Showing papers on "Social movement published in 1987"

Institutional Structure: Constituting State, Society and the Individual

Abstract: PART ONE: THEORETICAL ISSUES Ontology and Rationalization in the Western Cultural Account PART TWO: THE WORLD-POLITY AND STATE STRUCTURE The World-Polity and the Authority of the Nation-State World-Polity Sources of Expanding State Authority and Organization, 1870-1970 Regime Changes and State Power in an Intensifying World-State-System Structural Antecedents and Consequences of Statism PART THREE: CONSTITUTING NATION AND CITIZEN Human Rights or State Expansion? Cross-National Definitions of Constitutional Rights, 1870-1970 Global Patterns of Educational Institutionalization On the Union of States and Schools World-Polity Sources of National Welfare and Land Reform PART FOUR: CONSTRUCTING THE MODERN INDIVIDUAL The Ideology of Childhood and the State Rules Distinguishing Children in National Constitutions, 1870-1970 Self and Life Course Institutionalization and Its Effects The Political Construction of Rape PART FIVE: RATIONALIZATION AND COLLECTIVE ACTION Comparative Social Movements Revivalism, Nation-Building and Institutional Change PART SIX: THE POSSIBILITY OF A GENERAL HISTORICAL THEORY Institutional Analysis

Rethinking Modernism: Minority vs. Majority Theories

Abstract: lW A omen's studies is in many ways a curious academic field. With the exception of ethnic studies, we owe a great deal more than other academic disciplines to social movements off campus. The large exception here, of course, is ethnic studies. Indeed, we owe much of our very existence in academia to the struggles of those who did not have as their goal the creation of a new scholarly field; rather, they were interested in a much more general social transformation. Moreover, many of us in women's studies remain committed to doing academic work-both research and teaching-in ways that are indebted to the politics and organizational forms of the activist women's movement. The issue of the relation of academics to activists is, in consequence, a more critical one for women's studies than for the other academic disciplines in which many of us also take part. What has been the relation of academics and activists? It is not too

Social Movements in an Organizational Society: Collected Essays

Abstract: Introduction Resource Mobilization Theory 1. Resource Mobilization and Social Movements: A Partial Theory The Infrastructure of Movements 2. Pro-Life and Pro-Choice Mobilization: Infrastructure Deficits and New Technologies 3. Religious Groups as Crucibles of Social Movements 4. Organizational Intellectuals and the Criticism of Society Processes of Organizational Change 5. Social Movement Organizations: Growth, Decay, and Change 6. From Evangelism to General Services: The Transformation of the YMCA 7. Social Movement Industries: Competition and Conflict Among SMOs Movements Within Organizations 8. Social Movements in Organizations: Coup d'Etat, Bureaucratic Insurgency, and Mass Movement 9. Aspects of Racial Integration in the Methodist Church: Sources of Resistance to Organizational Policy Movements and Countermovements 10. Movement and Countermovement Interaction: Mobilization, Tactics, and State Involvement 11. From Pressure Group to Social Movement: Efforts to Promote Use of Nuclear Power Social Movement Sectors and the Future 12. The Political Economy of Social Movement Sectors 13. The Future of Social Movements

The Political System

Abstract: This paper argues that openness to goods trade in combination with an unequal distribution of political power has been a major determinant of the comparatively slow development of resourceor land-abundant regions like South America and the Caribbean in the nineteenth century. We develop a two-sector general equilibrium model with a tax-financed public sector, and show that in a feudal society (dominated by landed elites) productivity-enhancing public investments like the provision of schooling are typically lower in an open than in a closed economy. Moreover, we find that, under openness to trade, development is faster in a democratic system. We also endogenize the trade regime and demonstrate that, in political equilibrium, a land-abundant and landowner-dominated economy supports openness to trade. Finally, we discuss empirical evidence which strongly supports our basic hypotheses. JEL Code: F43, H50, N10, N16, O10.

The rise (and sometimes fall) of guerrilla governments in Latin Asmerica

Abstract: Guerrilla governments arise where landlord or central government authority has decayed. In such situations, the guerrillas often establish a new “implicit social contract” with the peasantry, replacing the previous social contract, the abrogation of which has reduced the traditional authorities from legitimate to predatory powers in their relationships with peasants. Guerrillas build up their authority by carrying out three “contractual obligations” of authority: (1) defense of the people from external enemies; (2) maintenance of internal peace and order; and (3) contributions to the material security of the populace, the last by increasing peasant incomes and by providing health services, literacy training, and sometimes land to rural cultivators. As a result of such activities, peasants often come to perceive guerrillas as the new legitimate authorities in the region. Such authority has decayed, however, where the guerrillas in turn fail to fulfill the obligations of the social contract. Loss of authority can appear when guerrillas fail to defend the peasantry against military attackers, or when guerrillas themselves come to employ terror against the rural populace, thus violating the social contract uniting legitimate authorities and their subjects. This paper concludes with a discussion of the relevance of the study of guerrillas to social movement theory.

