Showing papers on "Social movement published in 1973"

Social and Political Movements

Abstract: The use of the word "movement" to refer to social and political phenomena first appeared in English in the early nineteenth century. The large-scale social changes and new forms of human distress that came with early industrialism were accom­ panied by a semantic reevaluation of such terms as "capitalism," "ideology," "masses," "culture," "revolutionary," and many more (Williams 44, pp. 16-17). "Movement" came to be used to describe group responses to the social and cultural . crises produced by the conditions of factory labor and urban life during the indus­ trial revolution. There were, of course, recognizable movements in preindustrial societies. The archetypal movements in Western cultural tradition are the great Biblical ones: the movement of the Jews out of Egypt, led by Moses, and their return to the Promised Land; and the spread of early Christianity. These ancient movements have provided persistent paradigms for movements in the West and have been made available to other cultural traditions by Christian missionaries and European colonialism, by the expansion of Islam, and by the diaspora of the Jews. Thus, many of the recurrent features of movements-patterns of prophecy and eschatology-have a common cultural origin. These constant features, however, are imbedded in a wide variety of unique ideological formulations. Each ideology expresses the unique situation of a people whose life has been unalterably changed, makes this change intelligible, and prescribes action appropriate to the changed world.

Patterns of Belief In Social Movements: Clarifications from an Analysis of Environmental Groups

Abstract: Several explanations of social movements rest on the assumption that participants are bonded together by a commonly-held set of beliefs differentiating them from non-participants. This is especially true of Smelser's theory of collective behavior and its central concept, the generalized belief. Components of the generalized belief are examined in light of recent studies of groups within the environmental movement; results disclose significant heterogeneity, especially regarding responsibility for environmental problems and visions of solutions. Data from a total census of a focal group within one urban environmental coalition are presented and the distribution of beliefs across its structure described. The degree of homogeneity of beliefs decreases with movement from the center to the periphery of the group. These analyses suggest that collective action by social movement organizations results from emergent internal processes and structures rather than initial consensus among movement participants.

A Comparative Analysis of Propositions Describing Social Movement Organizations

Abstract: Natural history, observational, and interview data from a study of two anti-pornography crusades and the social movement organizations which created and directed them are used to assess nine propos...

Social Structure and Social Movements: The Black Muslims in the U. S. A. and the Ras-Tafarians in Jamaica

Abstract: This paper examines, by exegetical analysis, two contemporary social movements occurring in two different social structures. It seeks to throw light on the sociological categories of protest and discontent, and the relationship between these and social structural variables such as status situation. The Ras-Tafarians in Jamaica and the Black Muslims in the U.S.A. both openly reject their society. Adherents to these movements have created their own unique Weltanschauung, namely, a projection into semi-secular kingdoms: for the Ras-Tafarians Ethiopia is heaven, Haile Selassie is God; for the Muslims Allah is supreme, Islam is the black homeland. Deliverance from defined socio-economic deprivation will come not from a transcendental Christ, but from Allah and RasTafari. How real are these hopes? It is concluded that both movements achieve some measure of adjustment to their unfavourable lifesituations but that sociology must spell out that that which possesses Muslims and Ras-Tafarians is not a demon but the social system of which they are a part. Sociology can employ dynamic concepts to construct theories capable of predicting conditional outcomes of the conflicts which are built into social systems and which the rebels kick against. The outcome lies in this world. As social systems undergo change, the established truths of religious and intellectual authority are thrown open to doubt and question. Both sacred and secular relativism will tend to break down the traditional pattern and will create large areas of anxiety and uncertainty. A situation such as this provides an opportunity for some groups of actors to offer certainty instead of doubt-a certainty based on * G. Llewellyn Watson B.A. M.A. PH.D. Assistant Professor of Sociology, University of Prince Edward Island, Charlottetown, P.E.I., Canada 188 This content downloaded from 157.55.39.179 on Tue, 12 Apr 2016 10:39:11 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms G. Llewellyn Watson Social structure and social movements alternative sets of beliefs and usually derived from a transcending source of authority. Such an opportunity is the one taken by the Ras-Tafarian (Rasta) movement in Jamaica, a politico-religious protest movement which draws its membership from among the dispossessed and the disprivileged of Jamaican lower classes,' and by the Black Muslims in the U.S.A., whose membership consists of young, activist, disprivileged lower-class Afro-Americans.2 Both movements fit current definitions of social movement, and especially so if a social movement is conceptually defined as a social collectivity and treated as a group rather than as a process.3 Definitional precision of social movements remains problematic, primarily because of the diversity of social collectivities which seemingly qualify for this title, collectivities ranging on a wide continuum, in terms of action-output from peaceful bargaining in the market place to open violence and revolution. A synthesis of varied definitions available would seem to suggest that whatever model of social movement is selected, its basic characteristic is that of a collective enterprise, or effort, designed to correct, supplement, overthrow, or in some fashion influence the social order. By these quite general criteria, then, both the Ras-Tafarians and the Black Muslims constitute social movements-movements which, nevertheless, bear strong elements of millenarianism and other-worldly orientation. Let us take a closer look at these highly interesting social

