. Most early studies of the civil rights movement gave little at-

Abortion and the politics of motherhood

Abstract: In this important study of the abortion controversy in the United States, Kristin Luker examines the issues, people, and beliefs on both sides of the abortion conflict. She draws data from twenty years of public documents and newspaper accounts, as well as over two hundred interviews with both pro-life and pro-choice activists. She argues that moral positions on abortion are intimately tied to views on sexual behavior, the care of children, family life, technology, and the importance of the individual.

The language of ideology

Abstract: Even in a relatively quiet and sober decade, such as the seventies, one can hardly subscribe to Daniel Belt's evidently premature judgment about "the end of ideology". Ideologies may no longer sound so biased, militant and aggressive as in the days of the Cold War, but they still dominate the whole world of politics and culture. Humankind is still divided into ideologically exclusive camps. Many economic, political and ecological problems cannot be solved in optimal ways for ideological reasons. Rather than withering away, ideologies tend to multiply and grow in complexity. In addition to traditional class struggles, new conflicts break out and new social movements have been generated: those of rebellious youth, oppressed races, women, national and religious communities. Each of them tends to create a new ideology: the New Left, feminism, black racism as opposed to white racism, various forms of nationalism, and of (Zionist and Islamic) religious ideology. Philosophy was never able to preserve its purity from various ideological intrusions. On the contrary, it was philosophers who pro vided theoretical foundations for all three of the most important political ideologies of our times: liberalism, Marxism and fascism. And it could be shown that even the most strictly anti-metaphysical, anti-speculative, consequently anti-ideological contemporary trend that of analytical philosophy tacitly assumes some of the basic premises of liberalism. Now when analytical philosophy is opened up for historical study and value judgments, it will even less be able to keep its distance from ideological considerations. And yet philosophy, because of its commitment to unbiased thinking and universal values, is better equipped than any other form of inquiry to provide a critique of ideology and ideological reasoning. The first question we have to discuss is then the following: What is ideology? How can it be distinguished from philosophy, science, and rhetorics? What are the basic logical characteristics of the language of ideology?

Left Right Political Scales - Some Expert Judgments

Abstract: nations, usually measured in terms ‘of some more or less explicit Left-Right ideological scale. The need for such classification is quite apparent in the plethora of studies attempting to evaluate the relationship of political parties to public policy outcomes. In virtually all such research, Left parties are distinguished from all other parties (see, for example, Hewitt, 1977; Tufte, 1979), while in a few, the focus is tighter, with Castles (1978; 1982) discussing the role of Right and Centre parties and Cameron (1982), in addition, examining the impact of Christian Democratic parties. Once the problem of classification is more complex than distinguishing the Left from the rest, it becomes necessary to locate the political positions of parties on some sort of uni- dimensional or multidimensional scale, where the dimensions are related to the explanations being offered for public policy variation. The location of political position is also crucial in a range of more descriptive studies of shifting electoral allegiances. Clearly, the problem is minimized when describing shifts between individual parties, but when the intention is to assess shifts between ideologically defined blocks or ‘tendances’, it again becomes necessary to locate parties

