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Showing papers on "Social movement published in 1976"


Journal ArticleDOI

161 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: The authors examines "alternative institutions" in a variety of institutional domains as participatory-democratic modes of organizution, and posits structural conditions, both internal to an organization and in its environment, which support or undermine the achievement of its collectivist-democratic ideals.
Abstract: This paper examines “alternative institutions” in a variety of institutional domains as participatory-democratic modes of organizution. Grounded in comparative data, it posits structural conditions, both internal to an organization and in its environment, which support or undermine the achievement of its collectivist-democratic ideals. While the literature on social movement organizations well demonstrates the fragility of democratic systems and their tendency toward oligarchization, goal displacement, and organizational maintenance, this work suggests, in propositional form, conditions which militate against these all-too-common transformation patterns.

73 citations


Book
01 Jan 1976
TL;DR: The sociological approach to understanding social movement mobilization and its relationship to social change has been studied in this article, where the authors examine a number of social movements that have made possible the rights and entitlements we enjoy today and explore contemporary movements that continue to advocate for the expansion of rights.
Abstract: The 8-hour work day. The right for women to vote and run for office. The right for people of color to gain access to equal opportunities. The right for people of different races to eat together, study together, work together, travel together, and love each other. The right for same-sex couples to get married. The right to breathe clean air and drink clean water. Some of the most fundamental rights we enjoy as US citizens were brought about not through formal politics, but by the mobilization of a broad-based mass of concerned and active individuals who protested injustice. In this course we will study the sociological approach to understanding social movement mobilization and its relationship to social change. We will examine a number of social movements that have made possible the rights and entitlements we enjoy today and we will explore contemporary movements that continue to advocate for the expansion of rights.

72 citations


Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: The Society for the Study of Social Problems (SSSP) was originally a social movement that challenged the post World War II leadership of the American Sociological Society (ASS) and took an adversary position in a controversy over the uses of sociology and the merits of different styles of research as mentioned in this paper.
Abstract: The Society for the Study of Social Problems (SSSP) was originally a social movement that challenged the post World War II leadership of the American Sociological Society (ASS) and took an adversary position in a controversy over the uses of sociology and the merits of different styles of research. Yet it later lost its critical ardor and became a “mainstream” organization, primarily of sociologists specializing in the study of social problems. The founding and evolution of SSSP are analyzed in terms of a dilemma faced by many movements. In order to influence nonparticipants, a movement must establish its credibility, but in seeking to do so, it is often constrained by their outlooks and may have to compromise its initial goals. In the case of SSSP, this problem was related to its efforts to legitimate itself within the broader discipline. Such efforts are shown to have blunted the opposition of some early SSSP leaders to the leaders of the American Sociological Society. The discipline's standards, traditions, and rewards are then shown to have influenced SSSP's evolution, with the decline of interdisciplinary ties and changes in Social Problems receiving the most attention.

22 citations



Book
01 Aug 1976

20 citations



Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: A review of the environmental social movement indicates that it may be following a similar path as discussed by the authors, and that significant changes will continue to occur, though with perhaps less fanfare than was true in the past.
Abstract: The study of a broad range of social movements has indicated the continued reoccurrence of a "life-cycle" phenomenon. The movement frequently evolves out of a feeling of frustration and discontent, grows rapidly to a point of institutionalization when its impact on the larger society is greatest, and then enters a period of decline. A review of the environmental social movement indicates that it may be following a similar path. The period of rapid growth and broad popular support has already passed. Nevertheless, it is argued that the movement's impact, and hence its legacy, is already a significant one. Changes in the areas of cultural values, individual life-styles, and legal and legislative actions are reviewed to demonstrate this point. It is also projected that significant changes will continue to occur, though with perhaps less fanfare than was true in the past.

14 citations



Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: Goodman's hierarchical modeling is used to analyze the status inconsistency configuration of 67 active participants in an anti-pornography social movement and 44 persons who actively opposed the movement as mentioned in this paper.
Abstract: Goodman's hierarchical modeling is used to analyze the status inconsistency configuration of 67 active participants in an anti-pornography social movement and 44 persons who actively opposed the mo...