The Watch Tower movement in south central Africa, 1908-1945

Abstract: The Watch Tower movement was a millennial social movement which was popular in Nyasaland, Southern and Northern Rhodesia, and the Belgian Congo, and in parts of the countries bordering these territories, between the two world wars. It derived its doctrine initially from the writings of Charles Russell, the founder of one of the largest sects of the twentieth century, the Jehovah's Witnesses. The African Watch Tower however was largely independent of the Jehovah's Witnesses, although this body attempted to establish its control in central Africa, and its ideology and organisation changed and developed in accordance with local conditions. While some similarities in the conditions of rapid urbanisation which surrounded the origins of the Jehovah's Witnesses in America, and the Watch Tower in Africa, may be discerned, its political and historical role was a very different one. Spread by labour migrants moving between employment centres and from the village to the urban compound, the Watch Tower contributed to the new forms of association which enabled workers to protest against their conditions of employment, and assisted in spreading a pan-Africanist consciousness which was a significant current in the development of anti-colonial nationalism. It was not only an urban movement, but also selectively influenced the countryside, where external factors and the nature of local social organisations were favourable. It spread rapidly, in a wide variety of forms, and with little formality regarding who was or was not a member, but retained a central core of ideas and an organisational structure, which allows the movement to be treated as a unity. Continued in thesis ... .

Organizational and Political Transformation of a Social Movement: A Study of the 30th of May Movement in Curacao

Abstract: There is considerable variation among social movements in the degree to which they are organized and Integrated. Usually, however, integration and coordination are problematsic for social movements as they tend to be marked by considerable dissensus. As Rillian has noted: "Many movements are comprised of diverse segments, each with its own structure, loosely united only by their allegiance to the central, explicit values and by the tendancy of outsiders to view them as parts of a single who1e." In many cases, there is no overall formal organlzation or structure which wields such diverse elements together. In fact, the interaction between the various components of a social movement is often characterized by conflict. There are points in the life history of some social movements, however, when the disintegrative tendencies are cancelled out, or are temporarily neutralized. Such periods are characterized by a growing consensus among the various components of a movement regarding such matters as goals and tactics, and a heightened sense of in-group consciousness. Under these circumstances, greater coordination and integration may emerge among the diverse segments of a movement, thus enabling it to have a profound affect upon its environment. In this paper, we will present a case study of a movement, more specifically the labor movement in Curacao, Netherlands Antilles, which underwent such a transformation beginning in May, 1969, hence the designation of this transformation as the "May Movement." Prior to this period, the labor movement in Curacao was highly fragmented, lacking the basis for sustained coordinated action. Among other things, the dissensus within the movement involved ideological and political considerations. The transformation of the labor movement assured several forms, the most dramatic being a riot during which there was loss of life and many injuries, and mlllions of dollars in property damage. In the discussion to follow, we will describe and offer an explanation for the various forms the transformation of the labor movement took beginning in May, 1969. Also, we will more briefly consider some of the consequences that the transformation of the labor movement had for its environment.

