Showing papers on "Social movement published in 1977"
TL;DR: In this article, the authors present a set of concepts and related propositions drawn from a resource mobilization perspective, emphasizing the variety and sources of resources; the relationship of social movements to the media, authorities, and other parties; and the interaction among movement organizations.
Abstract: Past analysis of social movements and social movement organizations has normally assumed a close link between the frustrations or grievances of a collectivity of actors and the growth and decline of movement activity. Questioning the theoretical centrality of this assumption directs social movement analysis away from its heavy emphasis upon the social psychology of social movement participants; it can then be more easily integrated with structural theories of social process. This essay presents a set of concepts and related propositions drawn from a resource mobilization perspective. It emphasizes the variety and sources of resources; the relationship of social movements to the media, authorities, and other parties; and the interaction among movement organizations. Propositions are developed to explain social movement activity at several levels of inclusiveness-the social movement sector, the social movement industry, and social movement organization.
5,823 citations
01 Oct 1977
859 citations
TL;DR: The authors analyzed the political process centered around farm worker insurgencies and argued that the factors favored in the classical social movement literature fail to account for either the rise or outcome of insurgency, instead, the important variables pertain to social resources-in their case, sponsorship by established organizations.
Abstract: Drawing on the perspective developed in recent work by Oberschall (1973), Tilly (1975) and Gamson (1975), we analyze the political process centered around farm worker insurgencies. Comparing the experience of two challenges, we argue that the factors favored in the classical social movement literature fail to account for either the rise or outcome of insurgency. Instead, the important variables pertain to social resources-in our case, sponsorship by established organizations. Farm workers themselves are powerless; as an excluded group, their demands tend to be systematically ignored. But powerlessness may be overridden if the national political elite is neutralized and members of the polity contribute resources and attack insurgent targets. To test the argument, entries in the New York Times Annual Index are content coded and statistically analyzed, demonstrating how the political environment surrounding insurgent efforts alternatively contains them or makes them successful.
807 citations
TL;DR: In this paper, two types of leadership styles in social movements are constructed on the basis of closed or open access to the source of legitimacy, and several predictions about structural consequences of the open or closed access are then made.
Abstract: Two types of leadership styles in social movements are constructed on the basis of closed or open access to the source of legitimacy. Several predictions about structural consequences of the open or closed access are then made. The types are applied to four cases: the Nazis, the Manson Family, the Millerites and Women's Liberation. The hypotheses are confirmed.
133 citations
TL;DR: In this article, the authors analyze the anti-rape movement from a theoretical perspective, emphasizing interest-group formation and action and the generation of social problems by social movements, and examine the activities and analyses of anti-rapists in three areas: at the community level, in the legislative arena, and in the judicial sphere.
Abstract: I analyze the anti-rape movement from a theoretical perspective, emphasizing interest-group formation and action and the generation of social problems by social movements. Although a variety of interst groups have expressed increasing concern over forcible rape, thus contributing to its definition as a social problem, the feminist perspective represents the most active and vocal of anti-rape interests. The activities and analyses of anti-rape forces in three areas are examined: at the community level, in the legislative arena, and in the judicial sphere. Although there has been resistance to the feminist challenge of traditional definitions of rape within each arena, much has been accomplished. The process of defining rape as a serious social problem continues.
119 citations
TL;DR: In this article, historical materialist approaches to urban sociology have been proposed for an experimental study of urban social movements, Manuel Castells An application: the study of the urban protest.
Abstract: 1. Introduction: historical materialist approaches to urban sociology Critique of existing urban sociology 2. Is there an urban sociology? Manuel Castells 3. Theory and ideology in urban sociology, Manuel Castells Historical materialist approaches 4. Property development and the economic foundations of the urban question, Francois Lamarche 5. Contribution to a Marxist theory of capitalist urbanization, Jean Lojkine 6. Theoretical propositions for an experimental study of urban social movements, Manuel Castells An application: the study of urban protest 7. The struggle agains urban renewal in the 'Cite d'Aliarte' ( Paris), Jose Olives 8. On the study of urban social movements, C.G. Pickvance
78 citations
TL;DR: In this paper, the authors suggest that bribery is built into the Japanese political system by an analysis of the income and expenses of members of the Japanese Diet, based on a tax and expense analysis.