Capture and Ideology in the Economic Theory of Politics

Abstract: The economic theory of regulation long ago put public interest theories of politics to rest. These theories have correctly been viewed as normative wishings, rather than explanations of real world phenomena. They have been replaced by models of political behavior that are consistent with the rest of microeconomics (Anthony Downs, 1957; James Buchanan and Gordon Tullock, 1965; George Stigler, 1971; Sam Peltzman, 1976). Recently, however, debate has arisen over whether some version of a public interest theory of regulation will have to be readmitted to our thinking about actions and results in the political arena. What is at issue is the empirical importance of the altruistic, publicly interested goals of rational actors in determining legislative and regulatory outcomes (James Kau and Paul Rubin, 1979; Kalt, 1981; Peltzman, 1982). This study assesses the nature and significance of publicly interested objectives in a particular instance of economic policymaking: U.S. Senate voting on coal strip-mining regulations. The existence of such objectives is, of course, no contradiction of the economic view of human behavior (Kenneth Arrow, 1972; Gary Becker, 1974); and may well be rooted in genetic-biological history (Becker, 1976; Jack Hirshleifer, 1978). Generally, however, individuals' altruistic, publicly interested goals have been given little attention. This reflects the judgment that such goals are so empirically unimportant as to allow the use of Occam's razor in positive models, or well-founded apprehensions that these goals are unusually difficult to identify, measure, and analyze. Notwithstanding the latter problem, we find that approaches which confine themselves to a view of political actors as narrowly egocentric maximizers explain and predict legislative outcomes poorly. The tracking and dissecting of the determinants of voting on coal strip-mining policy suggest that the economic theory of politics has been prematurely closed to a broader conception of political behavior.

The Inner Circle: Large Corporations and the Rise of Business Political Activity in the U.S. and U.K.

Abstract: This book provides a sophisticated and informative analysis of the 'inner circle' of top American executives who play a leading role in the international corporate network by promoting a political environment favourable to all business.

Political Terrorism: A New Guide to Actors, Authors, Concepts, Data Bases, Theories, and Literature

Abstract: Terrorism and Related Concepts. Definition. Typologies (in collaboration with M. Stohl and P.A. Flemming). Theories. Data and Data Bases on State and Non-State Terrorism (in collaboration with R. Thysse). The Literature of Terrorism. A Bibliography of Political Terrorism (in collaboration with J. Brand and A. van der Poel). World Directory of Terrorist and Other Organization Associated with Guerilla Warfare, Political Violence, and Protest (by A.J. Jongman, in collaboration with A.P. Schmid).

The Procedural Republic and the Unencumbered Self

Abstract: O gLITICAL PHILOSOPHY seems often to reside at a distance from the world. Principles are one thing, politics another, and even our best efforts to "live up" to our ideals typically founder on the gap between theory and practice.' But if political philosophy is unrealizable in one sense, it is unavoidable in another. This is the sense in which philosophy inhabits the world from the start; our practices and institutions are embodiments of theory. To engage in a political practice is already to stand in relation to theory.2 For all our uncertainties about ultimate questions of political philosophy-of justice and value and the nature of the good life-the one thing we know is that we live some answer all the time. In this essay I will try to explore the answer we live now, in contemporary America. What is the political philosophy implicit in our practices and institutions? How does it stand, as philosophy? And how do tensions in the philosophy find expression in our present political condition? It may be objected that it is a mistake to look for a single philosophy, that we live no "answer," only answers. But a plurality of answers is itself a kind of answer. And the political theory that affirms this plurality is the theory I propose to explore.

Processing the News: How People Tame the Information Tide

Abstract: This work assesses the political consequences of news presented to the public and how the public processes the news. Based on monitoring of 16 adults and the news content that reached them, it focuses on the thinking processes that come into play when people cope with political information.

Mirror, Mirror on the Wall... Are the Freer Countries More Pacific?

Abstract: This analysis compares the incidence of war involvement by countries with comparatively more and less political freedom. It examines the proposition that political freedom promotes peace, as suggested by R. J. Rummel, in its monadic form. Its results indicate that this proposition tends to be contradicted or unsupported, if we focus only on monadic relationships, if we refer to wars from a more distant past, if we include wars of an extrasystemic nature (i.e., colonial and imperialist wars) or if we assess political freedom cross-sectionally (i.e., comparing a country's political conditions with those of its contemporaries). On the other hand, it is suggested that this proposition tends to be confirmed, if we focus only on dyadic relationships, if we refer to the more recent past, if we exclude extrasystemic wars, or if we assess political freedom longitudinally for each country (i.e., comparing a country's freedom status in terms of its own present or past political conditions). Thus some of the discrepa...