Marxist Theory in Search of America

Abstract: Marxist theory has, to this day, not been able to inspire a large social movement in America. On the contrary, left-wing groups, during the infrequent occasions when they have thrived, have done so precisely when they were least committed to Marxism. The heyday of socialism came at a time when it most nearly resembled the major American political parties in its hospitality to all shades of left-wing opinion. The Communist Party gained influence in direct proportion as it abandoned Marx for Jefferson and Lincoln and proclaimed Marxism to be twentieth-century Americanism.

Social Mind and Political Order

Abstract: When Socrates considered the foundations upon which to build his state in Plato's Republic, the first and most fundamental principle he laid down was that "no individual is self-sufficing."' Other political philosophers have also traced the origin of government to the fact that humans depend on each other for their existence and well-being. For example, Locke noted that the long period of helpless infancy in humans requires at least a rudimentary sort of social organization. Infants and children must be nurtured much longer than the young of any other animal. Thus, even in the most primitive case, there must be some sort of family organization.2 It should not be necessary to belabor the simple point that individual man owes much that he enjoys to social circumstances. Even Robinson Crusoe could talk, and he spoke the language of the social group in which he grew up. He also had other settled habits that had been socially acquired. For example, he knew that he found Friday on Friday. That any day should be a Friday is a social heritage. George Herbert Mead pointed out that not only do individuals depend on society, but the mind of the individual is constructed by his social reactions. Mead identified and described in detail the complex social interactions without which no individual organism would develop language or intelligence or mind, or would be worthy even of being called a human being.3 Mind, intelligence, and selfhood are results of social interaction. A newborn infant may have the potentialities of mind, but if these potentialities are not developed and realized through social interaction during the first few years of infancy and childhood, the organism remains retarded and malfunctioning throughout its life. Mead develops a highly technical terminology, but for the purposes of this

The Political Theory of Extra-Parliamentarism

Abstract: Cet article se definit volontairement comme engage, en partant a la recherche de la theorie politique de l'extraparlementarisme. Son auteur propose a la fois une critique radicale de la theorie bourgeoise de la representation et une analyse de l'extraparlementarisme qui la situe dans une tradition revolutionnaire qui date au moins de la revolution francaise.La premiere section de l'article a donc un caractere historique, et critique le role anti-democratique que les institutions parlementaires ont joue dans les theories politiques de Hobbes, Locke, Montesquieu, Diderot, Madison, et John Stuart Mill. La deuxieme section, par contre, analyse surtout les theories marxistes et anarchistes du 19e et de debut du 20e siecle, et trouve dans les deux une conception de pouvoir ouvrier et non-parlementaire. Cependant, l'auteur fait une distinction entre la theorie anti-parlementaire des anarchistes et extra-parlementaire des marxistes.Dans les troisiene et quatrieme sections de l'article, l'auteur se penche sur les mouvements etudiants des annees 1960 en France et en Allemagne de l'Ouest. Il essaie de delimiter les principes fondamentaux des mouvements etudiants et de montrer une certaine continuite entre leurs themes et ceux des theories anterieures.Enfin, dans la derniere section de l'article, l'auteur resume certains points forts et faibles de l'extraparlementarisme et essaie d'analyser son importance pour l'avenir.

Social Movement Transformation and Pre‐movement Factor‐effect: a Preliminary Inquiry