Changing boundaries of the political : essays on the evolving balance between the state and society, public and private in Europe

Abstract: Acknowledgments Introduction Charles S. Amier Part I. Re-forming the Political: 1. Politics unbound Alessandro Pizzorno 2. Challenging the boundaries of institutional politics: social movements since the 1960s Claus Offe 3. Religious transformation and the future of politics Suzanne Berger 4. The politics of time: changing paradigms of collective time and private time in the modern era Charles S. Maier Part II. Changing Boundaries of Political Activity: 5. Long waves in the development of welfare systems Massimo Paci 6. Family, women, and the state: notes toward a typology of family roles and public intervention Laura Balbo 7. Health care and the boundaries of politics Paul Starr and Ellen Immergut 8. The politics of Wissenschaftspolitik in Weimar Germany: a prelude to the dilemmas of twentieth-century science policy Gerald D. Feldman 9. The survival of the state in European international relations Miles Kahlar Part III. Uncertain Boundaries for Political Economy: 10. Expanding budgets in a stagnating economy: the experience of the 1970s Jan Pen 11. Problems of political economy after the postwar period John H. Goldthorpe Index.

Urban Popular Movements, Identity, and Democratization in Brazil

Abstract: This article addresses the political impact and limits of grass-roots popular movements in Brazil during the past decade. In the second half of the 1970s, as Brazil's military regime promoted a gradual process of political liberalization, grass-roots popular movements burgeoned, generating widespread hopes among the forces that opposed the regime. Nearly a decade after this initial wave of optimism, it has become apparent that the earlier expectations have not been borne out. The author analyzes why this has been the case, and argues that although a wide amalgam of social movements did oppose the military regime and did work toward democratization, their enormous heterogeneity made unity difficult to attain, except for very short times and for very specific conditions. Despite egregious poverty and inequalities, the popular classes have had difficulty creating a political identity based on common interests. Moreover, the state has intentionally pursued a policy of dividing social movements, and political ...

The Global Promise of Social Movements: Explorations at the Edge of Time

Abstract: A focus on social movements with restructuring agendas itself incorporates a political judgment on how drastic global reform can best be achieved at this stage of history. Implicit in this judgment is the view that conventional party politics, even in functioning democracies, have lost their restructuring capabilities, and further, that violent forms of revolutionary politics are not likely to enhance the overall realization of world order values. In this regard, the new social movements seem at present to embody our best hopes for challenging established and oppressive political, economic, and cultural arrangements at levels of social complexity, from the interpersonal to the international. One feature of these social movements is to connect practices in everyday life with the most general aspirations of politics, including global restructuring. Thus, when Solidarity or Charter 77 leaders call for trust and integrity as operative principles for relations among citizens confronted by authoritarian governments, their call if heeded has itself transformative reverberations at all levels of political life. Or, when inquiry is directed toward overcoming abuse in interpersonal settings (male/female; parent/ child; teacher/student), a political engagement arises that alters the perception of the character of abuse in the public sphere of politics. The new social movements, and the theorizing that accompanies their emergence and evolution, change our understanding of “the political” and “the global.” By bringing “peace and justice” into our intimate relations we pose a revolutionary challenge which itself is a subversive threat to all modes of oppression. And contrariwise, by refraining from addressing the oppressive element within ourselves, we cast grave doubts upon any claim to play liberating historical roles by leading movements purportedly dedicated to emancipation in one form or another. Both by enlarging our sense of “the political” and by insisting that everyday practices are an element of “the global,” the new social movements are dramatically altering our sense of what the pursuit of a just world order entails in a variety of concrete situations.

Accumulation, regulation, and social change: an essay on French political economy

Abstract: Over the last ten years, what can be called the "regulation approach" has become one of the most important paradigms in French political economy. Although not yet a unified approach, it nevertheless provides a set of recurrent concepts, and, more important, a common understanding of the process of capitalist development. Almost every topic within the realm of political economy-inflation, growth and economic crises, the role of the state, wage

Protest Movements and the Construction of Risk

Abstract: Public disputes between established authorities and interest groups over the development, deployment and use of a broad variety of technologies have become common and often dramatic events in Western society.