Abstract: THE JAPANESE SEEM very tolerant of political corruption. After the 1974 revelation of the financial scandal involving exPremier Tanaka, he resigned and paid a small amount of back taxes, but "retained all of the other property and funds-estimated to run into the tens of millions of dollars-that were called into question."' In addition, his faction expanded to become the largest one within the ruling Liberal Democratic Party (LDP). Even after his 1976 arrest for the Lockheed payoff, Tanaka ran for reelection in December 1976 and won by a landslide. Tanaka's predecessor, Premier Sato, was also suspected of a series of scandals, but he held the longest term as Prime Minister in Japanese history. If Tanaka's scandals had not been revealed in the United States, he might have followed in Sato's footsteps. How can this tolerance of corruption be explained? It is not difficult to find hints that financial corruption is built into Japanese politics. Former Premier Kishi has stated that "Politics is money; it is power."2 A political election is like "competition among pickpockets," said Masanosuke Ikeda, a former member of the Diet.3 Former Premier Ikeda advised one of his followers that "Politicians should not earn money; it should be given."4 These statements refer to private, unaccounted for money which is made available extralegally to holders of political power. The suggestions that bribery is built into the Japanese political system are supported by an analysis of the income and expenses of members of the Japanese Diet.
29 citations
TL;DR: The authors presented a couterargument to this assumption, arguing that social movement organizations will inevitably become more ideologically and tactically conservative over time, which is not the case in most existing literature.
Abstract: Most of existing literature assumes that social movement organizations will inevitably become more ideologically and tactically conservative over time. This paper presents a couterargument to this ...
24 citations
Book•
01 Jan 1977
TL;DR: From the starting point of "popular" charity education, the authors traces the dynamic of ideological and social change from the 1790s to the 1830s in terms of attitudes to education and analyzes the range of contemporary opinions on popular education.
Abstract: Originally published 1965. This reprints the 1977 edition which included a new introduction. From the starting point of "popular" charity education, the book traces the dynamic of ideological and social change from the 1790s to the 1830s in terms of attitudes to education and analyzes the range of contemporary opinions on popular education. It also examines some of the channels through which ideas about education were disseminated and became common currency in popular movements.
TL;DR: Boserup et al. as mentioned in this paper showed that changes in economic systems may actually decrease women's participation in economic activities in underdeveloped countries, especially where traditional activities which were in the hands of women come to be replaced by modern male-dominated activities.
Abstract: Because the values associated with sex roles are particularly tenacious, women's emancipation is likely to be one of the last frontiers of any social movement, and thus serves as a crude index of social change. More importantly, a focus on women's role in development reflects a great deal about the internal or invisible workings of a society that underlie the more visible formal structures. Researchers have observed a positive relationship between women's participation in economic activities and higher levels of economic development (Wilensky, 1968), with the result that female labor force participation rates have occasionally been used as indicators of development. In the same way as such linear schemes as Rostow's (1971) "stage theory," these assumptions are based on the "Western'i capitalist model and ignore the crucial relationships with the rest of the world. Recent studies question the belief that economic development enhances the status of women in the work force. Even in the highly-developed U.S. economy, Knudsen (1969:183) demonstrates a "gradual but persistent decline in women's occupational economic and educational achievements, compared to those of men." Changes in economic systems may actually decrease women's participation in economic activities in underdeveloped countries, especially where traditional activities which were in the hands of women come to be replaced by modern male-dominated activities (Boserup, 'The development of many of the ideas in this paper took place during the Social Science Research Council-sponsored Inter-American Training Seminar on "Feminine Perspectives in Social Science Research in Latin America," summer of 1974. I am grateful to all the other participants in the seminar who showed their willingness to exchange ideas, especially to Carmen Diana Deere and Heleieth Saffioti - whose stimulation is most responsible for the ideas expressed in this paper. A special thanks also goes to Charles Wood, who made invaluable suggestions throughout the development of this analysis, and to Harley Browning for first sparking my interest in the labor
TL;DR: An analysis of the distribution of power and of the nature of the state in Western industrialized societies, and their implications in medicine is presented, with many examples and categories drawn from the area of medicine.
Abstract: This three-part article presents an analysis of the distribution of power and of the nature of the state in Western industrialized societies, and details their implications in medicine. Part I pres...
TL;DR: The authors explore what Rudolph Heberle calls "situational causes" to understand why some men or women became active and how they may be distinguished from those who remained undemonstrative or hostile to protest.