12 citations


01 Apr 1976
TL;DR: The responses to the introduction of nuclear power are examined and the underlying processes interpreted from a sociological viewpoint as discussed by the authors, and the social dynamics of "para-scientific" controversies are reviewed; the nuclear power controversy is viewed from this perspective.
Abstract: The responses to the introduction of nuclear power are examined and the underlying processes interpreted from a sociological viewpoint. The social dynamics of "para-scientific" controversies are reviewed; the nuclear power controversy is viewed from this perspective. Social movements for greater participation in the decision-making process are discussed and the role of the "scientist-activist" is developed. The differing time perspectives emerging in the nuclear controversy are reviewed.

01 Feb 1976
TL;DR: Thomas, George as mentioned in this paper argued that statewide deinstitutionalization of children/s services is a forward or backward social movement, and proposed a forward-backward social movement.
Abstract: Thomas, George Is Statewide Deinstitutionalization of Children/s Services a Forward or Backward Social Movement? Regional Inst. of Social Welfare Research, Athens, Ga. Feb 76 93p. Regional Institute of Social Welfare Research, P.O. Box 152, Athens, Georgia 30601 ($3.50) EDRS PRICE MF-$0.83 HC-$4.67 Plus Postage. DESCRIPTORS Child Advocacy; Community Resources; Exceptional Child Education; Group Living; *Handicapped Children Institutional Environment; *Institutionalized Persons; *Normalization (Handicapped); Placement; Public Policy; Rehabilitation Programs; *Residential Programs; Trend Analysis IDENTIFIERS *Deinstitutionalization

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: The authors pointed out that this focus upon frustrations and deprivations is in opposition to the focus of practical theorists, such as Lenin, Mao Tse-Tung and Saul Alinsky, who have emphasized the ways in which particular social structures make the tasks of resource mobilization more or less diffieult.
Abstract: Many social theorists have pointed to problematic aspects of viewing tile I g60s youth culture as an enduring form of social movement ;2 however these analyses spring largely from the traditional sociological frame that sees the frustration and deprivation of a population leading (more or less) directly to the rise of social movements.3 McCarthy and Zald, in their recent and cogent discussion of resource mobilization and social movement organizations,4 have pointed to the fact that this focus upon frustrations and deprivations is in opposition to the focus of practical theorists (such as Lenin, Mao Tse-Tung and Saul Alinsky), who have emphasized the ways in which particular social structures make the tasks of resource mobilization more or less diffieult.

Journal ArticleDOI
Robert Ross1
TL;DR: In this paper, an analysis of a new specialty in city planning, advocate planning, suggests that social movements are seen to enter a profession through the creation of new specialties or segments.
Abstract: The process model of professions enables the observer to build internal conflict and change into an analysis of a given profession. An analysis of a new specialty in city planning—advocate planning—suggests that this model be extended so that social movements are seen to enter a profession through the creation of new specialties or segments. By showing that the new practitioners of advocacy planning were highly, though variably, influenced by social movement organizations of the 1960s, this paper suggests the outlines of conflict and difference within the new segment itself Based on interviews with 112 advocate planners in ten cities, the study finds the new practitioners to be young and of similar background to those composing the activist youth movements of their times in college and graduate schools. The differences among them, in regard to their orientation to politics and professionalism, are also examined in the light of new developments in the analysis of reform movements.

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: The Strategy of Social Protest as mentioned in this paper, a book about social conflict and social protest, was published by Oberschall and Gamson in 1975. But it was published only in the US.
Abstract: THE STRATEGY OF SOCIAL PROTEST. By William A. Gamson. Homewood, Illinois: The Dorsey Press, 1975; pp. 217. $5.95. SOCIAL CONFLICT AND SOCIAL MOVEMENTS. By Anthony Oberschall. Englewood Cliffs, New Jersey: Prentice‐Hall, Inc., 1973; pp. 371.