Mobilizing Weak Support for Social Movements: The Role of Grievance, Efficacy, and Cost

Abstract: While most studies concentrate on relatively high levels of commitment to social movements, pervasive weak support has received less attention Ballot initiatives are one of a class of tactics which translate latent support into concrete influence Because they are "low cost" mobilizations for individual supporters, such initiatives can minimize free riding, and are ideal for exploring weak support A social psychological analysis complementary to resource mobilization theory reveals the impact and interactions of voters' social definitions, along with background factors Levels of grievance, cost, and efficacy, along with demographic and political variables predict support for a recent nuclear free zone campaign Social movements rise or fall not just on the deeds of organizations and activists, but also on the strength of a mass base While most of the social movement literature concentrates on actors at relatively high levels of commitment, that is, those who contribute time or money to a social movement organization (SMO), less intense support within the constituency is more pervasive and potentially as important This paper argues that attending to the margins of social movements, to those whose attachment to movements is weak, broadens our understanding of how movements survive and grow Weak, widespread, or "low cost" support can be a key factor in the ability of groups to enter the political arena, and to achieve goals within it Movements nearly always face the problem of "political capital formation" This problem has two key elements: representation and resources

Fields of action: Structure in movements' tactical repertoires

Abstract: The structure of choice among available tactics is a key to understanding the roles of individuals and organizations within a social movement. This paper proposes a method for operationalizing the notion of repertoires of collective action. Using data from a case study of a recent disarmament campaign, it models the tactical field faced by activists. An analysis of the dimensions of this field and the clusters of tactics within it suggests how individuals organized their options and how they understood the distinctive features of an innovative course of action. Such field models can illuminate ideological and organizational differentiation, as well as cooperation and competition within movements.

Beyond revolution : a new theory of social movements

Abstract: Preface Introduction by Stanley Aronowitz The Guises of Social Movements Relative Deprivation and Resource Mobilization The Reproduction of Social Privilege The Intensification of Conflict The Reinterpretation of Social Reality Disalienation Social Movements versus Political Violence and Mobilization Thematic Recapitulation Index

Religious Broadcasting and the Mobilization of the New Christian Right

Abstract: Evangelical religious broadcasters are amassing a power base which has the potential of changing American society in ways that are revolutionary in character. This address seeks to shed light on how this has happened. The argument which will be pursued can be succinctly summarized as follows: First, the charismatic leaders of religious broadcasting are the principle actors in a social movement of monumental importance in the late twentieth century. Second, the ideological origins of this social movement are deeply grounded in the long held view of America as a "New Israel," a land providentially endowed by God with a special mission in world history. Third, the organization resources and managerial techniques of moder televangelism grew out of nineteenth century urban revivalism and they are now being applied to fuel a social movement. Fourth, by stereotyping fundamentalism as a backwater anti-intellectual reaction to the modern world, scholars and the mass media alike have seriously misunderstood the complexity, diversity, and strength of evangelical faith in America Fifth, the collapse of the liberal vision now provides the opportunity for evangelical Christians to reassert their influence and reshape American culture. Pursuit of this argument requires some minimal conceptual framework. I begin with a brief critique of secularization theory. This critique is necessary because secularization, the dominant social science theory of modern societies, offers a model of change which renders religion incapable of mustering sufficient strength to have revolutionary consequences in the modern world. The critique of secularization theory is followed by a piesentation of a few key concepts from the resource mobilization theory of social movements. Here I also offer a brief delineation of how my own work departs from the work of others who are utilizing this approach.1

The struggle for equality : urban women workers in pre-state Israeli society

Abstract: The object of this study is to clarify why and how it happened that women remained marginal in the processes of social change that took place during the development of Israeli society Bernstein examines the role played by continuous unemployment, by the predominance of construction work, and by the dependence on the World Zionist Organization and the Mandate authorities She also shows how the individual and collective achievements of women shaped the means for future achievements and how their failure impeded further efforts The author demonstrates that their failure to change the status of women did not stem from any sort of biological imperative, nor from some inevitable trend of social movements towards conservatism, but rather from the power relations between the women who aspired to change and those who opposed it The aspiration for change was real and ran deep, but its advocates were few and weak, while its adversaries--and the apathetic-- were numerous and strong And, the struggle took place under economic conditions that would have made significant change difficult even if the balance of power had been more favorable Finally, the author demonstrates how the movement for innovation and change lost its impetus, and conservative elements won

Establishing shelters for battered women: Local manifestations of a social movement