Abstract: and ideas of participants to social structure. They should explore what Rudolph Heberle calls "situational causes." In cases of popular protest, social scientists try to discern why some men or women became active and how they may be distinguished from those who remained undemonstrative or hostile to protest. These are necessary goals of historical inquiry, yet historians must first place a movement in its historical context. The search for structural causes is important, but explanatory models must not ignore the influence of immediate causes. The Antimasonic protest of 1826-1827 is a fine example of a social movement's origins being neglected'-in turn distorting Antimasonry's later phases as social movement and third party. The protest, the things protested, and the specific events nourishing the protest must be examined if any explanations of movement or party are to make sense.
TL;DR: In the formulation of any sociological problem, it is preferable to start from certain basic premises and arrive at a logically consistent theoretical framework which would enable a rigorous and comprehensive understand ing of the empirical social reality in terms of the coordinates of space, time and object.
Abstract: In the formulation of any sociological problem it is preferable to start from certain basic premises and arrive at a logically consistent theoretical framework which would enable a rigorous and comprehensive understand ing of the empirical social reality in terms of the coordinates of space, time and object. For a proper study of social movements and social change these premises are :
TL;DR: The Boston Massacre, like later confrontations in the civil rights movement, the student power movement, and the anti-war movement, had a persuasive impact far out of proportion to the objective importance of the incident.
Abstract: The rhetoric of the American Revolution can offer insights not only into the function of persuasion in that monumental social movement, but also into the function of confrontation within agitational movements. The Boston Massacre, like later confrontations in the civil rights movement, the student power movement, and the anti‐war movement, had a persuasive impact far out of proportion to the objective importance of the incident. Because it served as a moral drama, the Boston Massacre helped to define the larger conflict between America and England in terms of good versus evil, liberty versus tyranny. The real significance of the Boston Massacre is not to be found in the riot itself, but in the rhetoric it fostered.
TL;DR: In this article, the authors view social movements as necessary accompaniments of the tension released by structural differentiation and movement manipulation as a tension-management mechanism by specialized role incumbents, and view them as temporary aberrations, essentially pathological, indeed indicative of transient anomies.
Abstract: The tradition of analysing social movements in sociology is enveloped in the study of the processes of social change. For example, the structuralfunctional approach, for which role is the basic unit of analysis, views change in terms of three basic processes—structural differentiation, reintegration and adaptation. According to this sequential model of change, a. movement may appear in any one of the stages depending upon certain system conditions. Thus, emergence of specialized and autonomous units, elaboration of division of labour and intensification of role specialization may release considerable stresses and strains in the system rendering one or another social category socially deprived v/hich in turn may inspire movements. But these movements are viewed as temporary aberrations, essentially pathological, indeed indicative of transient anomies. Movements are thus incapable of effecting long-term and ongoing processes of change because, specialization permits maximum control over the environment by assuming more effective roles and creating more efficient units. In this tradition, then, movements are viewed as necessary accompaniments of the tension released by structural differentiation and movement manipulation as a tension-management mechanism by specialized role incumbents. Since differentiation renders prevalent roles and norms obsolete it is necessary to develop new mechanisms of reintegration, which follows a three phase model. Due to dissatisfaction men no longer perform roles adequately, this is followed by protests by the deprived who organize movements and finally new mechanisms of regulation and coordination such as unions, associations and welfare agencies are created to mobilize resources and commitments. Inevitably a more flexible and specialised system emerges. Thus movements are viewed essentially as adaptive mechanisms in a period
TL;DR: In this article, an attempt is made to analyse the interconnections between class and sexual oppression, and between women's movements and class struggle, in rural India: with class structure, the nature of society, and the development of social movements looked at from the viewpoint of women themselves.
Abstract: Women's major productive role (outside of the home) in agriculture and the crucial part which women play in peasant revolts have been more or less ignored by social scientists. In this paper an attempt is made to analyse the interconnections between class and sexual oppression, and between women's movements and class struggle, in rural India: with class structure, the nature of society, and the development of social movements looked at from the viewpoint of women themselves. With the use of two key concepts, work participation and mode of production, it is argued that in India, increasingly during the last decade, capitalism has developed in the countryside, and that, with the changing social relations of production, there has emerged a mass‐based and militant women's movement, whose objective basis has been the militancy of women of the rural poor. This is illustrated for a variety of Indian states, but especially for the state of Maharashtra.