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: The purpose of the paper is not to provide yet another history of the first neo-Malthusians, but to use the arguments their activities elicited to gain a better understanding of nineteenth-century working-class culture.
Abstract: A host of social movements which had as their goal the improvement of the living conditions of the working classes emerged in England in the 1820s and 1830s. Owenism and Chartism come first to mind, but historians have recently acknowledged the social significance of a number of less well-known groups that proclaimed the benefits of temperance or mechanics' institutes or phrenology or infidel missions. The birth control movement in its early years has as yet received little attention from the historians of the English working classes. A possible reason is that the opposition of the 'pauper press' to the movement has led later observers to adopt the view that it was simply a middle-class Malthusian crusade which set out to convince the poor that the only escape from poverty lay in individual self-help. In what follows I shall sketch out the general lines of argument advanced by the advocates of birth control and their antagonists in the working-class movement. The purpose of the paper is not to provide yet another history of the first neo-Malthusians, but to use the arguments their activities elicited to gain a better understanding of nineteenth-century working-class culture.


Book
15 May 1976
TL;DR: In this article, the authors deal with the process of radicalization and ultimate unification of the Greek socialist-labor forces and their integration into a clearly defined social movement, focusing on the interplay between domestic and foreign policy.
Abstract: The study deals with the process of radicalization and ultimate unification of the Greek socialist-labor forces and their integration into a clearly defined social movement. The inquiry focuses on the interplay between domestic and foreign policy as it involved the socialist movement in response to the internal crisis precipitated by the upheaval of 1914-1918.

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: The antebellum reformers of the ante-bellum years tended to come from pious middle-class backgrounds, and a number of them began life as missionaries before being drawn into social work as discussed by the authors.
Abstract: Half a century before Jacob Riis and Jane Addams groped for the conscience of the nation with their exposures of urban misery, a few determined citizens were already fighting the long battle to liberate the huddled wretches of the cities. In Boston some of the techniques of the later social agencies were anticipated as early as the 1830s by Joseph Tuckerman's Association of Delegates from the Benevolent Societies, but it was New York City which really pointed the way to the future. In the twenty years before the Civil War a number of bodies were founded in the city which in time became permanent welfare institutions. They were in large part the products of conditions similar to those which produced the scientific philanthropy, Social Gospel, settlement house and other social movements of the late nineteenth century, and, like those movements, they anticipated many of the attitudes of the social workers of the Progressive era. It would be a mistake to press the parallel between ante-bellum reform and social Progressivism too far, but the two phenomena shared some common characteristics. Like many Progressives, the urban reformers of the ante-bellum years tended to come from pious middle-class backgrounds, and a number of them began life as missionaries before being drawn into social work. They were a fact-finding generation, investigating social problems with an unprecedented thoroughness, energetically uncovering evidence and compiling statistics with which to open the eyes of an indifferent public. They were very conscious of the social chasm between the rich and the poor and they did what they could to bridge it.

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: The relationship between the theatre and the Taiping revolution has attracted a great deal of comment and research, both in its own and more recent times as discussed by the authors, and it is a topic worth consideration because the theatre has always represented an important social force in China.
Abstract: The Taiping uprising of the period 1850 to 1866 represented by far the largest social upheaval in Chinese history before our own century. In fact, in his monumental work on the subject, Franz Michael (1966: vii) states that it was "as violent and complete a social revolution against an existing order as was ever attempted; indeed it can serve as a case study of revolution." As befits so important a movement, the Taiping revolution has attracted a great deal of comment and research, both in its own and more recent times.' The present article aims to fill in one lacuna: the relationship between the theatre and the Taipings. It is a topic worth consideration because the theatre has always represented an important social force in China and it was as a social movement that the Taipings were most interesting and significant It will be useful to review the situation of the Chinese theatre in the middle of the nineteenth century especially in the areas affected by the Taiping wars. The aristocratic drama called Kunqit which had been very popular indeed among the educated and official classes, as well as the richer commercial