Abstract: This paper analyzes how decentralized social movements manifest themselves on the local level, by studying twenty-five social movement organizations within the battered women's movement. Data consist of in-depth interviews with group members, the study focuses on six issues faced by the groups: how they recognized the need in their communities for alternative services for battered women; how they enlisted community support; how they defined themselves in terms of feminism and the participation of men, how they developed a working relationship with the battered women whom they wanted to help; how they structured their organizations; and how they established goals and strategies. Since the groups were at different stages of development, a dynamic analysis is made of each issue. Groups dealt with the issues on the basis of local resources, values, and other conditions. The movement's structure allowed this independence, which strengthened each group's ability to mobilize resources and accomplish goals. However, it also resulted in local decisions that were often inconsistent with movement goals and weakened the ability of movement leaders to control strategy.

Ideology and Learning in Soviet Third World Policy

Abstract: SINCE World War II, Soviet policy in the Third World has gone through regular, frequent cycles, marked by different emphases in the choice of foreign policy targets and by different expectations about the nature and magnitude of the gain to be had from foreign policy initiatives. Stalin was generally disinterested in global competition in regions that were assumed to be dominated by the “imperialist” camp; he tended (with some exceptions) to deny support to nationalist regimes and radical social movements alike. Khrushchev's break-out into the Third World in the 1950's focused on nationalist regimes (India, Indonesia, Ghana, etc.) as well as radical social movements (“national liberation movements”); it was based on the expectation that, in the near future, there would be a large number of socialist states in the Third World, and that they would become allies of the socialist camp against the imperialist camp.

Old and new politics: The Dutch peace movement and the traditional political organizations

Abstract: . On the basis of data on the Dutch peace movement, we study the relationship between traditional organizations of political intermediation such as parties, unions and churches with a new social movement on the local level. After having argued for the relevance of the institutional context, the general structure of new social movements and the particular structure of the movement under consideration with regard to this relationship, we first present evidence confirming our claims that we are dealing with new social movement. Then we show that the relationships in question are quite elaborate confirming the hypothesis that political activity within traditional organizations and new social movements is to some extent cumulative. More generally, the results imply that the development of the peace movement and other new social movements in the Netherlands is not indicating a diminishing legitimacy of the Dutch political parties.

The Knowledge Interests of the Environmental Movement and its Potential for Influencing the Development of Science

Abstract: Analysis of the link between public interest and the production of scientific knowledge has received increasing attention over the past decades. There are a wide range of studies which document how different social groups have influenced the development of science and, vice versa, how society at large has been affected by the development of science. Concern with this relationship has come both from science policy, analysts and from researchers in the sociology of science. That science and technology can possibly have negative effects on society is a relatively new idea which is perhaps best symbolized by the destructive potential of the atom bomb and of nuclear weapons in general. Such negative effects of scientific knowledge production have made more people aware of the necessity of aligning scientific and technical developments with general social needs. However, the idea of broadening discussions about the specific goals of knowledge production and attempting to influence the development of scientific knowledge through social and political means has not always been openly embraced by professional scientists. Scientists, often motivated by a fear of losing their professional autonomy, frequently try to shield their research from “outside” influence.

Schooling and Radicalisation: life histories of New Zealand feminist teachers

Abstract: This paper overviews part of a wider study of feminist teachers, born and educated in New Zealand in the years immediately following World War Two. The method used is life history analysis, which explores ‘biography, history and social structure’. The first part discusses the post‐war educational context through analysing contradictions in curriculum policies and expectations for girls’ education and exploring the relevance of these to the resurgence of feminism as a mass social movement amongst ‘educated’ women of the time. The second part presents two case studies of the school experiences of two New Zealand women who have, as adults, become educators and come to identify themselves as feminists. The focus of the case studies is on the strategies those women developed to deal with the contradictions in their lives and to trace the beginnings of their political radicalisation.

The Response of the British and American Women’s Movements to Violence Against Women

Abstract: In charting the discovery of the problem of wife abuse, the building of a social movement, and the formulation of responses in Great Britain and the USA, it is only possible in this chapter to touch upon some of the most important events and issues within the larger struggle for change. In both countries, the battered women’s (BW) movement emerged from the broader women’s movement and has formed a significant part of it since the early 1970s. The accomplishments of the BW movements during the last decade involved numerous crucial struggles over the recognition of the problem, recognition and legitimation of grass-roots activists, definitions of causes and solutions and construction of pragmatic and direct ways of working within these movements as well as with outside agencies. It is important to stress that the achievements have been gained through continuous struggle and confrontations, although this chapter will concentrate more on the outcome than the process by which it was achieved.