challenging imperial feminism

Abstract: Our task here is to begin to identify the ways in which a particular tradition, white Eurocentric and Western, has sought to establish itself as the only legitimate feminism in current political practice. We seek to address ourselves in very broad terms, to the theoretical and consequently political limitations of Euro-American feminism and the ways such analyses inform and distort white women's political practice. In challenging such feminist writings we not only look at the ways in which analyses of racism have been significantly lacking from that work but equally importantly we look at the ways in which we as Black women have been made 'visible' in such writings and the terms in which our experiences have been explained. The growth of the Black feminist movement in Britain in the last decade has forced the question of the centrality of Black women's oppression and exploitation onto the political and theoretical agendas. The political energy of Black women who have organized at the grassroots within our communities against the myriad of issues engendered by the racism of the British state has inspired and pointed to the urgent need to challenge many of the theoretical conceptualizations and descriptions of Black and Third World women existing within white feminist literature. Bell Hook's argument (1982) that racism in the women's movement in the USA has acted to exclude the participation of Black women is equally applicable to the British situation:

Animals and Why They Matter

Abstract: "Animals and Why They Matter" examines the barriers that our philosophical traditions have erected between human beings and animals and reveals that the too-often ridiculed subject of animal rights is an issue crucially related to such problems within the human community as racism, sexism, and age discrimination. Mary Midgley's profound and clearly written narrative is a thought-provoking study of the way in which the opposition between reason and emotion has shaped our moral and political ideas and the problems it has raised. Whether considering vegetarianism, women's rights, or the "humanity" of pets, this book goes to the heart of the question of why all animals matter.

The State and Political Theory

Abstract: Martin Carnoy clarifies the important contemporary debate on the social role of an increasingly complex State. He analyzes the most recent recasting of Marxist political theories in continental Europe, the Third World, and the United States; sets the new theories in a context of past thinking about the State; and argues for the existence of a major shift in Marxist views.Originally published in 1984.The Princeton Legacy Library uses the latest print-on-demand technology to again make available previously out-of-print books from the distinguished backlist of Princeton University Press. These paperback editions preserve the original texts of these important books while presenting them in durable paperback editions. The goal of the Princeton Legacy Library is to vastly increase access to the rich scholarly heritage found in the thousands of books published by Princeton University Press since its founding in 1905.

The Making of an Atlantic Ruling Class

Abstract: With The Making of an Atlantic Ruling Class, Kees van der Pijl put class formation at the heart of our understanding of world politics and the global economy. This landmark study dissects one of the most decisive phenomena of the twentieth century - the rise of an Atlantic ruling class of multinational banks and corporations. A new preface by the author evaluates the book's significance in the light of recent political and economic developments.

That Noble Science of Politics: A Study in Nineteenth-Century Intellectual History

Abstract: In this unusual and important work, three well-known historians of ideas examine the diverse forms taken in nineteenth-century Britain by the aspiration to develop what was then known as a 'science of politics'. This aspiration encompassed a more extensive and ambitious range of concerns than is implied by the modern term 'political science': in fact, as this book demonstrates, it remained the overarching category under which many nineteenth-century thinkers grouped their attempts to achieve systematic understanding of man's common life. As a result of both the over-concentration on closed abstract systems of thought and the intrusion of concerns which pervade much writing in the history of political theory and of the social sciences, these attempts have since been neglected or misrepresented. By deliberately avoiding such approaches, this book restores the subject to its centrality in the intellectual life and political culture of nineteenth-century Britain.

Politics, culture, and class in the French Revolution

Abstract: When this book was published in 1984, it reframed the debate on the French Revolution, shifting the discussion from the Revolution's role in wider, extrinsic processes (such as modernization, capitalist development, and the rise of twentieth-century totalitarian regimes) to its central political significance: the discovery of the potential of political action to consciously transform society by molding character, culture, and social relations. In a new preface to this twentieth-anniversary edition, Hunt reconsiders her work in the light of the past twenty years' scholarship.