TL;DR: In this paper, the meshing of a localised landlord/squatter conflict with a state/guerrilla conflict was used to explain why people become involved in social movements in the Cuban revolution.
Abstract: Existing explanations of peasant involvement in the Cuban revolution emphasise such social‐psychological factors as the peasants’ purported ‘land hunger’. An alternative explanation focuses on the meshing of a localised landlord/squatter conflict with a state/guerrilla conflict. The case‐study lends further evidence to the contention that explanations relying on social organisational factors, rather than state of mind factors, are better able to account for why people become involved in social movements.
TL;DR: In this article, an extensive one-man project (Social Trends and Movements in Post-war Sweden) explores structural changes, and relating them to trends and social movements and seeing the development both as a result of naturalistic forces and as a human drama of conscious movements.
Abstract: This paper is part of an extensive one-man project (Social Trends and Movements in Post-war Sweden) exploring structural changes, and relating them to trends and social movements and seeing the development both as a result of naturalistic forces and as a human drama of conscious movements. It is also a personal document from an industrial sociologist with socialist visions, who started research far back in the 40's. It is a shortened and revised version of the original paper presented in a preliminary version at the Polish-Swedish Seminar on Sociology of Work and Social Policy in Warsaw (October 1976), and later introduced at a seminar on Participation, Workers Control, Self Management, Self Govern ment in Dubrovnik, February 1977. The original analyses the structural and political changes in Sweden as a background for understanding changes in industrial relations and is available as a mimeographed research report from the sociological department of Gothenburg. Some of the references in the original paper...
TL;DR: In Monterrey, third city of Mexico, there exists one of the most important urban social movements in the world: the "posesionarios" of the "colonias proletarias" as mentioned in this paper.
Abstract: In Monterrey, third city of Mexico, there exists one of the most important urban social movements in the world: the ‘posesionarios’ of the ‘colonias proletarias’. Quantitatively: they number 100 000 in a city of 1 600 000. Qualitatively: they are ideologically radical, politically conscious and realistic, mostly based on political self-reliance. A short stay within the movement has permitted the author to grasp some non-confidential information that should be disseminated as one of the most interesting experiences of recent urban struggles in Latin America.
TL;DR: Social movements are commonly regarded either as irrational responses to social tension or as rational attempts to introduce social innovations as mentioned in this paper. In the latter case, the aims of the movement are nec...
Abstract: Social movements are commonly regarded either as irrational responses to social tension or as rational attempts to introduce social innovations. In the latter case, the aims of the movement are nec...
01 Jan 1977
TL;DR: In this article, Smallest Space Analysis (SSA) of questionnaire data on participation in Catholic Pentecostalism confirms the empirical distinctness of several modes of behavioral involvement in this contemporary movement.
Abstract: Commitment to social movements is sometimes treated as a homogeneous, uni-dimensional phenomenon. Yet there are good theoretical reasons to expect that there are alternative, empirically distinct behavioral sources of commitment. Smallest Space Analysis (SSA) of questionnaire data on participation in Catholic Pentecostalism confirms the empirical distinctness of several modes of behavioral involvement in this contemporary movement. The SSA solution ordered the indicators of involvement along three dimensions. An interpretation of these dimensions is suggested, which appears to have applicability to a wide variety of social movements. Each dimension seems to reflect a dimension of variation in the behavioral sources of commitment to social movements. Should these dimensions indeed prove to be applicable to other movements, they would be useful for comparative analyses of social movement inuolvement.
TL;DR: In this article, the authors studied the mobilization behavior of voluntary associations in a community to explain why some organizations were successfully recruited into the environmental quality movement and others were not, and the acceptance or rejection of group responsibility for working for the collective good emerged as the most important explanatory factor.
Abstract: The mobilization behavior of voluntary associations in a community was studied to explain why some organizations were successfully recruited into the environmental quality movement and others were not. Analysis of a random sample of 209 community organizations in a midwest urban area showed that approximately half were mobilized into supporting the environmental quality movement. Hypotheses on the effects of goal overlap, organizational resources, and position in the multi-organizational field were tested. The significant factors were the size of the manpower base, the leader's personal mobilization into the environmental quality movement and the allocation of social responsibility among community groups for solving local pollution probems. The last factor—the acceptance or rejection of group responsibility for working for the collective good—emerged as the most important explanatory factor. Thirty-one percent of the variance in the mobilization of organizational interest and 22 percent of the variance in the mobilization of group activity was explained.