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Realism

About: Realism is a research topic. Over the lifetime, 10799 publications have been published within this topic receiving 175785 citations.


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Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this paper, the authors focus on empirical realism, which is the view that the things in a given domain exist, and are as they are, quite independently of anyone's thought or experience of them.
Abstract: Realism concerning a given domain of things is the view that the things in that domain exist, and are as they are, quite independently of anyone’s thought or experience of them. The realism which I am concerned with here is empirical realism, that is, realism concerning empirical things, which are the ordinary persisting things presented to us in our perception of the world around us. Empirical realism is thus the doctrine that the tables, tress, people and other animals, which we see, feel, hear, and so on, exist, and are as they are, quite independently of anyone’s thought or experience of them. My question is which account of the nature of perceptual experience is most conducive to this commonsense realist world-view.

38 citations

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this article, totalitarianism and realism: Hans Morgenthau's German years, the authors discuss the relationship between realism and totalitarism in the early 20th century.
Abstract: (1995). Totalitarianism and realism: Hans Morgenthau's German years. Security Studies: Vol. 5, Roots of Realism, pp. 283-313.

38 citations

Journal ArticleDOI
24 Jan 1985-ELH
TL;DR: After Derrida, the modern critic has become, for better or worse, and without the anti-semitism perhaps, a literary Gerontion: "Signs are taken for wonders" as discussed by the authors.
Abstract: After Derrida, one might say, texts no longer speak to us. Like Prufrock before his mermaids, we can hear the "voices" of our literary canon "singing, each to each," but we rarely say they sing to us. To a large extent, the modern critic has become, for better or worse, and without the anti-semitism perhaps, a literary Gerontion: "Signs are taken for wonders. 'We would see a sign!' "1 But it would be superficial to maintain that an alternative exists among already available options. Rather, the detached belatedness that Eliot diagnoses, and the subversion of "human voices" that Derrida effects, are intimately related aspects of a modern consciousness that one does not circumvent simply by adopting different critical methodologies, or by carrying on in a blissfully myopic attention to detail. Indeed, it would appear that the problem of voice-both literary and human-is absolutely central to the whole phenomenon commonly called modernism in Western literature. This is not to imply that, for example, narrative voice is uninteresting or unproblematic in literature before the late nineteenth century: one could easily read Auerbach's Mimesis, not as an account of the representation of reality in Western literature that finds its paragons in nineteenth-century realism, but as an elaboration of narrative voice in the West that finds itself unable to move beyond the nineteenth century with any confidence. Auerbach's belief that the Christian tradition provides the motivating force behind the breakdown or commingling of stylistic conventions would be equally tenable in either reading. When he asks "Is it still 'people' who are speaking here?" at a certain point in his commentary on Woolf's To the Lighthouse, his tentative response is the most telling sign that the text he is examining has already moved outside

38 citations

Book ChapterDOI
01 Jan 2009
TL;DR: In this paper, the authors present a neoclassical realist theory to explain the puzzle of underexpansion and underaggression: the suboptimal reluctance to use force or to build up military power in pursuit of profit or security or both.
Abstract: In chapter 1, Jeffrey Taliaferro, Steven Lobell, and Norrin Ripsman posed three questions about the politics of resource extraction and domestic mobilization in grand strategy: How do states mobilize the resources necessary to pursue their chosen security policies? How much power do domestic actors have to obstruct the state when it seeks to mobilize resources in different settings? Finally, what determines who is more successful in bargaining games between the state and societal groups? In this chapter, I address those questions as they pertain to variations in the ability of great powers to mobilize the resources required to pursue expansionist grand strategies, specifically bids for regional hegemony. I present a neoclassical realist theory to explain the puzzle of under-expansion and under-aggression: the suboptimal reluctance to use force or to build up military power in pursuit of profit or security or both. Neoclassical realism can explain why only certain great powers could make bids for regional hegemony in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. In brief, I make the controversial argument that a particular type of ideology – fascism – enabled the leaders of Nazi Germany (and to a lesser extent Italy and Japan) to extract the resources and mobilize the domestic support necessary to undertake a sustained hegemonic bid. This chapter consists of four sections: the first discusses how and why the puzzle of under-expansion and under-aggression arises.

38 citations

Book
01 Jan 1960

38 citations


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Performance
Metrics
No. of papers in the topic in previous years
YearPapers
2023736
20221,471
2021265
2020314
2019346
2018345