Journal ArticleDOI
01 Jan 1976
TL;DR: The modern Black Studies movement, in its present form, appeared in the 1960s as an emergent academic field and a self-conscious component part of the larger social and political movement for Black liberation.
Abstract: The modern Black Studies movement, in its present form, appeared in the 1960s as an emergent academic field and a self-conscious component part of the larger social and political movement for Black liberation. In contrast to the 1950s, which had been labeled "the silent generation" by some scholars, the 1960s were times of widespread political unrest and social movements. These currents were enlivened and precipitated by the Black liberation movement in its current stage of struggle for democratic rights, commonly referred to during that period as the "civil rights movement." The Black college campuses were the source of leadership for this movement by young (though not exclusively) activist-intellectuals. The general social climate of self-assertion and political protest released an intellectual ferment that stimulated some Black students and Black scholars in their demand for "Black

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: A fifth purpose of the Society is to give its attention to conditions that facilitate the work of students of social problems as discussed by the authors, including freedom of research, freedom of teaching and freedom of speech.
Abstract: A fifth purpose of the Society is to give its attention to conditions that facilitate the work of students of social problems. Outstanding among these are freedom of research and freedom of teaching. Workers in this field are peculiarly open to attack by representatives of vested interests and of reactionary groups. They need the strong defense that comes from the objectivity and high standards of their research. They require the protection of our traditional American guarantees of freedom of speech and inquiry ...

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: In this article, the authors present an analysis of the birth and growth of the Caisses Populaires, a group of French-Canadians based on the theory of formal organizations.
Abstract: 11 has become commonplace to say that Quebec is the territorial basis of a distinct society within Canada; this French-Canadian society is of course closely interrelated to other components of the country, but its special character is displayed in a number of domains and institutions, political, economic, religious and others (Rioux and Martin, 1964). Among these, one can certainly count the cooperative movement; this movement is heavily developed in Quebec, mainly in the food processing and in the banking sectors. With respect to the latter, half of the assets of the cooperative banking organizations in Canada are to be found in Quebec, almost all of them in what are called Caisses Populaires. Compared with their counterparts in the rest of Canada, the Caisses Populaires are not only relatively larger, they also differ in certain specifics: for one thing they are territorially, as opposed to professionally based, the latter representing one common pattern in the rest of Canada. Also they are quite distinct in their degree of centralization and their financial policies, especially with respect to mortgage loans and shareholding. Our intent here is to present an analysis of the birth and growth of the Caisses Populaires. Contrary to tradition, however, this analysis will not adopt the perspective of social movements, with the usual concepts of norms and values, ideologies, strain and mobilization (Heberle, 1951; Touraine, 1965; Cameron, 1967; Smelser, 1967). It will instead be based on the theory of formal organizations. We will employ what has come to be called an open-system, as opposed to a closed-system approach (Thompson, 1967; Buckley 1967; Katz and Kahn, 1971; Maurer, 1971), with the interpretation of various events occuring within the Caisses Populaires constantly focusing on the relationships between the latter and their environment. Consequently, our analysis will always be turned toward a macro-sociological perspective, which will keep us in the theoretical vicinity of the social movement approach. Given this theoretical orientation, our analysis of a particular organization in Quebec will provide us with an occasion to recapitulate some of the

Journal ArticleDOI
TL;DR: A report on the utilization of social science literature on social movements as a model for organizing and synthesizing research data on peasant movements forms the basis for this article as mentioned in this paper, where the author, who is not a methodologist, uses the term "model" to describe two types of analysis.
Abstract: A report on the utilization of social science literature on social movements as a model for organizing and synthesizing research data on peasant movements forms the basis for this article. The author, who is not a methodologist, uses the term "model" to describe two types of analysis. The first, and most commonly encountered in the literature reviewed, considers model to be a conceptual scheme which helps to account for the multiple factors that give rise to a social movement and affect its development or decline. Models in this sense are often referred to as "accounting schemes." The second, and more formal, way in which the term model is used refers to the end result of building and testing a mathematical model with quantitative data in order to test empirical predictions. A few social scientists have been formulating such models in a preliminary fashion, and at least two (to my limited knowledge) have engaged in preliminary quantitative tests of their models. Additional types of models, such as those used in games theory, bargaining theory, and Marxist theory, fall outside the scope of this article.