A discourse on inequality

Abstract: In "A Discourse on Inequality", Rousseau sets out to demonstrate how the growth of civilization corrupts man's natural happiness and freedom by creating artificial inequalities of wealth, power and social privilege. Contending that primitive man was equal to his fellows, Rousseau believed that as societies become more sophisticated, the strongest and most intelligent members of the community gain an unnatural advantage over their weaker brethren, and that constitutions set up to rectify these imbalances through peace and justice in fact do nothing but perpetuate them. Rousseau's political and social arguments in the "Discourse" were a hugely influential denunciation of the social conditions of his time and one of the most revolutionary documents of the eighteenth-century.

The Domestication of Politics: Women and American Political Society, 1780–1920

Abstract: Women's political participation took place in the context of the home, but the important point is that the home was a basis for political action. As Linda K. Kerber and Mary Beth Norton have shown, the political involvement of women through the private sphere took new forms by the beginning of the nineteenth century. Women combined political activity, domesticity, and republican thought through motherhood. Although outside of formal politics, mothering was crucial: by raising civic-minded, virtuous sons, they insured the survival of the republic. Much work on women's political involvement is necessary before we can fully understand the connections between women's activities and American politics. Attention to the interaction between women's political activities and the political system itself can tell us much about the position of women in the nineteenth century. In addition, it can provide a new understanding of the political society in which women worked—and which they helped change.

"Why Not Equal Protection?": Explaining the Politics of Public Social Spending in Britain, 1900-1911 and the United States, 1880s-1920

Abstract: Britain was a pioneer in launching a modern welfare state. Before World War I, it instituted workers’ compensation, old age pensions, health insurance, and the world’s first compulsory system of unemployment insurance. By the end of the nineteenth century, the United States had expanded Civil War pensions into de facto old age and disability pensions for many working- and middle-class Americans. However, during the Progressive Era, as the Civil War generation died off, the United States failed to institute modern pensions and social insurance. Conventional theories of welfare-state development–theories emphasizing industrialization, liberal values, and demands by the organized industrial working class–cannot sufficiently account for these contrasting British and U.S. patterns. Instead, a macropolitical explanation is developed. By the early twentieth century, Britain had a strong civil service and competing, programmatically oriented political parties. Patronage politics had been overcome, and political leaders and social elites were willing to use social spending as a way to appeal to working-class voters. However, the contemporary United States lacked an established civil bureaucracy and was embroiled in the efforts of Progressive reformers to create regulatory agencies and policies free of the “political corruption” of nineteenth-century patronage democracy. Modern social-spending programs were neither governmentally feasible nor politically acceptable at this juncture in U.S. political history.

A Final Promise: The Campaign to Assimilate the Indians, 1880-1920

Abstract: "This is an important book. In the latter nineteenth century, diverse and influential elements in white America combined forces to settle the 'Indian question' through assimilation...The results were the essentially treaty-breaking Dawes Act of 1887, related legislation, and dubious court decisions. Schoolteachers and missionaries were dispatched to the reservations en masse. Eventual 'citizenship' without functional rights was given Native Americans; the Indians lost two-thirds of reservation land as it had existed before the assimilationist campaign...With insight and skill that go well beyond craft, Hoxie has admirably defined issues and motives, placed economic/political/social interaction into cogent perspective, brought numerous Anglo and Indian individuals and organizations to life, and set forth important lessons."-Choice. "This significant study of Indian-white relations during a complex time in national politics deserves close attention."-American Indian Quarterly. "Important and intellectually challenging ...This volume goes far to fill a large gap in the history of United States Indian policy."-Journal of American History. Frederick E.Hoxie is director of the D'Arcy McNickle Center for the History of the American Indian at the Newberry Library. He coedited (with Joan Mark) E. Jane Gay's With the Nez Perces: Alice Fletcher in the Field, 1889-92 (Nebraska 1981).