Abstract: A source of social movement transformation which has been relatively neglected by researchers involves the effect of factors in the pre-movement environment which reemerge sporadically throughout the careers of social movements Their reemergence may account for the direction of the transformation process and, specifically, for the differential transformations which characterize some movements at various points in their careers A case study illustrating this effect is presented, followed by a more general consideration of when this phenomenon may be expected to occur and what movement-related factors facilitate its effects THE effect of factors in the pre-movement environment as a source of social movement transformation has been relatively neglected by researchers In this area, the search for explanations is usually centered within the general framework of movement-environment interaction' That is, an assumption appears to be operative, that the source of relevant data for analysis of the transformation process rests in what happens after the movement comes into existence There is, obviously, no question that the structure of the movement itself and its interaction with the environment is important to an understanding of transformation Rather, the contention here is that this is not the only source for the transformation phenomenon There is another source, one which rests not within the careers of a movement but in the structure of the environment which existed prior to the movement's development and, specifically, in the interaction patterns between the clients-to-be of the movement and the agentsto-be of what eventually becomes its external environment A distinction needs to be made here Obviously, what may be called pre-movement factors stimulate or cause the development of the movement Further, at least some may provide impetus for the continuance of the movement throughout its career This is, however, but one meaning of pre-movement factor-effect The second meaning involves pre-movement factors which, while possibly part of the original impetus to movement development, enter a period of latency followed by a period during which they emerge as important considerations in analyses of the transformation process This kind of pre-movement factor-effect is then occasional, sporadic, or intermittent in its influence on movement careers Because it does not represent a constant, because it is not continually present, its period of latency may be mistaken for the end of its influence Hence, when researchers Reprints of this article may be obtained by writing to Harold A Nelson, School of Public

Instrumentality and Community in the Process of Urbanization

Abstract: Comparative empirical evidence is presented to show the basic instrumentality of low-income urban dwellers to the existential circumstances they face. In Latin America, urban dwellers have seemingly internalised the urban/industrial values of capitalist society and, depending on the availability of jobs and other urban resources and facilities, choose the most rewarding strategy for obtaining benefits. Given the general lack of a well-established structure of secondary industry and the particularistic procedures presently most appropriate for getting jobs and other resources, the motives and basis for communal and collective action are lacking. This is seen most clearly in the example of squatting, where short-term collective action does not develop further, once the objectives of the squatters are achieved. Various forms of instrumental action are expressed in a typology based on subjective orientations and objective opportunities. In the light of the evidence cited, discussions of “marginality,”“urban social movements” and “restructuring of community” are misplaced.

Homosexuality as a social movement: First reports from the barricades

Abstract: The new militant homosexual movement had predecessors in Germany and England, as well as less militant forerunners in the United States. From this social movement, five works of participants and activists are examined. All are self‐serving and hence must be viewed with skepticism, as the ideoloigcal presentation of a viewpoint that is seeking acceptance. Nonetheless, they are a treasurehouse of information. They reflect many psychological difficulties of the participants and the confusion and dissension in the search for the next moves in a disunited movement. These reports range from the perceptive to the mundane; from the historically valuable to the utterly irresponsible.

The relationship between political theory and political practice

Abstract: RECENTLY, some philosophers have shown an increasing concern with issues of current moral and political debate, such as abortion, the morality of war, racism, the obligation to future generations, reform versus revolution, military service, and civil disobedience; and they have sometimes provided moral evaluation and recommendation as well as critical analysis.’ In both respects, this is a significant shift of interest. For the last three or four decades, most political philosophers have not written about such issues, regarding it as ‘moralising’ or ‘ideology’ and not philosophy to do so, but confined themselves to morally neutral clarification of concepts like Justice or Sovereignty.’ So problems of political practice are beginning to be discussed after having been widely shunned. One philosophically important question here is, regardless of whether at any particular time philosophers happen to discuss issues of the day or not, what is the relationship between political theory and political practice? And it is disturbing that the recent upsurge of interest in practical matters has not been accompanied by any thorough examination of its philosophical legitimacy: it has been a silent shift of interest. This article discusses some of the neglected yet philosophically important questions. I interpret the terms of the title as follows. By ‘political theory’ I mean both moral and political philosophy, and ordinary moral and political beliefs; by ‘political practice’ I mean actions in the political sphere; and by ‘relationship’ I mean some kind of logical connection, i.e. a connection which falls within the province of philosophical investigation. This excludes a great many possible questions about theory and p r a ~ t i c e . ~ I raise only two problems. First, is there any logical