Journal ArticleDOI
01 Aug 1976-Scripta
TL;DR: In this paper, the author analyzes Laestadianism from the point of view of a conflict model, where social change is a consequence of how the different groups act and their actions again depend on their social and economic interests.
Abstract: Change constitutes different things for the groups, as the position of one group may improve, but that of another deteriorate. Social change is a consequence of how the different groups act, and their actions again depend on their social and economic interests. In other words, there are groups in society (social classes, professional groups, the agrarian population, industrial workers), which come more or less openly in conflict with each other when looking after their interests. Thus this way of thinking is based on a conflict model. One sees social change as a consequence of people trying to protect their social and economic interests. Viewed this way even religious organizations and movements are involved in protecting the interests of social groups. However, the interesting point in this connection is that religious movements differ from political movements and groups, as the religious movements express the social interests of a group more indirectly than the political movements. The religious movements gather people from similar living conditions, and so to speak, prepare them for political work. They defend and justify the way of living of a group, and thus give ideological material for political groupings. They may also form coalitions with political groups and parties. The author analyzes Laestadianism from this point of view. Before going into the connection between religious dynamics and social change it is necessary to present a few general features of Laestadianism as a religious movement of the peasant population.

Dissertation
01 Jan 1976
TL;DR: In this article, a sociological study of the Oxford Group is presented, focusing on the ideological origins of the group in American revivalism, college evangelism, and missions in the 1890-1918 period and its ideological development from its foundation in the 1920s, through the period of its most vigorous revivalism in the 1930s, to its political involvements of the 1940s and 1950s.
Abstract: The thesis is intended to establish a basis for the sociological study of the Oxford Group. As a historical study, its particular concern is to trace (1) the ideological origins of the Group in American revivalism, college evangelism, and missions in the 1890-1918 period; and (2) the ideological development of the Group itself from its foundation in the 1920s, through the period of its most vigorous revivalism in the 1930s, to its political involvements of the 1940s and 1950s. The thesis seeks to show that previous studies and commentaries on the Oxford Group have lacked an adequate understanding of the ideological motivation of the Oxford Group. In consequence of these misunderstandings, some sociologists have misinterpreted the structure and development of the Group as a social movement. By emphasizing the history of the Group's ideology, this thesis seeks to correct these common misinterpretations. In subsequent sections, the thesis then analyses the social composition of the Group in the 1930s, and seeks to explain its appeal to an educated upper and middle class clientele. Development of the Group's structuee is traced from 1920s to the 1950s and particular attention is paid to itslack of formal organization and its expression of 'non-sectarian' ecumenism. These features are contrasted with the Group's strong internal cohesion and its 'sect-like' enthusiasm.


01 Sep 1976
TL;DR: In this paper, the authors apply Castells' ( 1976c) framework for the study of urban social movements to a movement which successfully countered freeway construction in Brisbane, and apply it to the case of urban planning.
Abstract: planning as activity directed from the political system to ensure a smooth running of the economic system, and he sees urban social movements as comprising practices which initiate change within cities. Of the two, Castells is primarily concerned with elaborating conceptual tools for the empirical analysis of urban social movements, since the historical-materialist perspective he adopts focuses on the ’transformation of social formations’. As a result, actions taken by urban social movements, and consequent urban change, come to form his urban sociology. The aim of this paper is to apply Castells’ ( 1976c) framework for the study of urban social movements to a movement which successfully countered freeway construction in Brisbane. Initially a descriptive analysis is given of the actions and effects associatcd with the movement, but the core of the