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Showing papers on "Social movement published in 1968"


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this paper, Davies proposed a "rise and drop" hypothesis to explain the origin of revolutiolls and placed this in the more general context of analyzing conditions which produce both social movements and revolutions.
Abstract: James C. Davies proposed a "rise and drop" hypothesis to explain the origin of revolutiolls. The present paper attempts to place this in the more general context of analyzing conditions which produce both social movements and revolutions. Three additional temporal hypotheses ("rising expectations," "relative deprivation," and "downward mobility") and one nontemporal hypothesis ("status inconsistency") are suggested. These five hypotheses are subsumed under the Theory of Cognitive Dissonance. This provides a general social psychological theory of motivation which could account for individual predispositions toward participation in social movements and revolutions. Predictions are made regardinig the direction and initensity of such

108 citations




Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this paper occupational group striving viewed as a social movement is demonstrated as being a significant factor in the development of negative orientations toward impoverished or lower class clients.
Abstract: The efforts of occupational groups to raise their professional status resembles many of the activities of social movements. In this paper occupational group striving viewed as a social movement is demonstrated as being a significant factor in the development of negative orientations toward impoverished or lower class clients. The research centered on investigations of the orientations and behaviors of three occupational groupings within public health-physicians, nurses and sanitarians. The hypothesis that members of highly striving occupational groups would be significantly more negative in their orientations toward the poor or the lower class client was verified.

28 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: Barrow and Barrow as discussed by the authors discuss the question of the existence or non-existence of an "internal revolution" in American society during the American Revolution, and present their own arguments for an "abortive" internal revolution.
Abstract: T-^tHE current historiographical controversies over the American Revolution owe much to Carl Becker. From Becker's day to the present, historians have debated the question of the existence or non-existence of an "internal revolution" in American society. Some historians, following Becker's lead, search for traces of internal social or political turmoil. Others, disagreeing with Becker, stress the continuity of institutions and traditions during the Revolution. At issue is the basic question of just "how revolutionary was the American Revolution," and in the failure of historians to agree on an answer to that question lies the source of controversy. And so the great debate continues.1 *Mr. Barrow is a member of the Department of History, Government, and International Relations, Clark University, Worcester, Massachusetts. 'The major statements of the Becker-Beard approach are well known: Carl L. Becker, The History of Political Parties in the Province of New York, 1760-1776 (Madison, i909); Charles Beard, An Economic Interpretation of the Constitution of the United States (New York, I9I3); J. Franklin Jameson, The American Revolution Considered as a Social Movement (Princeton, I926). Arthur M. Schlesinger's interpretation is summarized in his article, "The American Revolution Reconsidered," Political Science Quarterly, XXXIV (i919), 6I-78. Jameson's views are re-evaluated in Frederick B. Tolles, "The American Revolution Considered as a Social Movement: A Re-evaluation," American Historical Review, LX (1954-55), I-I2. The Becker-Beard approach is currently carried on most sophisticatedly in the work of Merrill Jensen, particularly in The Articles of Confederation: An Interpretation of the Social-Constitutional History of the American Revolution, 1774-178i (Madison, I948). For an interesting later review of his earlier position by Jensen himself see his article, "Democracy and the American Revolution," Huntington Library Quarterly, XX (0956-57), 32I-34I. Elisha P. Douglass, Rebels and Democrats: The Struggle for Equal Political Rights and Majority Rule During the American Revolution (Chapel Hill, i955), summarizes many of the points of controversy and offers his own arguments for an "abortive" internal revolution. On the other side is Clinton L. Rossiter, Seedtime of the Republic: The Origin of the American Tradition of Political Liberty (New York, I953). See also the treatment of the Revolution in Daniel J. Boorstin, The Genius of American Politics (Chicago, 1953). But the single work which most directly challenges the Becker-Beard approach is Robert E. Brown, Middle-Class Democ-

15 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: The years of colonial rule in Malawi (formerly Nyasaland) were characterised by the imposition of a political and social system whereby a superior European authority attempted to exercise its will over a territory already populated by Africans as mentioned in this paper.
Abstract: The years of colonial rule in Malawi (formerly Nyasaland) were characterised by the imposition of a political and social system whereby a superior European authority attempted to exercise its will over a territory already populated by Africans. This enforced colonial relationship determined the pattern of political change within the Protectorate, so that any variation in the fundamentals of the relationship was bound to have important repercussions on the total colonial situation. From the earliest years of British rule in Malawi, Africans sought to modify or alter the colonial relationship and it is this sort of African sentiment and activity in reaction to alien control and domination that has come to be regarded as manifestations of nationalism not only in colonial Malawi but also in the other ex-colonial territories of Africa. Thomas Hodgkin, for example, has lumped under the general rubric of ‘nationalism’ “any organisation or group that explicitly asserts the rights, claims and aspirations of a given African society (from the level of the language-group to that of ‘Pan-Africa’) in opposition to European authority, whatever its institutional form and objectives”. Others, however, although appreciating the deep roots of nationalism have tended to confine the use of the term to the post-1945 period with its emergence of nation-wide movements seeking self-government and independence. They have argued that to include every social movement of protest against alien rule as a part of nationalism obscures the political meaning of the concept, blurs the important distinctions that can be made among African responses to the colonial situation, and makes comparative analysis difficult.

12 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: The first secretary-treasurer of the Pacific Northwest Political Science Association (PWNPA) was elected in 1948 and served three years from 1948 through 1950, and later vice president in 1954-55 as discussed by the authors.
Abstract: MAY I BEGIN by thanking you for the honor you have done me in electing me to the presidency of the Pacific Northwest Political Science Association. I am especially gratified because in truth this office constitutes the final achievement of my political ambitions and the culmination of my political career. Can it be that all political scientists are frustrated politicians at heart? Perhaps I have just been overstimulated by the presidential politicking that is under way this year. Yet with all our knowledge of politics, campaign strategy, and voting behavior, I must confess that I have no idea how I got elected. Applying election analysis to my experience tells me nothing. Since I came to this region from the mid-West twenty-one years ago, I am first of all a carpetbagger. I was elected the first secretary-treasurer of the Association, serving three years from 1948 through 1950, and later vice president in 1954-55. Then pass thirteen years before I am summoned to office again. Does this make me wheel-horse or dark-horse? Modesty forbids me to explore charisma here; but I certainly have no demonstrated ability as a quick vote-getter. Still and all, General de Gaulle also was kept waiting in the wings for thirteen long years. Perhaps the fact that I went to Europe last Spring was taken as a sign of my imminent availability. But actually I was elected before I could return, which may suggest the trip abroad is not so important as presidential hopefuls think. I was notified of my election in Rome, where I was much affected by the atmosphere of this ancient center of political authority, and where so many men before have seized the levers of power. I would like to find some significance in that, but it seems to have been only simple coincidence. That same day I also visited the Vatican, and while I was in St. Peter's, Pope Paul made an appearance and gave us all his blessing. Surely another auspicious sign! Yet I come today to the end of my term of office without having penetrated any of the mysteries. Perhaps we must draw upon the Poet for an answer:

10 citations



Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: However, the presence of the Black Muslims and other such groups reveals that, as with any social movement, there is no unanimity as to either ends or means as mentioned in this paper, which raises a crucial question: What kinds of Negroes accept or participate in what kinds of changes?
Abstract: The current social ferment among Negroes in the United States is reflected in a wide variety of goals and strategies. The predominant objective seems to be the attainment of neither more nor less than the economic and social opportunities which are available to the average white citizen. However, the presence of the Black Muslims and other such groups reveals that, as with any social movement, there is no unanimity as to either ends or means. This raises a crucial question: What kinds of Negroes accept or participate in what kinds of changes?

3 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
L. J. Macfarlane1
TL;DR: The problem of political obligation arises at the point where opposition and dissent can no longer be contained within the limits permitted by any political system as mentioned in this paper, where men are prepared to defy the law and the authorities, rather than live under them.
Abstract: INTRODUCTION THE problem of political obligation arises at the point where opposition and dissent can no longer be contained within the limits permitted by any political system. It is an expression of dissatisfaction with existing rulers and policies which is felt so deeply that men are prepared to defy the law and the authorities, rather than live under them. The rejection may come from one man or the great mass of the community; it may be directed against some well-defined specific act of authority, against the authority itself or against the whole social system the authority upholds; it may be based on principles of social morality which have near-universal acceptance or on what most would regard as mere quirks of opinion. The analyst of such attitudes finds himself caught up in a whole range of problems concerning the validity of moral judgments and the language of obligation on the one hand,l and on the other, problems in assessing the facts and the consequences of each particular issue that arises. Since all issues of political obligation are value-loaded to the hilt, those who seek to interpret them cannot help but commit their own values and conceptions. Political animals cannot avoid making fallible judgments on inadequate evidence, for the only alternatives are the political postures and gestures opposite to the ostrich, the chameleon, the parrot or the ant. One way of approaching issues of obligation is to see how they arise and the form they take under different political systems. The political system under which people live determines not only the laws they are required to obey, but the means available for expressing dissent and exerting pressure to change rules and policies. At a deeper level the system, both directly and indirectly, conditions people’s attitudes towards the concept of obedience itself. For the purpose of my analysis here I have chosen three political systems (colonialism, Communism and Western democracy), which are sufficiently well defined to enable the issues of obedience to be outlined and contrasted. By way of introduction to this discussion of current complex political systems I have briefly outlined the form which the problem of 1 I have discussed these aspects in ‘Justifying Political Obedience’, Ethics, October 1968.

2 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
01 Jan 1968


Journal ArticleDOI
01 Nov 1968

Journal ArticleDOI
01 Apr 1968

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: The young educated elites of the developing countries are generally characterized by a growing sense of "performance-orientation" and an increasing degree of involvement in politics as mentioned in this paper, and a preoccupation with authority and its role in development, a general lack of patience for political mediation and the subordination of political means to economic goals.
Abstract: Modernization has a special appeal for youth in its projection of rapid socio-economic changes and the image of a modern societal structure as an obtainable goal. Education is identified as an intrinsic part of the modernization process, through which social mobility and the achievement of political power are envisaged. The young educated elites of the developing countries are generally characterized by a growing sense of “performance-orientation” and an increasing degree of involvement in politics. Preoccupation with ideological concerns is still common among university students. Young people educated in technological fields tend to be more task oriented but often insecure due to the lack of clearly defined social status. General attitudinal patterns suggest a preoccupation with authority and its role in development, a general lack of patience for political mediation, and the subordination of political means to economic goals.